[Illustration: SHIP GLIDE OF SALEM
From a water-color painted at Marseilles in 1823 by Anton Roux, Jr.]
WRECKED
AMONG CANNIBALS
IN THE FIJIS
_A NARRATIVE OF
SHIPWRECK & ADVENTURE
IN THE SOUTH SEAS_
BY
WILLIAM ENDICOTT
Third Mate of the Ship _Glide_
_with Notes by_
LAWRENCE WATERS JENKINS
Assistant-Director of the Peabody Museum
of Salem
[Illustration]
MARINE RESEARCH SOCIETY
SALEM, MASSACHUSETTS
1923
PUBLICATION NUMBER THREE
OF THE
MARINE RESEARCH SOCIETY
SALEM, MASS.
COPYRIGHT, 1923, BY
THE MARINE RESEARCH SOCIETY
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES
THE SOUTHWORTH PRESS
PORTLAND, MAINE
CONTENTS
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 5
INTRODUCTION 7
WILLIAM ENDICOTT’S NARRATIVE 15
A CANNIBAL FEAST AT THE FIJI ISLANDS 55
VOCABULARY OF THE FIJI ISLANDS 71
VOCABULARY OF WALLIS ISLAND 75
LIST OF OFFICERS AND CREW ON THE SHIP _GLIDE_ 76
ILLUSTRATIONS
SHIP GLIDE OF SALEM _Frontispiece_
From a water-color painted at Marseilles in 1823 by
Anton Roux, Jr.
WILLIAM ENDICOTT 15
From a photograph made about 1860.
FIJIAN MEN 20
From a photograph made in 1898.
SHIP ANN ALEXANDER OF NEW BEDFORD 29
From a water-color in the possession of the Old
Dartmouth Historical Society, New Bedford.
FIJI WAR CLUBS 34
Presented to the East India Marine Society of Salem
between 1823 and 1834. Now in the Peabody Museum of
Salem.
FIJIAN HOUSE 40
From a photograph made in 1898.
MODEL OF A FIJI DOUBLE CANOE 44
Brought to the United States in 1856 by Capt. Thomas
C. Dunn, while on the bark _Dragon_ of Salem. Now in
the Peabody Museum of Salem.
SHIP CHINCHILLA OF NEW YORK 50
“Scrimshawed” on a whale’s tooth. Presented to the
East India Marine Society of Salem in 1825, by Capt.
William Osgood. Now in the Peabody Museum of Salem.
A SHOAL OF SPERM WHALE OFF THE ISLAND OF HAWAII IN 1833 52
From an engraving by J. Hill after a painting by
T. Birch. The picture shows the famous Roach (Rotch)
whaling fleet,--the _Enterprise_, _Wm. Roach_,
_Pocahontas_ and _Houqua_, all from Nantucket.
FIJIAN WOMEN 56
Wearing “maiden locks” indicating that they are
unmarried.
TOOTH OF A FIJIAN CANNIBAL 66
Presented to the Essex Institute in 1851 by Capt.
John H. Eagleston who stated that it was “A tooth from
Na Massa Ngaloa, the greatest cannibal that ever lived,
head chief of Rewa, Fiji Islands. Twenty years since
conquered most of the islands in the archipelago; since
died aged about sixty years. Eleven years ago became
Christian--baptised Ratu Mill.” Now in the Peabody
Museum of Salem.
MODEL OF A BURE OR FIJI TEMPLE 66
Such models were presented to the temples as
offerings. Given to the East India Marine Society of
Salem, by Capt. Joseph Winn, Jr., in 1835. Now in the
Peabody Museum of Salem.
OBJECTS FROM FIJI 68
Presented to the East India Marine Society of Salem
and The Essex Institute between 1831 and 1860. Now in
the Peabody Museum of Salem.
INTRODUCTION
A hundred years ago the young men and boys living in New England
seacoast towns could easily find in the forecastles of locally built
ships, an opportunity to gratify a desire for adventure and a sight
of foreign lands. Many of their shipmates would be neighbors or come
from nearby towns and all who intended to follow the sea looked forward
with anticipation and pride to the day when they might be able to ship
as an officer or be given the command of a vessel. It was no unusual
thing at that time for officers and captains to be under twenty years
of age and the ship and the sea then possessed a romance and a lure not
to be found in the present-day age of steam. The following narrative
describes in matter-of-fact language, the experiences of one of these
twenty-year old lads who shipped out of Salem, Massachusetts, as third
officer in a fine ship bound for the South Seas.
The ship _Glide_, of 306 tons burden, was built in Salem in 1811 for
Joseph Peabody and Samuel Tucker and made thirteen voyages to the
Mediterranean, Archangel, South America, India and the East Indies.
In 1829 she was sent on a trading voyage to the South Seas under the
command of Capt. Henry Archer. Most of her crew were young men and some
were green hands. After doubling the Cape of Good Hope a course was
set for New Zealand where fresh provisions, wood and water were taken
aboard. At that time it was possible to obtain for a small piece of
tobacco or some trading article of trifling cost, finely carved and
ornamented war-spears and canoe paddles and curiously figured shawls
made from the native flax,--articles now highly valued by museums and
collectors. While there the ship was visited by Pomare, the principal
chief in that part of the island, who brought with him his favorite
wife. He was a fine-looking man wearing a blanket fastened over his
right shoulder and his face and thighs were tattooed in graceful
scrolls. She was handsome for a New Zealander, wore a blanket fastened
over her left shoulder and her lips and chin were tattooed.
After a voyage of 142 days from Salem, the _Glide_ reached Narai,
one of the Fijis, where fresh provisions were taken aboard. A common
musket worth only two or three dollars could be traded for a dozen
large hogs and a pair of scissors or a jackknife was valued at a bunch
of plantains or forty cocoanuts. When it came to exchanging trading
goods for the native labor necessary to obtain the beche-le-mer--the
principal article of trade in the islands--a common chisel made by
the blacksmith on board from old hoop iron could be bartered for a
day’s labor. To earn a chisel the islander must leave his hut early
in the morning, sail fifteen or twenty miles to the reef and then
work knee-deep in the water for six or eight hours gathering the
beche-le-mer, a species of sea snail; after which he must carry his
spoil to the ship--and all for a barrel-hoop chisel! The trading goods
most esteemed in the Fijis at that time were iron tools, knives,
scissors, whale’s teeth, beads and trinkets, but especially muskets,
pistols and ammunition.
The place selected for trade was reached about the middle of October,
1829, and after negotiating with the local chief, his people were
employed in building three houses,--a “batter house,” a hundred feet
long, thirty wide and twenty high, where the beche-le-mer were dried
and cured after boiling; a “pot house,” open on all sides, in which
the forty-gallon pots were placed to boil the sea snails; and a “trade
house,” a building about fifteen feet long, ten wide and eight high, in
which trading goods brought in the ship were stored and so made easily
available for barter.
The beche-le-mer when found on the reefs are about eight inches long
and three inches thick. They are of a dark brown color, have a rough
skin which is thickly covered with slime, and are easily taken.
Exposure to the air has little effect upon them. After having been
purchased by the trading master they are placed in a shallow pool made
near the shore where the sea-water flows in at high tide and here the
snails are cleaned of slime and then taken to the pot house and boiled
about forty minutes. After drying they become hard and are then sent
aboard the ship, packed in matting bags and stowed away. When properly
cured beche-le-mer will remain in good condition for several years. It
requires the Chinese palate to wholly appreciate the peculiar delicacy
of its flavor when cooked and served as a table dainty and it was to
the Chinese market in Manilla that the _Glide’s_ cargo was taken and
sold.
As the natives were a warlike race and the different tribes were
constantly engaged in fighting, the dozen men who remained on shore in
charge of the trading house and the curing of the beche-le-mer, went
fully armed. The _Glide_, also, presented a warlike appearance. Heavy
cannon loaded with cannister and grape-shot appeared at every port-hole
and on deck and below weapons were placed so that they were available
at an instant’s notice. In each top there was a chest of arms and
ammunition and “boarding nettings, eight or ten feet wide, were triced
up around the ship by tackles and shipping lines suspended from the
extremities of the lower yardarms.”[1] This seemed very necessary as
nearly two thousand natives were employed in gathering and curing the
beche-le-mer to complete the cargoes of the _Glide_ and the _Quill_,
a brig hailing from Salem, that came in not long after the _Glide_
reached Miambooa Bay.
Severe storms at times prevail in the Fijis and twice the _Glide_
narrowly escaped shipwreck. On the evening of March 21, 1831, a
hard gale came up unexpectedly and all night the shrill voice of
the leadsman called at intervals, “She drags! She drags!” The next
morning at about eleven o’clock, after having dragged her anchors
for a distance of nearly eight miles, the ship drove on a shore-reef
projecting from the island of Vanua Levu and soon became a total
wreck. In the following pages, William Endicott, the third officer
of the _Glide_, describes the events of the voyage and gives an
interesting account of the natives among whom he lived for several
months; supplying also a short vocabulary of their language.
William Endicott, who wrote this narrative, was the son of Israel and
Betsey (Rea) Endicott of Danvers, Mass., and was born there July 7,
1809. He came of a family of sailors and shipmasters and at the age of
fifteen went to sea for a voyage to the west coast of South America, in
the ship _China_, Capt. Hiram Putnam. There the ship was loaded with
copper and the voyage home made by way of Manilla, China and Calcutta.
It was during the homeward passage through the South Seas that Endicott
learned of the trade in beche-le-mer. The first officer of the ship was
Henry Archer, Jr., a Salem man, and on reaching home he proposed to
Joseph Peabody, the great Salem shipowner and merchant, that a voyage
be made to the South Seas to obtain beche-le-mer to be traded for
Chinese goods. The venture promised large profits and Archer was given
command of the ship _Glide_ and he shipped young Endicott as his third
mate. This was Endicott’s last voyage to sea and on reaching home he
engaged in the morocco leather business and in 1861 was commissioned an
inspector in the Salem Custom House. He died Sept. 25, 1881, in Danvers.
The journal of the voyage to the Fijis, kept by him, was given to
the Peabody Museum of Salem by his children and is now printed for
the first time by the kind permission of the Museum authorities
who have also supplied valuable material to illustrate the volume.
Accompanying the journal was a log book, kept during the voyage, from
which additional information has been abstracted and is included among
the footnotes. Mr. Israel O. Endicott, a son of William Endicott, has
obligingly furnished biographical information. Thanks are also due to
Mr. Charles C. Willoughby, Director of the Peabody Museum of Archæology
and Ethnology, Cambridge, Mr. Perry Walton, Boston, The Essex Institute
and Mr. Henry W. Wright, Salem, for assistance in illustrating the book.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] See _Wreck of the Glide_, Boston, 1846.
WILLIAM ENDICOTT’S NARRATIVE
[Illustration: WILLIAM ENDICOTT
From a photograph made about 1860.]
WILLIAM ENDICOTT’S NARRATIVE
On May 21st, 1829, I went on board the ship _Glide_, then lying in
Salem harbour, having engaged to perform a voyage in her to the South
Pacific Ocean for the purpose of procuring a cargo of beche-le-mer,
tortoise shell and sandalwood. At meridian, all hands being on board,
we got underweigh with a moderate east wind, and stood out to sea with
all sail set. At 5 P. M. we were obliged to anchor outside the harbour
where we lay until the following day at 11 A. M. when we weighed again
and succeeded in getting to sea. We shaped our course for the Cape de
Verde Islands in order to be sufficiently to the eastward where we
expected to meet the South East trades, and soon lost sight of the
American shores.
