TRAVELS AND DISCOVERIES
IN
NORTH AND CENTRAL AFRICA.
VOL. IV.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY SPOTTISWOODE AND CO.
NEW-STREET SQUARE.
[Illustration: Drawn by J. M. Bernatz, from a Sketch by Dr. Barth.
M. & N. Hanhart, lith. et impt.
TIMBÚKTU.
from the Terrace of the Traveler’ House]
TRAVELS AND DISCOVERIES
IN
NORTH AND CENTRAL AFRICA:
BEING A
JOURNAL OF AN EXPEDITION
UNDERTAKEN
UNDER THE AUSPICES OF H.B.M.’S GOVERNMENT,
IN THE YEARS
1849-1855.
BY
HENRY BARTH, PH.D., D.C.L.
FELLOW OF THE ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL AND ASIATIC SOCIETIES,
_&c. &c._
IN FIVE VOLUMES.
VOL. IV.
LONDON:
LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, LONGMANS, & ROBERTS.
1858.
_The right of translation is reserved._
CONTENTS
OF
THE FOURTH VOLUME.
* * * * *
CHAPTER LIII.
Page
Departure for Timbúktu. — The Hilly North-Western
Provinces of Bórnu 1
My Situation at the Death of Mr. Overweg. — Pecuniary Circumstances. —
Inroad of the Tawárek. — Take Leave of the Sheikh. — Projects. — My
Servants. — The two freed Africans. — The Méjebri. — Encampment in
Kalíluwá. — Great Cold. — Súwa Búwa. — District of Koyám. — The old
Inhabitant of Birni. — Fertile Districts. — The farming Village. — The
Drain of the Komádugu. — Fractions of Tribes. — Character of the
Komádugu. — Fúlbe Cattle-Breeders. — Site of Ghasréggomo. — The Ruins.
— The Komádugu at Zéngiri. — Considerable Current. — Province of Manga.
— Manga Warriors. — Manga Females. — Borzári. — The Bedde and their
Komádugu. — Meeting with Mohammed ben Áhmed. — Daring Theft. — Wall of
Gesma. — Immense Anthills. — Donárí. — Reach again Zurríkulo.
CHAP. LIV.
The Mountainous Territory of Múniyó and its Governor 42
Busy Scene at Ngárruwa. — Well of Berbéruwá. — Notice of Auyók. —
Chelúgiwá. — Natron Lake of Búne. — New and Old Búne. — Conflagration.
— Peculiar Character of Múniyó. — Palmgrove of Túnguré. — View of Gúre.
— Estate of Múniyóma. — Audience with Múniyóma. — His Character. —
Slave Hunting. — Site of Gúre. — Peculiar Site of Wúshek. — Sacred Site
of Gábatá. — District of Keléno. — The Natron Lake or Ábye. — Lakes of
Badamúni. — Plan of the Oasis of Badamúni. — Varied Vegetation. — Fresh
Lake and Natron Lake. — Survey of the Lake. — Governor of Badamúni. —
Mírriya, a favoured Locality. — Character of Zinder. — Ground Plan of
Zinder. — Importance of the Town. — Pecuniary Supplies.
CHAP. LV.
Departure from Zinder. — The Border Region between the Bórnu
and the Fulfúlde Empires. — Second Stay in Kátsena 84
Line of Route. — Highway Robbers less to be feared than rapacious
Governors. — An old Acquaintance. — Unusual Mode of drawing Water. —
Conspicuous Valley, with dense Grove of Dúmpalms. — Gazáwa again. — The
Ex-governor and rebel Chief Sadíku. — Night’s March. — Arrival before
Kátsena. — Interview with the Governor. — The Ghaladíma of Sókoto. —
New Stores laid in in Kátsena. — Approach of the rainy Season. — The
Fáki ʿAbd e’ Rahmán. — His Arguments in favour of Polygamy. —
Unforeseen Difficulty. — Conduct of the Governor of Kátsena.
CHAP. LVI.
Journey from Kátsena to Sókoto 105
Setting out from Kátsena. — The Dorówa Tree. — Tobacco and Yams. —
Great Detour — on account of hostile Army. — Kúlkadá. Kúrayé. —
Expeditionary Corps. — Kúrrefi and its Fortifications. — An agreeable
Incident. — Unsafe District. — Town of Zékka. — Desertion of Servant. —
Dangerous Night’s March. — Búnka. — Zyrmi. — State of Zánfara. — Trade
with Dodówa Cakes. — Dúchi. — Market of Badaráwa. — The Zanfaráwa and
Goberáwa. — Tribute of Kátsena. — First Rúdu. — Sansanne ʿAísa. —
Night’s March through the Wilderness of Gúndumi. — Arrival in Gáwasú. —
First Meeting with ʿAlíyu. — Kind Reception. — Presents, how received.
— Letter of Franchise. — Arrival at Wurno.
CHAP. LVII.