Nothing of importance occurred on the passage till the 15th of June,
when we saw one of the Cape de Verdes. We passed it and steered to
the southward till the 1st of July when we first met the South East
trade wind. We continued to steer to the southward, by the wind,
until we reached the latitude of 32° south, when the wind becoming
more variable, enabled us to proceed more directly on our course; to
double the Cape of Good Hope, proceed to the eastward and touch at New
Zealand, as was determined by the Captain, and to endeavour to procure
some fresh stock. After arriving into the latitude of 40° south, we
experienced a succession of gales and blowing weather, which lasted
with but little cessation until the 31st of August, when we saw Van
Diemens Land,[2] from whence we steered direct for the northern part of
New Zealand.
The wind and weather proved favourable and on the 14th of Sept. we
saw the island of New Zealand and on the 17th anchored in the Bay of
Islands,[3] 117 days from Salem, with one man sick.
We found in this place three English whale ships[4] and one merchant
brig.[5] The natives, although engaged in wars and fighting with
themselves and being exceedingly fierce and savage, treated us very
well and sold us hogs and vegetables in great plenty for muskets,
powder, tools, cloth and tobacco. We generally were well pleased with
them excepting the strong propensity they had to steal.
The English Mission has a large establishment in this place guarded by
a fort, and have succeeded tolerably well in informing the natives and
in particular in putting a stop to the horrid practice of eating the
dead bodies of their enemies.[6]
We purchased six of the natives from one of the Chiefs, who we intended
to employ in procuring our cargo; and after getting a supply of fresh
stock, wood and water, we sailed from this port and steered to the
north west intending to touch at the Tonga Islands before we went among
the Fegeis, in order to lay in a good supply of vegetables and hogs
which are in greater plenty at the Tonga Islands than at New Zealand.
After leaving the land we found the weather boisterous for a few days
until we reached the south east trades when it proved mild and pleasant
and on the 6th of October, we saw one of the group called Friendly
Islands[7] by Capt. Cook and Tonga by the natives. We ran in near to
the shore when the natives came off in great numbers in their canoes
bringing great quantities of cocoanuts, yams, plantains, hogs and
fowls, besides different kinds of fruit, which they readily sold for
cloth, beads, etc. As we had plenty of trade which we brought from the
United States for the purpose we soon purchased a sufficiency of fresh
stock and vegetables.
The natives were of a copper complexion and were of very handsome
features and appeared very friendly to us and well pleased with our
trade. They were nearly naked having only a small covering over the
middle and a few small ornaments round their necks and in the ears.
On the 8th, having purchased a sufficient quantity of stock, we left
the Islands and steered for the Fegee Islands,[8] our destined port,
where we expected to procure our cargo and where we should be obliged
to stop some months.
These are a cluster of islands situated in the Pacific Ocean between
the latitudes of 15° and 18° south and the longitudes of 178° and 180°
east and very much resemble the West Indies, being very fertile and
producing nearly all the fruits and vegetables found at those islands
and being situated between the Tropics, the climate is much the same.
Mountains of considerable size are to be found among them though they
would be generally considered as low islands. They are surrounded by
coral reefs and shoals of sand which renders navigation extremely
dangerous though they serve to protect many harbours and bays from
the sea. Although situated in the immediate vicinity of the S. E.
trade wind, the wind does not prevail at any particular point, but is
generally very variable and subject to frequent changes.
These islands are inhabited by a race of people who differ very much
from the other uncivilized nations in the South Pacific Ocean, in
customs, language and particularly their complexion which is much
darker and approaches very near to the Negroes. In stature they are
larger than most Europeans and like other Indians are very straight and
well built and it is not uncommon to see persons of elegant figure.[9]
They are extremely fierce and savage, frequently at war[10] with each
other and are addicted to the horrid practice of eating their enemies
when killed in battle.[11]
On the 10th of October, 1829, we arrived among the group and passed
Turtle Island,[12] the southernmost of the cluster, steering to the
northward intending to anchor in Miamboo Bay, which lay about 100
miles distant, where we expected to commence trading for our cargo.
We continued sailing through the passages between the islands (which
by reason of the imperfection of our chart, and the islands being
improperly surveyed, was rendered extremely dangerous and difficult),
until the 18th of the month, when we started from an island (under the
lee of which we had to lay by through the night, it being too difficult
to proceed till daylight) and steered for the passage through a very
large reef of coral.
[Illustration: FIJIAN MEN
From a photograph made in 1898.]
At 11 A. M. we found our ship safe through the reef but in a very
dangerous situation being surrounded by sunken rocks and shoals.
We continued sailing for the Bay which was about 40 miles distant,
avoiding the rocks as soon as they could be seen, until 1.30 P. M. when
a rock was seen directly ahead of the ship. Every effort was made to
avoid the danger but it proved of no avail and she immediately struck
on her larboard bow about 12 miles from the Bay. We lay’d the sails
aback and she went off when we sounded the pumps and found she leak’d
1400 strokes per hour.
After getting clear of the rocks we anchored with the stream and sent
the boat well arm’d to examine the Bay. The boat returned in the
evening and at daylight we proceeded to get the anchor up but found it
impossible without great danger to the ship. Accordingly the cable was
cut and at meridian we arrived in Miamboo Bay, Oct. 19th, 1829, Civil
Account.[13]
On examining the leak we found the keel split badly and the ship
injured so much as it would become necessary to repair her before we
could prosecute our voyage, but we found no place where we could heave
her down or haul her on shore with safety. Having understood from the
natives that there was another vessel at a place 90 miles distant,
called Bow,[14] we dispatched a boat to procure assistance and also
any information that would be of service to us in our unfortunate
situation.
Meanwhile we proceeded to stop the leak, as well as circumstances would
permit, until the 20th, when to our great joy we discovered a sail
standing for the Bay. At 5 P. M. she anchored and proved to be the brig
_Quill_[15] of Salem, Capt. J. Kinsman, from the Island of Bow. They
informed us of the danger of our boat from the natives when another
boat was immediately dispatched in charge of the first officer[16] of
the _Quill_, to find the other boat. Oct. 23rd, both boats arrived safe.
Finding it impossible to repair the ship on the shore it was determined
to construct a raft from the ship’s spars and the lumber in the ship
and to heave the ship down in the Bay, to the raft, Capt. Kinsman
kindly offering us his assistance and protection from the natives.
Got underweigh on October 22nd and anchored near to the brig where we
commenced transhipping our cargo, stores, provisions, etc., on board
of the brig. After this was accomplish’d we proceeded to strip the
ship and construct the raft with the spars, etc. We had an interview
with the principal Chief of the Island, on Oct. 25th, and purchased
some cocoanut trees of him for our raft by means of which, on the 1st
of November, we completed it to our satisfaction. After securing and
preparing the ship we attempted to heave her down but found no rope
in either vessel of sufficient strength. The next day, however, we
succeeded in making a rope and hove the ship keel out and found the
stem started over to starboard, the wood-ends started considerably, the
keel split, etc.
As it was impossible to right the stem in our present circumstances, it
was determined to secure it as it was by means of iron clamps, which
the armourers of both vessels proceeded to make on board of the brig,
and to stop the leak as much as possible with wedges, sheathing and tar.
On Nov. 9th, 1829, we received a visit from Capt. Maurice of the brig
_Morliana_ of Woaho,[17] lying about 60 miles distance.
On the 19th of November, after much trouble and after surmounting many
difficulties we succeeded in finishing the repairs and when we righted
the ship, found we had stopped the leak. We also found that two of
our New Zealanders had run away from us and gone to live with the
Fegee natives. In the meantime the brig _Quill_ had commenced curing
beche-le-mer.
By the 24th we had succeeded in getting all our cargo, provisions,
ballast, etc., on board and commenced rigging the ship. The Captain
then contracted with one of the principal Chiefs to build three houses
on shore for the purpose of curing beche-le-mer at a place called
Sub-a-Sub, and on the 9th of December, the first and third officers,
with 10 men, went on shore, the houses having been completed, and
commenced purchasing beche-le-mer of the natives.
The beche-le-mer[18] is a sort of animal found on the sandy reefs,
which very much resembles a leech or blood-sucker in shape, but is
much larger. They are supposed to get their sustenance from the slime,
which collects on the reefs and shoals so numerous among these islands.
The natives obtain them by going onto the reefs when the tide is low,
collecting them in baskets made for the purpose from the leaves of the
cocoanut tree. They brought them on to the beach near to our house
where we purchased them. We then carried the fish into the pot-house
and boiled them; then into the drying-house where they were dried by
means of fire. When they are considered as cured they are much reduced
in size and very hard, but when stowed in the ship they soon become
more soft and very much resemble India rubber.
We employed great numbers of the natives, frequently upwards of 80
canoes averaging 10 men each, besides great numbers on shore procuring
wood (of which we used great quantities) and assisting us in curing
the cargo. The principal articles of trade were muskets, ammunition,
whales’ teeth, iron tools, beads and ornaments. Tortoise shell and
sandalwood we also purchased of the natives. The turtles they catch
with large nets made of the fibres of the cocoanut husk in the making
of which they are very expert.
On the 10th of December we got underweigh and ran in towards the shore
near to our fish houses and proceeded to finish rigging the ship and
repairing damages. After three or four days, finding it difficult to
proceed from our unacquaintance with their language, we shipped an
interpreter[19] from the brig _Quill_, also a number of seamen who were
acquainted with the method of curing the fish. We also purchased the
kettle of Capt. Kinsman (ours being too small to make any progress) and
proceeded to purchase the fish of the natives again.
On the 21st the brig _Quill_ sailed for Manilla, having on board about
800 piculs[20] of beche-le-mer, tortoise shell, etc. She returned on
the 23rd, in consequence of a head-wind, but sailed again on the first
of January.
Jan. 11th, 1830, Seth Richardson died on board the ship. He belonged to
Salem and had been complaining nearly all the voyage.
We continued curing beche-le-mer on shore, while those on board were
putting the ship in order and nothing particular occurred until the
30th of January when the natives on shore maliciously set fire to our
houses and destroyed 60 piculs of beche-le-mer, trade, clothes, etc.,
and the men with difficulty got on board the ship, at midnight. The
next morning we discovered they had broken our kettles for the purpose
of getting the wrought iron. We found their principal object in setting
fire to our houses was plunder and we immediately sent for the King[21]
or principal Chief of the Bay. He came on board and informed us that
our houses, being built by an inferior Chief, were more liable to be
troubled by the natives. He advised us to use the houses that were
employed by the brig _Quill_, as he built them himself, and he being
the King of the Island and Bay, the natives would not dare to trouble
them. On the 2nd of February we commenced curing fish in the houses of
the King, the blacksmith having mended the kettles.
On the 10th, as the beche-le-mer began to grow scarce on the reefs, it
was determined on the advice of the King to go to another bay, about
40 miles distant and build new houses and employ the natives in that
place. On February 19th, the launch, in charge of the 1st officer, was
sent round to the Bay with 10 men to prepare for curing the fish and
two days later, having taken on board all the things from the shore, we
got underweigh and stood out of the Bay of Miamboo.
On the 23rd, we arrived safe in the bay called Aloa by the natives,
and found the King with his men had completed the houses and were
all prepared to prosecute the business of purchasing and curing the
beche-le-mer. Here we continued to cure fish without any interruption
till March 23rd, when the interpreter was dispatched about 90 miles to
a place call’d Baratta to purchase hogs, with the Chief of that place.
We found on April 9th that we had upwards of 1000 piculs beche-le-mer,
350 pounds tortoise shell and some sandalwood, so we settled with the
natives and burnt our houses[22] and put the ship in readiness to go
to sea. Four days later the interpreter arrived, bringing 90 hogs, and
informed us that the ship _Clay_,[23] Capt. Millet, of Salem, was at
Bow and had brought letters from our friends which the interpreter
delivered to us.
On April 15th, 1830, we got underweigh and stood out of the bay of
Aloa bound to Manilla. After passing through the inner reef and
thinking ourselves safe at sea, we observed a very large coral reef
with no passage through it and it being near night and the weather
unfavourable, we immediately tacked and endeavoured to gain the harbour
we had left; but finding it impossible, anchored outside, near a small
island[24] with coral reefs and breakers all around us. The wind
increased through the night to a violent gale obliging us to get our
topmast down and pay out all on both cables. It continued to blow very
hard for four days, the ship being in a very dangerous situation with
a large coral reef only two cables length astern. Fortunately, on the
20th, it moderated and we got our masts on end and got underweigh and
on the 22nd arrived safe in Miamboo Bay where we lay till the 25th
waiting for a favourable wind to go to sea.
On the 25th of April, 1830, we again got underweigh and succeeded in
passing out through the passages to sea and steered direct for Manilla.
We had a tolerable passage and in fifty days saw the island of Samar at
the entrance of the Strait of St. Bernadina and passing it proceeded
through the Strait and on the 22nd June anchored in the Bay of Manilla,
off Caviter, about nine miles from the city. We found here one American
ship and a number of English[25] and Spanish vessels. Got underweigh
on June 27th and ran up to the city with the ship for the purpose of
discharging our cargo, which was sold to Chinese merchants as the
beche-le-mer forms an article of food and is eaten by the principal
Chinese.
[Illustration: SHIP ANN ALEXANDER OF NEW BEDFORD
From a water-color in the possession of the Old Dartmouth Historical
Society, New Bedford.]
After having discharged the cargo and taken in a sufficient quantity
of ballast, we shipp’d 8 Manilla sailors and put the ship in order for
another voyage to the Fegees, taking on board some stores, and on the
17th of July we got underweigh and stood out of the Bay, intending
to touch at the Sandwich Islands for the purpose of procuring water
and fresh stock. On the 22nd, having passed through the Strait of St.
Bernadino, we steered to the eastward and soon lost sight of the land.
We had a tedious passage (though the weather was mild and pleasant)
owing to the light winds which prevailed for most of the time. On
the 16th of August we saw the Caroline Islands and on the 18th the
Ladrone Isles. [On the 1st of Sept. spoke the ship “Zeneas Coffin,”[26]
Capt. Joy of Nantucket on a cruise. On the 4th saw a number of whales
and other smaller fish. On the 22nd was boarded by a boat from the
whale-ship “Ann Alexander”[27] of New Bedford, Capt. Howland, on a
cruise. On the 3rd of Oct. spoke ship “Hector,”[28] Capt. Morse, of
New Bedford, cruising for whales.--_From Log Book._] After a passage
of 84 days arrived at the Sandwich Islands, and on the 9th of Oct.
anchored in Mowee Roads.[29] Found in this place one whale-ship[30] and
a number of small schooners.
We immediately commenced getting our water and purchasing goats and
vegetables for the use of the ship’s company. Many of the natives came
on board and appeared very civil. The American Mission appeared to be
in a very flourishing condition. A new church[31] nearly finished we
observed and the missionaries appeared to have succeeded very well in
reforming and civilizing the natives. We found this a most excellent
place for watering and for procuring vegetables and fresh stock, etc.,
which we purchased very, very cheap for iron tools, etc.
On the 15th of October after having taken a sufficient supply of water,
stock, etc., we sailed, steering to the southward, bound to the Fegees.
We experienced fine weather and a regular trade wind and on the 6th
of Novr. saw an island supposed to be Penrhyn’s Island,[32] which the
Captain intended to touch at for the purpose of procuring some grass
for our live stock if possible. At 5 P. M. we were near to the shore
when the natives came off in great numbers and appeared perfectly
savage and fierce, hallowing and shaking their spears.
The Captain had given orders for every man on board to arm himself and
prepare to resist them should they attempt to attack us. We endeavoured
to trade with them and had succeeded in purchasing some cocoanuts when
the Captain, in endeavouring to persuade one of the natives to come
on board, another native fired his spear at the Captain and slightly
wounded him in the neck. He immediately gave orders to fire at them
which was accordingly done and 7 or 8 of the natives were killed.
We immediately fill’d our sails and stood on our course leaving the
natives to bewail the visit of civilized people to their uncivilized
shores.
Passed the Tonga Islands on Novr. 16th and on the 18th saw Turtle
Island, the southernmost of the Fegee Group. We passed through the
passages between the island and on the 24th of Nov. anchored off
Ovalou,[33] an island about 25 miles from Bow, the principal town of
the Fegee Islands, where the King of the whole group resides. Here the
1st Officer and interpreter left the ship for Bow to have an interview
with the King [Tanoa] and on the 26th he came on board in a very large
double canoe with some of his principal warriors and two of his wives.
The Captain purchased some tortoise shell of him and contracted with
him for 2 large houses on an island a short distance from Bow where,
on the 1st Dec., we commenced curing beche-le-mer. The interpreter and
the Manilla men were employed on shore with a number of English sailors
which we hired for the purpose, but finding the beche-le-mer very
scarce and the natives not well disposed towards us it was determined
to remove from this place and endeavour to find some better place for
procuring a second cargo.
Before we could get away a violent gale came on from the northward,
on the 16th of Dec. and as our ship lay in an open roadstead, her
situation became dangerous and beginning to drift and the reefs but
a short distance astern, we let go both of our lower anchors and got
our top-gall-masts down. The gale increased to such violence that our
chain cable soon parted and the stream,[34] being the only anchor we
had left on board, was immediately let go. That in a short time parted
also and the ship drifted within a cable length of the breakers,
the sea running very high at the time. Our sheet cable still held on
and the gale moderating considerable we rode out the gale until the
next morning when the cable parted and we drove on to the reef before
sail could be made on the ship. Fortunately for us the wind shifting
suddenly and blowing off shore we were able to clear the rocks without
doing the ship any injury.
We made all sail and after passing out to sea through the reefs we
steered over towards the island of Somer-Some,[35] intending to
purchase of the natives the cables and anchors of the brig _Fawn_[36]
lately shipwrecked there, as we were wholly destitute of cables or
anchors and it would be impossible to prosecute the voyage without a
new supply.
Arriving at Somer-Some, on the 19th Dec. we succeeded in procuring 3
anchors and 2 chain cables which formerly belonged to the brig _Fawn_
and also some rigging, and proceeded towards the island of Ovalou again
to procure our anchors if possible and get our things from the shore.
On the 25th we anchored in the same place where we lost the anchors,
but found it impossible to regain them so the boat was sent on shore to
procure stocks for the anchors we had on board. The next day, while
the carpenter was employed in cutting the anchor stocks and the men
were guarding him from the natives, whom we were suspicious of from
their appearance, they rushed down from the mountains and attacked our
men who immediately fled to the boat and succeeded in reaching it,
excepting two men belonging to Salem, Edmund Knight[37] and Joshua B.
Derby, whom the natives killed with their clubs, the latter having
previously shot the Chief of the tribe. They took the muskets and
stripped the dead bodies of our unfortunate men, those in the boat not
being able to prevent them. Hearing the tumult in the ship, another
boat was dispatched, armed completely, and succeeded in getting the
bodies which we buried on shore. We soon learned the natives intended
to attack the ship and immediately got our things on board and prepared
the ship for sea. We got underweigh on the 29th Dec. and stood out
through the reefs to sea and steered towards Miamboo Bay, where we
anchored on the 31st and the 1st and 3rd officers landed for the
purpose of passing over the mountains to Aloa Bay, to contract with the
King (our friend of the former voyage) while the ship proceeded round
to the Bay.
[Illustration: FIJIAN WAR CLUBS
1. Collected by Capt. Benjamin Vanderford in 1823
2, 3, 4. Collected by Capt. Charles Millett in 1832
5. Collected by Capt. William H. Brown in 1834
Now in the Peabody Museum of Salem]
On the 1st Jan., 1831, the ship arrived in Aloa Bay and anchored near
the place where our houses were building, the officers having
contracted with the Chief. On the 13th, the house being completed,
we commenced curing beche-le-mer. The 1st officer, interpreter and
ten men stayed on shore and the rest of the ship’s company commenced
repairing the rigging which was found to be in a very bad condition.
The head of our main-mast was rotted nearly off and after much trouble
and delay a tree was found of sufficient size for a fish,[38] which was
purchased of the natives. On the 27th we completed our mast and having
refitted the rigging as well as circumstances would permit we prepared
to receive our cargo, hoping to be able to prosecute our voyage without
more delay which from a succession of misfortunes and accidents had
been long protracted and was rendered extremely tedious and thus far
unprofitable.
But we found our troubles were far from being at an end for on the 29th
we found our principal house on fire which was burnt together with 100
piculs of beche-le-mer, some trade, etc. Another delay was unavoidable,
but with the assistance of the King and other Chiefs, another house was
soon completed and on the 4th of February we commenced fishing again.
We continued to cure beche-le-mer until the 13th with but little
success, when the natives attempted to burn our houses again and
appeared disposed to attack the men on shore if an opportunity offered.
The Chiefs also seemed disposed to countenance their tribes in their
designs. We immediately manned and armed the boats and sent them on
shore for the protection of our property and the men. In the morning,
a slight attack was made by the natives on our people, but they were
defeated without any loss on our side. As we killed a number of them
and they perceived the superiority of our muskets over their weapons,
they retreated into the woods. We got our things on board without any
molestation from the natives and immediately put the ship in readiness
for sea.
Finding it impossible to procure a cargo in this place we burnt the
houses and got underweigh and stood out of the bay intending to proceed
to Mutt-Water,[39] a town and bay on the north end of the island, where
we arrived on the 17th and anchored near the shore about a musket-shot
distance from the principal chief’s town. We immediately had an
interview with the Chief and agreed with him to furnish houses for the
purpose of curing beche-le-mer, the Chiefs agreeing to furnish canoes
and men to man them, the 2nd Chief of the place, who was much loved
and respected by the natives, agreeing to stay on board the ship, as a
hostage for our men and property on shore. By the 21st of February the
house was completed and we commenced purchasing and curing beche-le-mer.
We continued curing the fish and nothing particular occurred until
the 22nd March, 1831, by which time we had procured about 500 piculs
of beche-le-mer and 300 pounds of tortoise shell. An accident then
befell us which not only ruined our voyage but by which we lost all our
property and were cast on the mercy of savages whose fierceness and
ferocity are not equalled on the South Seas.
Our ship lay in a channel between a small island and the north end of
the island of Tackanova[40] on which was the town and our beche-le-mer
establishment at a short distance from the ship. The 1st officer, three
of the crew, the Manilla men and several English sailors, whom we
employed, were on shore curing beche-le-mer, when an _excessive hard
gale_ came on from E. S. E. about 8 P. M. on the 21st. At ten, all
hands were call’d and the sheet anchor let go, but as the other cable
was payed all out it could bring no strain until the ship began to
drift. It continuing to blow very hard and every appearance of a hard
gale coming, we proceeded to get our yards and masts down and at 3 P.
M. having got the top-gall-masts and main-top-masts down we found the
ship drifting and immediately let go the small chain-anchors, one of
which was back’d with the ship’s kedge, and payed out a long scope on
all the cables. We also got down the fore-top-masts and lower yards. At
9.30, the wind increasing and the ship having drifted so far as to be
exposed to the sea, which had now become very high and confused, we
payed out the bitter end[41] of all the cables.
At 10 A. M. we perceived by the land, which could only be seen at
intervals, that the ship had drifted 7 or 8 miles along the coast and
was in a most dangerous situation, the current setting against us and
the wind having increased to a hurricane, the sea running very high.
Breakers were all round us and there seemed but little chance to save
the ship, so we cut away the lower masts and with them went almost
every moveable thing from the deck. The breakers were soon seen astern
and at about 11 A. M. the ship struck on the shore reef, having drifted
10 miles from her anchorage. The sea soon drove her upon the reef where
she bilged and fell over on her side, heeling in towards the land and
protecting us from the sea which beat against her with great violence.
We were fortunate in having a chief[42] on board of considerable
influence with the natives, who advised us to land if possible and
proceed to the town, as the mountaineers would come on board for
plunder and would not scruple to take our lives which he could not
possibly prevent. Accordingly the ship was delivered to the chief and
we proceeded to clear away the boats. Our launch went adrift and was
lost in the beginning of the gale and when we lowered a quarter boat it
immediately went to pieces. In the two left, we, after much difficulty
and danger, succeeded in reaching the shore in safety with no property
but our clothes.
We soon met with a party of mountaineers, exceedingly fierce, who
robbed us of our clothes, hardly leaving each one with a single
garment, it not being in our power to prevent them, and leaving us
exposed naked to the storm, without any shelter and perfectly ignorant
of the road to the King’s town,[43] nor would any one of them be
prevailed upon to show us the way. The savages soon left us and we
proceeded on our way towards the town but from our ignorance of the
right paths and the fury of the storm, our travelling was rendered
exceedingly difficult and tiresome. The next morning, however, we
found ourselves all safe in the King’s town. The King[44] and all
the principal inhabitants had gone aboard the ship and the five that
remained gave us the largest house where, without provisions of any
kind and knowing our fate would not be determined until the arrival of
the King and his men, we were forced to wait in a painful suspense two
days.
After the gale had abated, the King came up from the ship, having
plundered her of everything except the salt provisions and bread, and
after a consultation with his priests and warriors, he proclaimed that
our lives should be spared, that houses should be prepared for us and
that we might be permitted to secure what provisions from the ship we
could. After hearing this law passed by the King and feeling confident
it would be violated on no account, without his orders, our minds were
greatly relieved and our spirits, which had been greatly depressed with
our misfortunes, rose high with the hope of once more seeing our native
country and leaving these savage shores where we had experienced, from
the time we first arrived among them, so much trouble and so many
misfortunes.
The King having lent us one of his large canoes, with which and our
small boat (the only one sav’d from the wreck) we proceeded down to the
ship for provisions. We found the natives greatly excited with their
prize. The chief, however (who was on board when we struck), received
us very well and gave us permission to take anything we pleased; but
the natives had destroyed almost everything they had not carried off.
Every part of her was ransacked and torn to pieces; the hull cut and
hacked for the purpose of getting the iron work, and with pain we saw
our unfortunate ship in a most wretched and miserable condition and
with no hope of leaving the country till some vessel arrived.
[Illustration: FIJIAN HOUSE
From a photograph made in 1898.]
We succeeded in getting 14 pounds of salt meat, a few casks of bread
and some other little articles and returned to the town. The King
prepared his largest church[45] for us to live in and a small house
for our provisions; gave us some cooking utensils and we made
arrangements for our comfort and prepared to wait patiently until some
relief came to us.
Having understood that there was another vessel among the group
previous to our misfortune, it was determined by the captain, with the
consent of the King, to proceed in the boat, with a crew, up to the
Island of Bow, about 90 miles distant, to learn the fate of the vessel
and if he found her safe to request the captain to come to our relief.
Accordingly, on the 28th March, having fitted sails for the boat, layed
in stores and ammunition, the captain, left us and proceeded on his
voyage.
The King supplied us with yams and gave us a number of presents of
clothes, and we continued to live on the most friendly terms with the
natives. We were tolerably acquainted with their language and from a
long acquaintance with them we were soon able to conform in some degree
to the customs and manners. We found our King was the sovereign over a
large part of the island of Tackanova (the second largest of the Group)
and a number of smaller islands over which he reigned with an absolute
sway. But he was subject to the King of Bow who was the great sovereign
of the whole group.
The natives of these islands are remarkable from the other natives
in these seas, not only from their extreme savage dispositions and
eagerness to kill and eat their enemies, but from the dark colour of
their skins and the manner in which they dress their hair. They allow
it to grow at full length, when it is made very stiff by applying a
mixture made of the ashes of burnt coral and then dyed in various
colours; the grown people having it always black, when they pick it up
into many curious shapes and being very thick and bushy their heads
present a very singular and frightful appearance. Their bodies are
nearly naked, with no covering except a piece of cloth made from the
bark of a tree, wrapped around the waist; though they oil themselves
with cocoanut oil which serves to protect their bodies from the rays of
the sun and renders the skin soft and pliable.
The females wear a covering made of a sort of grass which is curiously
interwoven and being of different colours presents a handsome
appearance. Their bodies are oiled and their hair dressed the same as
the men. Both sexes always lie with their necks resting on a stick so
as not to injure the shape of their hair. The females, although at the
complete disposal of the men, are not treated with great severity. They
assist in tilling the ground, fishing and cooking; though a great part
of their time is spent in fixing their hair. They display considerable
ingenuity in making earthen-pots (which much resemble ours) and in
making cloth nets.
The men of whatever rank are learnt the art of war and always carry
their arms with them wherever they go. They are very ingenious in the
construction of their houses and their war-weapons, but in particular
in their canoes. Their houses are much like a one-story house in our
country (but without windows) in their shape. They are framed of the
limbs of trees seized together with a kind of sennet[46] made of the
fibres of the cocoanut husk plaited together. On these are fastened
small reeds and on them are secured the thatch with which the house is
covered.
Their double canoes are formed of two single ones secured together by
large timbers on which a platform is built and on which the sail is set
and the natives stand. Single canoes have an outrigger and a platform
built on the single canoe on which the sail is set. They commence
building first by hollowing out the trunk of a tree, when planks are
hew’d and seized on until it is of sufficient size, secured by timbers
very much resembling those in a ship. The sail is made of mats, the
rope of a kind of bark, and is so constructed as to be turned either
way without the necessity of turning the canoe round when tacking at
sea. The canoes are all fitted to sail either end first. They are
sometimes very large containing room for 4 or 5 hundred persons[47]
and nearly as long as a ship. They sail remarkably fast and the
natives are very expert in the management of them and as the natives
all go arm’d, from their savage dress they present a very formidable
appearance.
The natives of these islands believe in a Great Spirit whom they think
lives in the sky and who made all things. In every town there are a
number of priests whom the natives think are endowed with divine powers
by the Great Spirit with whom he sometimes converses and informs them
how to direct the people. These priests have great influence with the
chiefs in declaring war and managing the affairs of the nation.
The principal amusements consisted in a kind of dance, singing songs
relating to the war exploits and fishing expeditions, performing
warlike manœuvres, and in drinking the ava[48] extracted from the
ava-root, of which they are immoderately fond.
[Illustration: MODEL OF A FIJIAN DOUBLE CANOE
Brought to the United States in 1856 by Capt. Thomas C. Dunn, while on
the bark _Dragon_ of Salem. Now in the Peabody Museum of Salem.]
A ceremony of this kind was performed almost every morning at the
King’s or one of the principal chief’s house and we always had an
invitation to attend. A large bowl was prepared in which the cava or
ava was put and mixed with water, when it forms a liquor which has
much the same effect on a person as opium. The company sit round in a
circle, the bowl in the centre, and while it is preparing, they all
sing songs relating to some enterprise that is intended or perhaps
past, the King having first invoked the Great Spirit to bless the
liquor, the people all answering with a word which is equivalent to our
amen. It was then carried round in cocoanut shells, the King drinking
first, and so on according to the rank, though we always had the honour
to drink next to the King. They always give a toast before drinking,
frequently wishing the Great Spirit to bless us with a safe arrival to
our country; sometimes that he might bless them with a great plenty of
yams or fish.
We continued to live on good terms of friendship with the natives,
which was much increased by our assisting them in repairing and
learning them the use of the muskets and other weapons of which a great
many fell into their hands. We always met with a welcome reception
when we visited their houses and frequently received small presents of
clothes, etc., for the work we did for them, so our situation became
quite comfortable, although we could hardly suppress our feelings,
to see our property and clothes destroyed, nor reflect on the great
distance we were from our homes and friends and the future prospects,
without pain and anxiety.
About the last of April, 1831, the king fitted out an expedition of
thirty large canoes to go to a place about 50 miles distant to procure
certain tribute of the mountaineers which he obliged them to pay him.
The King and all the principal warriors, with the women and ourselves,
started in the canoes and in two days arrived at the place where we
were to meet the mountaineers with the tribute. It was on a beautiful
plain where houses were built for the King and the chiefs with their
families.
After the King and chiefs were seated in the houses, a party of the
women of the mountains marched out in front of our King, fancifully
dress’d with flowers and strips of bark of various colours, each
having a fish-net of superior workmanship and each bearing in her hand
a sort of fan, with which they beat time to a sort of solemn tune
which they sung. After performing a number of dances before the King,
they divested themselves of their ornaments and nets which became the
property of our women, and marched off followed by the shouts and
praises of all our party.
A party of the men then presented themselves dressed with a large
quantity of curiously-coloured cloth[49] and after performing various
dances and manœuvres and leaving their dresses for the men of our
party, they marched for the mountains having likewise received the
King’s approbation and our shouts and expressions of admiration.
The tribute was now examined by the King’s command. It consisted of
280 hogs, vast quantities of yams, cava-root, etc., on which the
High-Priest of our nation envoked the Great Spirit for his approbation
of the tribute. The priest, after a ceremony of twirling a cocoanut
round two or three times, pronounced that it was very Good, and that it
would be proper to have a feast of pork and yams, drink cava, etc. The
King then gave orders for a certain number of hogs to be killed, the
rest to be divided, and the cava got ready and as we had had nothing
to eat for some days we all joined in obeying orders. Each one of the
party, ourselves not excepted, received a portion of the provisions and
while the King drank his cava, the people prepared the feast.
The King gave the mountaineers a few presents and a specimen of his
eloquence in which he informed them that as the ship cast away on
his shores had rendered him very powerful, he should expect a larger
tribute the next year, giving them to understand he should be ready
to use forcible means if it became necessary. With this, the chief
took his leave of us and we commenced, according to the advice of the
priest, to eat. At night we repaired to the canoes with the tribute and
on the next morning started for the town where on the 20th of April we
arrived.
On our return, the 2nd officer of the ship, with the carpenter and a
number of the crew, left in a canoe to go to Bow, having understood by
the natives that a vessel was lost in the same gale that had wrecked
our ship and that the Captain and crew resided there. We found the
natives of another town, enemies to the King, had set fire to the
_Glide_ and she had burnt nearly up.
The 2nd chief, to whom the ship had been delivered, when we abandon’d
her, was now taken sick and the priest continued to howl through the
night for his recovery. On our asking the reason of such proceedings
they told us that the priest was angry because a sufficient sacrifice
of pigs had not been made and that the Great Spirit had caused a
sickness to afflict the greatest warrior. A number of hogs were
immediately killed and buried and numbers of the friends of the chief’s
cut off a finger or toe[50] to satisfy the Great Spirit.
We learn’d that it was the custom to cut off their fingers or toes on
the death of their friends or on the sickness of their chiefs. We saw a
number of very aged people who had become feeble and infirm, call round
their friends and bid them farewell and then allow themselves to be
strangled and buried without showing any signs of fear for the future
or regret for leaving the past.
On the 6th of May we received a letter which was written previous to
the gale, from which we learned that the vessel lost at Bow was the
brig _Niagara_,[51] Capt. Nathaniel Brown, and that she was from Salem.
Nothing particular occurred until the 22nd of May, 1831, when a sail
was seen standing for the anchorage at 5 P. M. At sundown we were on
board and she proved to be the schooner _Harriet_, Capt. Young, from
the Sandwich Islands and last from Wallis Island. They took us all on
board the schooner and after procuring the cables, anchors, etc., of
our ship we proceeded for Bow.
On the 9th of June, we arriv’d off Averlon and found there the bark
_Peru_,[52] Capt. Egleston, of and from Salem. Captain Egleston took
Capt. Archer, Mr. Burnham and the remainder of our crew on board;
likewise the Captains Brown and Vanderford[53] of the _Niagara_ with
the officers and crew and we proceeded on our course to Bow, where we
arrived on June 10th, and anchored off the island where Mr. Manini,
supercargo of the schooner, purchased the cables and anchors of the
brig _Niagara_, from the King of Bow. Having succeeded in getting them
on board we got underweigh and ran down to Avalon and anchored near the
bark _Peru_. Capt. Brown came on board the schooner and Capt. Young
agreed to forward us to the Sandwich Islands.
On the 26th of June, we lost sight of the Fegee Islands, steering to
the N. E. for Wallis Island[54] and arriving there three days later, we
found the brig _Chinchilla_,[55] Capt. Meek. Capt. Young not finding
it for his interest to return to the Sandwich Islands at present, on
the 12th July sailed, intending to return in the space of 6 or 8 weeks,
leaving us to reside in their houses and wait for his return.
[Illustration: SHIP CHINCHILLA OF NEW YORK
“Scrimshawed” on a whale’s tooth. Presented to the East India Marine
Society of Salem in 1825 by Capt. William Osgood. Now in the Peabody
Museum of Salem.]
After a long and most tedious stay on this island, on the 8th of
November, the American whale-ship _Braganza_[56] arrived from a cruise
off Japan for the purpose of procuring vegetables, water, etc. On the
26th, the brig _Chinchilla_ arrived from Port Jackson, having been
obliged to put into that port for provisions. Finding that Capt. Meek
was not to return to the Sandwich Islands at present and no chance
offering for a passage to a civilized port, I went on board of the
_Braganza_, it being the intention of Capt. Wood to cruise for whales
about the Equator for the space of 4 or 5 months and then to proceed to
some port for supplies, where I should probably find an opportunity to
return to the United States.
On Nov. 29th, we left Wallis Island and proceeded towards the Equator
where we cruised until the 1st of February, 1832, and succeeded in
taking 25 c. of Sperm Oil. Then finding the head of the main-mast
rotted badly and the weather rather unfavourable for prosecuting the
whaling business we bore away and steered for Otaheite and on the 23rd
February we arrived at _Eamco_,[57] an island a short distance from
Otaheite where the Captain intended to repair his main-mast. We found
at Otaheite, the ship _Atlantic_, Capt. Fisher, who intended to cruise
for a short time for whales and then proceed for the United States.
I immediately shipped on board and on the 28th February, signed his
articles intending to sail the next day. Early the next morning we got
underweigh and stood out to sea steering to the south east under short
sail with the man at the mast-head looking for whales.
It was on the morning of 20th of April, just as the sun was rising,
that the man at the mast-head cried out “There she blows!”[58]
It was very still on board; the ship steered close to the wind, a light
breeze from east and not a sound heard except the slight ruffling the
ship made as she forced her way through the water. But nothing could
have acted so forcibly on our feelings as the cry that whales were in
sight. In a moment the ship was in confusion, the sailors came up from
below and ran to clear their boats and see all in readiness for the
pursuit.
“Where away?” enquired the Captain, as he was coming up the
companion-steps and without waiting for an answer ordered the ship to
be hove to and the boats manned.
The order was promptly executed by the respective officers and on
ascertaining they were sperm whales, he ordered the officers to lower
the boats and pursue them. The whales were but a short distance from
the ship and we had a good opportunity to observe their movements. The
boats, sufficiently armed and manned, soon got amongst the whales, when
the man at the mast-head had orders to inform those on deck of the
movements in the boats and to inform those in the boats by signals of
the situation of the whales.
[Illustration: A SHOAL OF SPERM WHALE OFF THE ISLAND OF HAWAII IN 1833
From an engraving by J. Hill after a painting by T. Birch. The picture
shows the famous Roach (Rotch) whaling fleet,--the _Enterprise_, _Wm.
Roach_, _Pocahontas_ and _Houqua_, all from Nantucket.]
In a few moments we perceived by a great splashing, which one of them
made, that the 1st officer had hove his harpoon into one of them. After
running under water some time and taking the line out of the boat to a
considerable distance, the whale came up on top of the water. The other
whales immediately joining the wounded one and gave the other boats
an opportunity of striking also, which they immediately improved and
all three of the boats were each fastened to a whale at the same time.
After the whales became exhausted they hauled up to them and lanced
until they were dead.
In this manner the boats continued to improve their time and weapons
until 6 of these huge animals were forced to yield their valuable
bodies to the superior skill of Nantucket whalemen. They were soon
towed alongside the ship and secured by their tails being fastened to
the bows. The crew then proceeded to take the blubber on board. Large
tackles were secured on the main-mast, the falls taken to the windlass,
and every person stationed in his particular place. The officers at
the ship’s side, on stages, to cut the blubber as it is hove on board
with the tackles. The harpooners on deck to receive the blubber and
overhaul the tackles. The carpenter sharpening the spades, the cooperer
preparing the casks, the seamen heaving at the windlass, and the
Captain superintending the whole.
They commenced by cutting a hole in the blubber near to the head of the
whale, into which a tackle was hooked which served to steady the whale
while the officers cut off the head which was hoisted on board. They
then proceeded to peel the blubber off the whale, the officers cutting
it with their spades into strips about 6 or 8 feet in width and from 12
to 18 feet in length, while it is hove in with the tackles. This causes
the whale to turn over and over until the blubber is all off, when they
cut the carcass adrift and left it a banquet for the sharks and birds
of which there were great numbers around the ship.
After having secured the blubber of all the whales sail was again made
on the ship and we proceeded on our way around Cape Horn. In a few days
the blubber was tried out and stow’d in the ship’s hold and thus ended
what the whalers term’d a fare of sperm oil.
We had a tolerable passage to the United States and on the 25th June,
arrived at Nantucket, 119 days from Otaheite, and on the 29th June,
1832, I reached my home in Danvers after having been absent 37 months
and 8 days.
FOOTNOTES:
[2] Tasmania. William Endicott says in his Log of this voyage: “Van
Diemen’s Island appears from the sea to be high and irregular barren
land covered with snow to the summits. The shore is bound with craggy
rocks.”
[3] Situated at the northerly end of North Island, this was the
principal rendezvous of European and American vessels during the early
intercourse with the Pacific. Endicott says in his Log: “The Bay of
Islands is a fine place for procuring wood, water, potatoes, pigs and
vegetables.”
[4] “Indiaman,” “Diana” and “Tower Castle.”
[5] “New Zealander” of New Zealand.
[6] The primitive Maori method of cooking bodies was to dig a hole
in the ground about two feet deep in which was placed a quantity of
stones. A fire was built over these and when they were red hot most of
them were removed. Those remaining were covered with alternate layers
of leaves and flesh until there was as much above as below ground. Two
or three quarts of water was then thrown over the pile, old mats spread
over it and the whole covered with earth to confine the steam. In
twenty minutes the flesh was cooked. Cannibalism was entirely abandoned
by 1840 owing to the influence of the missionaries.
[7] The Friendly or Tonga Islands are a group lying south-east of Fiji
between 18° and 20° south latitude and 174° and 176° west longitude.
They comprise some 150 islands, mostly very small, of which only a
few are inhabited. They were discovered by Tasman in 1643 and became
a British protectorate in 1900. The natives are of Polynesian stock
and have become Christians through the efforts of the Wesleyan Mission
established here in 1822. Probably the best early account of the
natives of any Pacific islands is William Mariner’s “An Account of the
Natives of the Tonga Islands.”
[8] The Fiji islands are an important group of the Central Pacific
lying largely between latitude 15°30′ and 19°30′ South and longitude
177° East and 178° West. They comprise some 155 islands, of which 100
are inhabited, and numerous islets and reefs. The group was discovered
by Tasman in 1643 and was ceded to Great Britain by Thakombau on Oct.
10, 1874. The natives are of Melanesian stock with an admixture of
Polynesian. The mountaineers of Vanua Levu show the purest strain while
the costal tribes of that and the surrounding islands show a very
pronounced strain of Tongan blood. All are now Christian through the
efforts of the Wesleyan missionaries who went there in 1835 and a white
man or woman is safer with these natives than on the streets of New
York or Chicago.
[9] The result of the infusion of Tongan blood.
[10] War was the chief object in life for the Fijian man and so great
was the desire for killing that two men always walked abreast for fear
that if one were behind he would be overcome by the temptation to club
his companion.
[11] Cannibalism was not practised exclusively on those killed in
war. It was tabu or forbidden to the lower classes and they were most
frequently the victims. Sometimes if a chief wanted a body for a feast
he would send one of his dependents out to waylay a man of the lower
classes. He would approach his unsuspecting victim from behind and
strike him on the head with a club before he was aware that anything
was to happen. Persons dying a natural death were never eaten but those
shipwrecked were rescued only that they might be eaten. Neither sex
nor age was a deterrent. One chief was so fond of human flesh that he
boasted that he never passed a person that he did not wonder how they
would taste. The method of cooking bodies was either by baking, in a
manner similar to that practised in New Zealand (see note, page 16), or
by boiling. The body was rarely baked whole but was dismembered and the
trunk cast aside unless the supply was very short.
[12] Turtle Island--Vatoa.
[13] Civil account--civil day. When at sea the log-book day
corresponded with the astronomical day and extended from noon to noon;
but when anchored for any extended period of time the log-book record
was kept in civil time, that is from midnight to midnight.
[14] Mbau or Ambau, a native town on a small island at the southerly
end of Ambau Bay on the easterly side of Viti Levu, the largest island
of the Fiji group. This town was the residence of Tanoa, the most
influential chief in the Islands. It was off this town that the French
brig “l’Amiable Josephine” was cut off by the chiefs of Rewa (or Viwa,
a town on Viti Levu, the second most influential town in Fiji) in
July, 1834, and the captain and all the crew but three were killed. In
retaliation for this Dumont D’Urville destroyed the town of Viwa in
1839. In August, 1834, the chief Vendovi of Rewa massacred the mate and
five men of the crew of the brig “Charles Doggett” of Salem. One of the
crew was eaten.
[15] Brig “Quill,” of Salem, 189 tons, built at Hingham in 1818. Owned
by John W., Nathaniel L. and Richard S. Rogers; commanded by Joshua
Kinsman.
[16] Mr. Driver.
[17] Oahu, Hawaiian Islands.
[18] An edible holothurian familiar throughout the East under the Malay
name of _trepang_.
[19] William S. Carey.
[20] From the Malay “to carry on the back”,--a man’s burden. A
commercial weight varying in different countries. In the Philippines,
where the beche-de-mer was sold, it was 140 lbs.
[21] Tanoa, the most powerful chief in the Islands. He was the father
of Thakombau, the most celebrated of the Fijian chiefs and the greatest
stumbling block to the missionaries until he was forced as a matter of
expediency to adopt the Christian religion in 1854.
[22] The houses were burned so that they might not be used by other
traders.
[23] Ship “Clay” of Salem, 299 tons, built at Hanover, Mass., in 1818.
Owned by John W., Nathaniel L. and Richard S. Rogers; commanded by
Charles Millett.
[24] Anganga Island.
[25] Including the ship “Sophia” of London.
[26] Ship “Zeneas Coffin” of Nantucket, 338 tons, owned by C. G. and H.
Coffin; commanded by George Joy.
[27] Ship “Ann Alexander” of New Bedford, 211 tons, owned by George
Howland; commanded by Josiah Howland.
[28] Ship “Hector” of New Bedford, 380 tons, owned by Charles W.
Morgan; commanded by John G. Morse.
[29] Maui, the second largest island of the Hawaiian group.
[30] Ship “Atlantic” of Nantucket, 321 tons. Commanded by Elihu Fisher.
[31] This church at Lahaina, Maui, was said at the time to be “the most
noble structure in all Polynesia.”
[32] Penrhyn or Tongareva was discovered by Seaver in the ship “Lady
Penrhyn” in 1788. When visited by the “Popoise” of the Wilkes’
Expedition in 1841 the natives were described as the wildest and most
savage-looking beings that had been met with.
[33] Ovalau, a small island about 10 miles east of Viti Levu. On this
island is situated the town of Levuka whose harbor is one of the best
in the islands. It was the principal residence of white men in the
group and was the seat of the British colonial government until 1882,
when it was removed to Suva on Viti Levu.
[34] The anchors usually carried were: sheet anchor, the largest and
strongest which is only used in time of direst necessity; the best
bower anchor and the small bower anchor, about the same size and take
their name from their position at the bow of the ship; the stream
anchor, smaller than the bowers; and the kedge anchor, smallest of all.
[35] Somosomo, a town of considerable importance, situated on the
island of Taviuni or Vuna off the south-eastern point of Vanua Levu the
second largest island in the Fiji group.
[36] Brig “Faun” of Salem, 168 tons, built at Quincy in 1816. Owned by
Robert Brookhouse of Salem, George Abbot of Beverly and Hall & Williams
of Boston; commanded by James Briant. Wrecked in August 1830 on the
Cakaudrove coast of Vanua Levu in the bay now called Faun Harbor.
[37] Charles Ambrose Knight, 1st mate of the ship “Friendship” of
Salem, a brother of Edmund, was massacred in February 1831, by the
natives at Quallah Battoo, Sumatra.
[38] Fish--a piece of timber, somewhat in the form of a fish, used to
strengthen a mast or yard.
[39] Mutt-Water or Mudwater, a town on the north side of Vanua Levu.
The native name was Bonne Rarah.
[40] Tackanova--Vanua Levu.
[41] The “bitter-end” is that part of the cable which is abaft the
bitts when the ship rides at anchor.
[42] Chief Santa Beeta of Bonne Rarah.
[43] Bonne Rarah.
[44] Mah--Mathee.
[45] The _bure_ or temple was the council chamber and town hall of
the village. Strangers were entertained there and the head persons
of the village often slept in it. As the best constructed building
in the village it was elaborately decorated, the timbers and rafters
being wrapped with sennit in various designs of red and black. Votive
offerings such as clubs, huge rolls of sennit, whale’s teeth, strips of
masi, a model of a temple made of sennit or parts of a victim slain in
war, decorated the interior.
[46] Sennit--a cord made of the fibre of the cocoanut husk, dried,
combed and braided. The Fijians having no nails use this for all sorts
of fastenings, lashings and wrappings in varied design. It is made in
all sizes from a single strand to a cable and is of very considerable
strength.
[47] This statement seems to be somewhat exaggerated. One canoe has
been recorded as one hundred feet in length. Wilkes says that the
average large canoe was seventy feet in length and would conveniently
carry fifty men.
[48] _Yaquona_ of the Fijians, _kava_ of the Tongans and _awa_ of the
Hawaiians, is an infusion of the root of the pepper plant (_Piper
methysticum_). The root is first chewed or grated, after which the
macerated mass is placed in a bowl and covered with water. The infusion
is then strained through a fibre mesh and is ready to drink. It was
used on occasions of ceremony or entertainment and its preparation
was accompanied by a more or less elaborate ritual. It is used by the
races in the Pacific who do not chew the betel nut. Its effects are
intoxicating and narcotic.
[49] Tapa cloth, _masi_ of the Fijians, _siapo_ of the Samoans, _kapa_
of the Hawaiians, was the substitute for cloth and paper. It was made
from the inner bark of the paper mulberry (_Broussonetia papyrifera_).
The plants were carefully cultivated and when about one inch in
diameter were cut down and soaked in water. The bark was removed and
beaten. Different pieces were joined together and beaten into one piece
so that sheets of almost any size could be made. The finished masi was
then decorated by printing or stencilling with dyes of red-brown and
black.
[50] One of the chief forms of mourning for the dead, in addition to
wailing, was to lop off the little finger of one of the hands. Most
of the older natives lost both little fingers. This was confined to
the relatives of the deceased unless the latter was one of the highest
chiefs when it was confined to the tribe.
[51] Brig “Niagara” of Salem, 246 tons, built at Mount Desert in 1816.
Owned by Putnam I. Farnham, Jed Fry and Peter S. Webster; commanded by
Nathaniel Brown. Wrecked in Ambau Bay the same day as the “Glide.”
[52] Bark “Peru”, 210 tons, built at Salem in 1823. Owned by Stephen
C. Phillips; commanded by John H. Eagleston. Sold to Spanish owners at
Manila in 1832. Capt. Eagleston commanded four different vessels in the
Fiji trade, was familiar with the language and was on friendly terms
with several of the chiefs. He rendered great assistance and furnished
valuable information to Lieut. Wilkes while the U. S. Exploring
Expedition was at the Fijis.
[53] Capt. Benjamin Vanderford of Salem made many voyages to the Fiji
Islands and was familiar with the manners, customs and language. He was
afterwards master’s mate and pilot on the U.S.S. “Vincennes” during the
Wilkes’ Exploring Expedition and died, March 23, 1842, on the passage
home.
[54] Uvea, northeast of Fiji. Discovered by Maurelle in 1781 and again
by Wallis in 1797.
[55] Brig “Chinchilla” of New York; commanded by Thomas Meek of
Marblehead.
[56] Ship “Braganza” of New Bedford, 217 tons. Owned by Phillips,
Russell & Co.; commanded by Daniel Wood. Altered to a bark in 1859 and
condemned at Honolulu in 1862.
[57] Eimeo, one of the Society Islands about 10 miles north west of
Tahiti.
[58] This account of whaling may have been abstracted by Mr. Endicott
from some now unidentified source.
A CANNIBAL FEAST AT THE FEJEE ISLANDS
BY AN EYE WITNESS
(_Reprinted from “The Danvers Courier,” Aug. 16, 1845_)
MR. EDITOR. Finding myself in possession of a little spare time, I
feel disposed to improve it in overhauling a range or two of memory,
and agreeably to promise to commit such of it to paper as may seem of
interest, touching on incidents which occurred at the Fejee Islands
while on board the Old Ship _Glide_.
It was on a pleasant afternoon in the month of March, 1831, our ship at
anchor off the town of Bona-ra-ra, the crew on board employed in making
senett, spun-yarn, yard mats, and other ship gear to fill up the chinks
of time, and particularly the ship’s lockers with such articles as are
sure to come in play on shipboard, when you have not time to make them.
We were not very busy, neither were we idle; but it was just one of
those sort of days at the Fejees when all hands had been hard at work
all the forenoon, boating oil to the ship, beche-le-mer, weighing, and
stowing it away in the hold, and having once more cleared up decks,
felt released from the regular day’s duty, and indulged ourselves in
a sail privilege of telling tales, singing songs and reflecting upon
“better days gone by.”
Our reveries and yarns were unbroken by any orders from aft except,
to strike the bell every half hour, which if it had no other purpose
reminded us that thirty minutes more had drifted astern upon the sea of
time.
Five bells had been ordered from the quarter deck. I arose to execute
the command, when my attention was drawn to the shore by seeing a large
collection of savages on the beach, walking towards the town. Having
struck the bell, I proceeded to the side of the ship where a canoe
with five or six women had just arrived, to sell us fruit. I enquired
of them what was the matter on shore. They immediately told me that
the men had been to a fight with the Andregette tribe (who lived about
thirty miles in the mountains), were victorious and had killed and
taken three of their enemies, and were now going to have a grand Soleb,
or feast.
I had heard David Whippy, a man who had long been a resident upon
these Islands, tell many a long tale of the manners and customs of the
natives, and especially of their cannibalism, and I had a strong desire
to see the manner in which they prepared and ate human flesh.
While I was considering whether I would ask the liberty I wished, or
not, Capt. Archer came up and stood in the companion way. I went aft,
made known to him my request, when he replied, “I have no objection but
take care of yourself.”
[Illustration: FIJIAN WOMEN
Wearing “maiden locks” indicating that they are unmarried.]
This admonition was gratefully received, yet I felt by no means
alarmed, having spent a great portion of my time on shore among the
natives, with whom I was on terms of perfect friendship and good will,
a circumstance well known to the Capt. or I should probably have
received at once from him a denial of my wish to be absent from the
ship on such an occasion.
I went down to my chest and brought up a few beads, which I gave to
the women in the canoe, telling them I wished to be paddled ashore.
They immediately threw their fruits consisting of a few cocoanuts and
plantains, through one of the ship’s ports upon deck and considering
the beads a compensation for both fruit and passage I was soon on my
way to the shore.
I landed upon the beach just ahead of the savages who were coming
single file to the village, entering it however by a very circuitous
route and in a manner never done except on such occasions.
There were about sixty warriors, though a great many others were in
attendance who had joined them while nearing the village.
The bodies of the three dead savages were carried in front, lashed
on long poles in a singular manner. They were bound with wythes by
bringing the upper and lower parts of the legs together and binding
them to the body, and the arms in a similar manner by bringing the
elbows to rest on the knees, and their hands tied upon each side of the
neck. Their backs were confined to poles which were about twelve feet
long. One was lashed on each pole, with six men, three at each end, to
carry it.
Those who carried the bodies walked with a limping gait, bending their
left knees almost to the ground, but doing it in exact time with the
war song they were singing.
They proceeded immediately in front of the Boo-re (a large hut to be
used only on public occasions) and threw the dead bodies from their
shoulders with the most savage triumph. Two of them were untied from
the poles while the third and smallest one, was by the order of the
King, sent to some particular friends of his belonging to a neighboring
tribe, from whom he had received similar tokens of friendship.
This was a great day at Bona-ra-ra. A day of great rejoicing. This
tribe had not only been successful in their attack upon their enemy,
but had succeeded in securing the slain. Little credit is given to the
warrior who kills his enemies if he does not obtain their bodies; much
more is thought of the savage who kills one man and carries him home,
than of the individual who may kill a hundred and let their dead bodies
fall into the hand of the enemy. Their chief glory consists not so much
in killing, as in eating their enemies.
I noticed that a very particular interest was taken in one of the dead
savages, and there were none present who talked louder or expressed
more vehement gestures, or savage feeling, than an old woman. This
matter I could not understand. I asked a young savage who stood near
me, what was their particular interest in that man more than the
other? He told me that some time previous this tribe had made war with
the Andre-getta people, and the son of this old woman was a young chief
in the fight and was slain; and it was believed that this individual
had killed him. Whether it was so or not, the old woman believed it
and the priest believed it, and that was enough for their purpose, for
they only wished to wreak their revenge on some savage, though it were
a dead one. I had seated myself on the large roots of a cocoanut tree
in front of the whole ceremony. After it was satisfactorily settled
that this was the savage who had killed the young chief, they proceeded
systematically to fill up the measure of their revenge.
This old female savage went to her hut and brought all the property of
her late son; such as sleeping mats, tappa, i-fow carlic, angona-dish,
and some other little furniture which make up the necessaries of a
chief’s dwelling. The angona bowl was placed near the head of the
dead savage; a bamboo of water was brought and laid by his side, when
several young men after well rinsing their mouths, were employed in
chewing and preparing a bowl of angona. After the drink was made ready
this old savage after a short speech from the priest, who had continued
to make low gutteral sounds and shake himself through the whole
ceremony, took her small dish full of the liquor and presenting it to
the lips of the dead savage bade him drink. No sooner was this done
than a general yell ran through the tribe--“Amba cula boy thu-ie,”
he is a stinking dead man. She then dashed the liquor in his face and
broke the dish in pieces upon it. She then took up her bamboo of water,
and removing the tuft of grass from the end placed it also to the mouth
of the dead man and again bade him drink. A repetition of the same
ceremony was gone through with, when she poured all the water upon his
face and then broke the bamboo in pieces upon his head, and told the
men to take it to cut him up with. Bamboo, split to a sharp edge was
called by them isulic (a term applied to knife), which instrument alone
they allowed themselves to use in cutting to pieces a dead body.
The old woman had now gone her way knowing that her orders would be
executed, and well aware of the strict prohibition against her, or any
of her sex either to assist in preparing, or eating human flesh.
The head of the savage on whom this ceremony commenced was first cut
off and laid aside, then the furniture that was brought by the old
woman was broken up and placed around it; and fire set to it so that
the whole was entirely consumed about the head, and rendered thereby in
a fit state for cleansing; the hair being burnt off and the flesh so
singed that it was scraped perfectly white.
As soon as this affair was ended a dance commenced as is customary on
all such occasions. All the warriors who were engaged in the fight, and
some aged men who staid at home, had now prepared themselves for this
savage expression of joy. The Fejeeians wear but little clothing on
ordinary occasions and on this they were in a state of complete nudity.
They were painted in a most frightful manner, as great a diversity of
painting, or marking was observed by them as could be devised, each
one attempting to outdo the other in the most loathsome obscenity and
savage appearance. They use but three kinds of paint upon their bodies
which are black, red, and yellow. The black is made from a small nut
which grows upon the ground, it is burnt to a coal and pounded up
between flat stones, and prepared by mixing it with cocoanut oil. The
red and yellow paint used by them is a mineral similar to our ochre,
if not precisely the same in substance. The yellow is held by them in
high estimation. It is mixed with cocoanut oil, scented with sandalwood
and fragrant herbs, and is the first dressing received by the new born
infant. It is called by them re-ringer.
There were about one hundred dancers who came upon the ground at one
and the same time with terrific yells. Their dance was made up of the
most violent and distended motion of the limbs, often prostrating
themselves on the ground upon their backs, and springing again
instantly to their places, without however for a moment ceasing to
chant their war song in a very low but distinct manner. Their only
instrumental music on this occasion was that of two savages beating
upon the end of a hollow log four or six feet in length, which is
always heard on such occasions, and also as an alarm for war.
Within the ring of dancers had the old woman’s command been promptly
executed.
They commenced in their usual systematic way of cutting up a dead body.
The heads of both savages being now taken off, they next cut off the
right hand and the left foot, right elbow and left knee, and so in like
manner until all the limbs separated from the body.
An oblong piece was then taken from the body commencing at the bottom
of the chest and passing downwards about eight inches, and three or
four inches wide at its broadest part. This was carefully laid aside
for the King, it being strictly prohibited for anyone else to eat of it.
The entrails and vitals were then taken out and cleansed for cooking.
But I shall not here particularize. The scene is too revolting. The
flesh was then cut through the ribs to the spine of the back which was
broken, thus the body was separated into two pieces. This was truly
a sickening sight. I saw after they had cut through the ribs of the
stoutest man, a savage jump upon the back, one end of which rested upon
the ground, and the other was held in the hands and rested upon the
knees of another savage, three times before he succeeded in breaking it.
This ended the dissection of the bodies.
While this was going on, the lobu or oven was prepared which was made
as follows. An excavation is made in the earth of a concave form about
six feet in diameter and a foot and a half deep in the centre, and
smoothly lined with small stones. A large fire is then made in it,
with small stones placed among the burning fuel for the purpose of
heating them, and as the bodies are cut to pieces they are thrown upon
the fire, which after being thoroughly singed are scraped while hot by
savages, who sit around the fire for this purpose. The skin by this
process is made perfectly white, this being the manner in which they
dress their hogs, and other animal food.
To show their excessive greediness for human flesh, and their savage
thirst for blood, I need only to relate a particular circumstance which
took place at the time. The head of the savage which was last taken
off, was thrown towards the fire, and being thrown some distance it
rolled a few feet from the men who were employed around it; when it was
stolen by one of the savages who carried it behind the tree where I was
sitting. He took the head in his lap and after combing away the hair
from the top of it with his fingers picked out the pieces of the scull
which was broken by the war club and commenced eating the brains. This
was too much for me. I moved my position, the thief was discovered and
was as soon compelled to give up his booty, it being considered by the
others he had got by far too great a share.
The process of cleansing and preparing this flesh, occupied about two
hours. There was no part of these bodies which I did not see cleansed
and put in the oven.
The stones which had been placed upon the fire, were now removed, the
oven cleaned out, the flesh carefully and very neatly wrapped in fresh
plantain leaves, and placed in it. The hot stones were also wrapped
in leaves and placed among the flesh, and after it was all deposited
in the oven, it was covered up two or three inches with the same kind
of leaves, and the whole covered up with earth of sufficient depth to
retain the heat.
It was now about sunset; the oven was completely covered, and a new
dance commenced around it, which continued for some time. I ascertained
by the natives, that it would be past midnight before they would open
their oven, and being desirous of seeing the end of this affair, and
recollecting that I had no anchor watch to stand that night, I resolved
to go to the beche-le-mer house which was on the opposite side of the
village, and spend part of the night, caring only to get on board the
ship the next morning in season to turn to with all hands, in washing
the decks. I therefore proceeded on my way across the village, when
I met with Sina-beatee, a chief with whom I was well acquainted, who
asked me to go with him to his hut, and take something to eat. I
followed my host to his cabin, and made a good supper, after which I
left him and renewed my way across the village to the ship’s house.
I found the men curing the fish as usual. Everything looked perfectly
familiar to me. Some were scolding the natives for their laziness
and not bringing the fish to the pots, as they wanted them; others
were dodging the smoke and steam from the pots, with an occasional
oath, and trying to get a snuff of pure air; while the men to the
windward pots, though free from the other annoyances, were compelled
to take a double share of mosquitoes, which was a fair offset to the
grievances of the others. These, with a few of Job’s comforts; dreadful
sores occasioned by frequently burning a poison wood called by the
natives--see-nu, make up some of the rare pleasures of the shore’s crew
on a beche-le-mer voyage.
As the men on shore are obliged to stand watch and watch, I turned in
to the berth of one of my shipmates who had the first watch at the
pots, and slept as sound and as well, perhaps, as anyone else would
have done in a savage land with a host of savage mosquitoes singing
about his ears.
I turned out about midnight, sauntered about the beche-le-mer house
until nearly daylight, and then made my way back again to the Boo-re.
I soon found on nearing the house, by seeing the torches about the
oven, and also by the scent of their cooked flesh, that their feast had
begun; and on my arrival I found they were nearly done. It was soon
reported to the chiefs that a white man was at the door, and after
some enquiry I was invited to the feast. Being well acquainted with
the King, as well as Sina-beatee with whom I had supped the evening
previous, I felt somewhat at home and took a seat beside the last named
personage. It was not yet daylight and there was no light in the house
except a small fire kept burning at each of the three doors to keep
out the mosquitoes, which served for little or no other purpose. I had
been seated but a moment or two when I heard the Chief Sina-beatee (who
was kept on board the ship as a hostage for the men on shore who were
getting a cargo for the ship, but who had been released by the Captain
on this occasion the evening previous), say to the King “Had we not
better give the white man something to eat?” “Yes,” said the King,
“you can send and get him some yam, for he will not eat our meat.”
Sina-beatee replied, “I know he will not, but I consider the meat by
far the best and as a token of good will, having received presents
from him, I wish to present him some.” The King after a mute silence
of a moment, told one of his ki-sees or slaves to give the white chief
(allowing me that title in consideration of the respect shown me by
Sina-beatee) the best piece which was left, it being nearly all eaten
up. He went to the centre of the Boo-re where lay some unbroken bunches
of meat, the savages being placed generally on the sides of the room,
and selected a piece, telling the King what it was before removing it.
The King said it was “slave’s meat,” which he regretted, saying to
Sina-beatee, he wished it was a better piece and ordered the slave to
give it me. It was accordingly brought carefully wrapped in a plantain
leaf as it had been placed in the oven. I unwrapped it and found it to
be a part of a foot taken off at the ankle and at the joints of the
toes. I made an excuse for not eating it, by saying that it had been
kept too long after it was killed, before it was cooked, it being
about thirty-six hours. The King replied, it was not half so long as
you white men keep your bullum-a-cow! meaning salt beef, a name derived
from bull and cow, by American seamen. Salted meat was considered by
them the most unhealthy and loathsome food that could be eaten, and was
the means of creating a strong prejudice against the whites for their
eating it. I had no desire to discuss the question of diet with this
old savage and cannibal, knowing that I could not convince him of the
base impropriety of eating human flesh, and well aware that he could
not prevail upon me to exchange the cured flesh of a well stalled ox
for the jackall food of his murdered victims.
[Illustration: TOOTH OF A FIJIAN CANNIBAL
Presented to The Essex Institute in 1851 by Capt. John H. Eagleston who
stated that it was “A tooth from Na Massa Ngaloa, the greatest cannibal
that ever lived, head chief of Rewa, Fiji Islands. Twenty years since
conquered most of the islands in the archipelago; since died aged about
sixty years. Eleven years ago became Christian--baptised Ratu Mill.”
Now in the Peabody Museum of Salem.]
[Illustration: MODEL OF A BURE OR FIJIAN TEMPLE
Such models were presented to the temples as offerings. Given to the
East India Marine Society of Salem, by Capt. Joseph Winn, Jr., in 1835.
Now in the Peabody Museum of Salem.]
[Illustration: OBJECTS FROM FIJI ISLANDS
1. Comb with top of human bone; collected by John Crandall in 1860.
2. Bracelet of shark’s teeth; collected by Capt. Joshua Kinsman in
1831.
3. Bracelet of roots made by the mountaineers; collected by Capt.
Joshua Kinsman in 1831.
4. Bracelet of human teeth; collected by James B. Williams, U. S.
Consul at Fiji, in 1845.
5. Mat needle made of human bone; collected by Capt. Joshua Kinsman
in 1831.
Now in the Peabody Museum of Salem.]
As the light of day shown into the hut, it revealed a sight seldom
witnessed by civilized man. Around the hut sat sixty or seventy
cannibals, more frightful than ever if possible; their paint being
rubbed together in many instances, gave their bodies such an appearance
as for a moment to lead one to doubt that they were human beings.
Before one savage, would lay a human head, save that part which could
be released from it, the lower jaw; which would be in possession of
another. The bones of these bodies were well distributed among them,
showing conclusively that none had failed to get their share. I had
understood by them that the oven was opened about midnight, and that
they had now done their feast; what was left was to be given to the
boys; the women, as I have before stated, were not allowed to taste of
it though they frequently got it by stealth, as some of them did on
this occasion after the bones and broken meat was given to the boys. My
attention was directed to an old Tonga ta boo savage, whom I had seen,
however, frequently before, who was a Ma-ti or mechanic among them,
whose particular business it was to manufacture sail needles from the
shin bones of their cannibal victims. The sails to their canoes, being
made in a triangular form, of thick mats sewed together with sennet,
renders it necessary to have long and crooked needles, and perhaps
there is nothing among them from which this article could be so well
manufactured as from the shin bone of a man. This old savage sat near
the King, with four shin bones between his own, and feeling himself
entitled by his peculiar occupation to those parts of the victim, never
failed to have his share of the spoils. I had heard through my whole
stay at this place that he was the most notorious cannibal in the
tribe; and his whole appearance conformed well with his acknowledged
character. He was of a large and muscular frame, raw boned, his skin
brawny and dry, and with no nose upon his face; he having lost this
prominent feature some years previous, for the indulgence of a crime
among the wives of a neighboring chief. His nose was bitten off. I knew
of but one crime among these islanders, which a man or woman could
commit, the penalty of which was the loss of this member.
Many of the savages now begun to leave the Boo-re, and among the rest
was Sina-beatee who stated to me that he should go on board the ship
in the boats which came on shore for the beche-le-mer. I rose to go,
but wishing to carry with me some relic as a remembrance of the scene
I had witnessed, I engaged the old Tonga savage to make a pair of sail
needles, one from the limb of each of the devoured victims, promising
him a good compensation for them. He gave them to me in two or three
days after, neatly wrought, which I placed among my curiosities, which
within one month from that time were all together with the ill-fated
ship.
About sunrise, I went to the beche-le-mer house, and finding myself too
late to get on board to assist in washing decks, I set myself to work
collecting the beche-le-mer on the batters, in readiness to be put into
bags when the boats came off, thereby offsetting my duty on board by
doing what I knew would be required of my boatmates on their arrival on
shore.
The boats arrived at their usual time, and after taking on board as
much of the beche-le-mer as was ready for storage on board the ship, we
went on board accompanied by Sina-beatee and his wife Tu-cun-na, who
spent much of her time with the chief on board of the ship.
I am about to the end of my yarn, yet I might lengthen it by knotting
on other strands, but my timepiece reminds me that it is past midnight;
so I shall take the liberty to belay this and turn in.
Yours, etc.,
WILLIAM ENDICOTT
A FEW WORDS OF THE LANGUAGE OF THE FEGEE ISLANDS
The natives always add the word _Sah_, to all words excepting
substantives.
_Fegee_ _English_
Andree´ Beche-le-mer
A-tap´-pah What
Ing-go´ That or those
Lah´-go Go away
Oh-mi´ Come here
Mi Here
Si-an´-drah How do you do
Fah-ing-go´ This fashion, or this way
Papa lang´-ee General name for civilized people
Fah-a-Be´tee Like a Fegee man
Fah-a-papa-lang´-ee Like a civilized man
La´bo Large
Li-Li Small
Ba-na´-kak Good
Dah Bad
Un-dee´-nah True
Las´-so False
Bon-ee´-tah Handsome
Seeng-ah´ No
Ee´-o Yes
Neen´-ee Angry
Tom´-a-Tah Man
La´-vah Women
E-val´-ee Musket or a bow
Anti-ky´ House
Nung-a-Sow´ Bullets or arrows
Ma-Loon´ Club
A-noo´-koo Sand or powder
A-bat´-to Stones
Am-boo´-kah Fire
Nah-cow´ Wood
Fa-nu´-ah Land--the shore
Dry-and-dry´ Lengthy
Lakah-Lakah´ Short
Boo´-lah Strong or brave
Ra´-Rah Frightened
An-Drew´ Blood
Am-Boo´ter Cooked
An-Dro´kah Raw
Wank´-ah Ship, canoe
Bel´lo-Bel´lo Boat
Pie´-o Oar, paddle
Thoo´-lar Pole
Ee-lah´-ther Sail
Ra´-Vah Hoist
Wye´-Dewee Salt water
Wye-Ee-No Water to drink
Cun´-a-Cun´ Eat
Ee-No Drink
Mun´dry Bread
Poark´-ah Hogs
Oo´-fee Yams
A-boon´-tee Plantains
A-oo´-to Bread, fruit
Ee´-kah Fish
Mah-Seem´-ah Salt
Ah-nee´-ew Cocoanuts
Too-rong´-ah Chief
Ky-See Common man
Mar-Ty´ Carpenter
Toon-en-Dye´ Helmsman
Ky-Fa-nu´-ah Landsman
Ky-Wye´ Sailor
Tah´-nee Stranger
Bul´lee-Bul´lee Trade, barter
Par´-lee-Co Chizzel
Mo´ro-Mo´ro Beads
Tambour´ Whale’s tooth
I-sail-ee Knife, sword
So´-Ber Tub or hogshead
Ca´-To Box
A-rom´-bo Bag
Gu´tee-Gu´tee Basket
Du´-nah One--1
A-roo´-ah Two--2
To´lo Three--3
Vah Four--4
Lee´-mah Five--5
Ono Six--6
Ve´-to Seven--7
Wah´-loo Eight--8
Thee´-wah Nine--9
Tee´-nee Ten--10
Car´-loo Great Spirit
Em-Bet´ta Priest
See´ng-ah Sun
Boo´-lah Moon
Tung´-ee Wind
Oo´-ther Rain
Dumb´-an-Dumb´ Red colour
Cur-ra-la-row´er Green colour
Lo´-ah-Lo´-ah Black or blue colour
I-bo´-Lah White or yellow colour
Sam-ber´-rah By and by
Sah-Vet´her How many
Sah-Ee´-Bee Where is it
Gwe´go Yourself
Gwo´ Myself
Cot´he-Thung´-ee What is your name?
Bullee-Atap´-pah What will you trade for?
Ky-Bee-Tee Fegee man
Ky-America American
Ky-Bullee-Tan´ee Englishman
Ky-Tonga Tongee man
The Fegee people are named after the principal things they are
acquainted with, as their weapons, the elements, vegetables, etc.
_Wallis Island_ _English_
Tanga´-tah Man
Fee-fee´-na Women
A-lee´-kee Chief
A-Too´-ah Priest and the Great Spirit
Lil-La´ Good
Cov´-ee Bad
Li´-Hee Large
See-See Small
A-Ty´-hee One--1
A roo´-ah Two--2
Tolo Three--3
Vah Four--4
Lee´-mah Five--5
Ono´ Six--6
Vee´-to Seven--7
Wah´-loo Eight--8
Thee´-wah Nine--9
Ung´ a boo´-ro Ten--10
OFFICERS AND CREW OF SHIP _GLIDE_ ON HER 14TH VOYAGE
_Place of_ _Place of_
_Rank_ _Names_ _Birth_ _Residence_ _Height_ _Age_
Master Henry Archer, Jr.
1st Mate Benjamin Balch, Jr. Salem Salem 5′ 5½″ 24
2nd Mate Samuel Burnham Salem Salem 5′ 9½″ 24
3rd Mate William Endicott Danvers Danvers 5′ 3½″ 20
Armourer Thomas Crowell Salem Salem 5′ 8″ 28
Carpenter Aaron Marden Tuftonboro Salem 5′ 6″ 27
Seaman Joseph Noble, Jr. Salem Salem 5′ 5″ 21
Seaman Henry W. Ramsdell Salem Salem 5′ 5″ 22
Seaman Andrew Reed Gothenburg Salem 5′ 6½″ 18
Seaman Antone Johnson Genoa Salem 5′ 2″ 45
Seaman Preston Crafts Manchester Manchester
Seaman Joseph H. Morse Manchester Manchester
Seaman Joshua B. Derby Salem Salem 5′ 5½″ 16
Seaman Edmund Knight Salem Salem 5′ 4¾″ 16
Seaman Joseph Joplin Salem Salem 5′ 6″ 18
Seaman William Warner Salem Salem 5′ 1½″ 15
Seaman Seth Richardson Salem Salem 5′ 3″ 18
Seaman Leonard Poole Danvers Danvers 5′ 7¾″ 22
Seaman Henry Fowler Danvers Danvers 5′ 7½″ 19
Seaman James Oliver Salem Salem
Cook Henry Shaw Boston Salem 5′ 2½″ 42
Steward Joseph Francis Salem Salem 5′ 9½″ 21
PUBLICATIONS OF THE MARINE RESEARCH SOCIETY SALEM, MASSACHUSETTS
I. THE SAILING SHIPS OF NEW ENGLAND, 1607-1907, BY JOHN ROBINSON AND
GEORGE FRANCIS DOW. Large 8vo. (7 × 10), 320 illustrations, 430
pages, blue buckram binding.
_Sixty copies were printed on large paper._
II. THE PIRATES OF THE NEW ENGLAND COAST, 1630-1730, BY GEORGE FRANCIS
DOW AND JOHN HENRY EDMONDS, WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY CAPT. ERNEST
H. PENTECOST, R. N. R. Large 8vo. (7 × 10), 47 illustrations, 416
pages, red buckram binding.
_Eighty-five copies were printed on large paper._
III. WRECKED AMONG CANNIBALS IN THE FIJIS, BY WILLIAM ENDICOTT,
WITH NOTES BY LAWRENCE WATERS JENKINS. 8vo. (6¼ × 9½), 13
illustrations, 76 pages, Fabriano paper boards, linen back.
Transcriber’s Notes
• Italic text represented with _underscores_.
• Small capitals converted to ALL CAPS.
• Obvious typographic errors silently corrected.
• Variations in hyphenation and spelling kept as in the original. Many
such variations occur between the spelling in the author’s text and
the footnotes written by the editor.
• Illustrations relocated to the nearest convenient paragraph break.
• Footnotes renumbered consecutively and moved to the end of their
respective chapters.Project Gutenberg
Wrecked among cannibals in the Fijis : $b A narrative of shipwreck & adventure in the South Seas
Endicott, William
Chimera53
Graduate