Residence in Wurno 143
Superior Position of the Fúlbe. — Their Origin and Intermixture with
other Tribes. — Different Nationalities absorbed by them. — Their
Divisions. — Progress of the Tribe from the West. — Fúlbe in Sixteenth
Century. — Rise of Sheikh ʿOthmán the Reformer. — Sultan Bello. —
Present State of the Empire. — My Quarters in Wurno. — General
Character of Wurno. — Particular Description. — Ground Plan of Wurno. —
Unsafe State of the Province. — Dread of the Góberáwa. — Gloomy
Prospects for my Journey. — Occupation. — Aspect of the Country. —
Captain Clapperton’s Route. — Fine Valley of Bamúrna. — Excursion to
Sókoto. — Appearance of the Town. — The Syllebáwa and their Chief
Hámedu. — Clapperton’s Death. — The Valley of Sókoto. — Ground Plan of
Sókoto. — Return of the Sultan. — Musical Presents. — My Friend ʿAbd el
Káder of Ágades. — Literary works of ʿAbd Alláhi and Bello. — Death of
the Ruler of Másina.
CHAP. LVIII.
State of Insecurity along the most frequented Highroad. —
Gando 189
Departure from Wurno. — Leave Sókoto. — Heavy rain. — Fields of Yams. —
Bodínga. — Dendi. — Shagáli. — Señína. — Character of Gando; Ground
Plan. — The Sultan Khalílu. — Difficult Transactions. — Áhmed Bábá’s
History of Songhay. — Climate of Gando. — Extent of Empire.
CHAP. LIX.
The Province of Kebbi and its River. — The Valley of Fógha. —
Reach the Niger 204
Leave Gando. — Extensive Rice-Grounds. — Kámbasa. — Swampy Valley with
Rice-Grounds. — Gaúmaché. — Unsafe State of the Country. — Gúlumbé,
rich Vegetation. — Solitary Pilgrim. — Kardi. — Hausáwa. —
Bírni-n-Kebbi. — Situation at the Brink of the wide swampy Valley. —
ʿOthmán Záki. — Kóla, and its Governor. — Júggurú. — Zogírma and its
Governor. — Dangerous Road. — New Companions. — Tilli. — A Day in the
Wilderness. — Site of Bírni-n-Débe. — Dallul Máuri. — Shallow Vales. —
The Valley of Fógha. — The Salt of Fógha. — Character of Fógha People.
— Importance of Fógha in Ethnological Respect. — Plenty of Kóla Nuts,
but no Corn. — Unexpected Generosity. — Dense Forest. — A Solitary
Limtúni. — Bóso. — Garbo. — Lanadéji. — Peculiar Cornstacks. — Songhay
Farming Hamlets. — Avoid Támkala. — Short Marches. — Tóndifú. — Reach
the Niger. — Aspect of the River. — Large Canoes. — Town and Market of
Say. — State of Market. — Traffic. — Governor of Say. — No Songhay
Interpreter.
CHAP. LX.
The hilly Country of Gurma 250
Leave Say. — Low Situation. — Sandwind and heavy Thunderstorm. — Town
of Champagóre. — Architecture. — Mohammed Galaijo. — His Residence. —
His former State. — His new Settlement. — His Court. — The Gurma and
the Songhay. — Songhay Towns. — Torrent Górebi. — Champaláwel, and its
Governor. — Gúro Caravan. — Smelting Furnaces. — Bangapelle. — Elephant
Traces. — Bosebángo. — River Sírba. — Frail Raft. — Smoking
Disposition. — Mode of carrying Water. — Country beyond the River. —
Bundóre. — Denga. — Fine Timber for Boat building. — Sebba, Capital of
Yágha. — Description of Huts. — Reception by Governor. — Provisions. —
Holiday. — The Kádhi.
CHAP. LXI.
Province of Libtáko. — South-eastern Limit of the Range of the
Commerce of Timbúktu 281
Plenty of Water-Courses. — Character of Country. — Namantúgu. — The
Arab from the West. — Wandering Fúlbe. — Tumpénga, and Reformatory
Struggle. — Unhospitable Reception. — Dóre, capital of Libtáko. —
Importance of Market of Dóre. — Difficulty of supplying my Wants. —
Mósi traders. — Drought. — Anarchy. — Various Names of Dóre. —
Interesting Relations of Water Communication. — Political Situation. —
Delay. — News from Timbúktu. — Unlucky Fate of a Letter.
CHAP. LXII.
Unsettled Provinces obstructed by Nature, and infested by Man. —
Áribínda. — Hómbori 298
Uncertain Distance from Timbúktu. — Departure from Dóre. — The Ponds or
“Wéndu.” — Providentially detained in Wúlu. — Numerous Sheets of Water.
— Difficult Watercourse. — Serious Encounter. — Crossing a Swamp. —
Áribínda. — Fíliyo, a Songhay Village. — Independent Character of
Inhabitants. — Tinge. — Ground Plan of Dwelling. — Character of
Inhabitants. — Habits of Industry. — Heavy Rains. — Caillié’s Kissour.
— Fúlbe Cattle Breeders. — Hómbori. — The Black Worm. — Kúbo. —
District Tondi. — Craftiness of El Waláti. — March of Red Worms. —
Isolated Mounts. — Native Dwellings. — Dúna. — Governor of Dalla. —
Mundóro. — Curious Thatchwork. — Hómbori Range. — Variety of Huts of
Ísayé. — Approach Hómbori Mountains. — Castellated Mounts. — Bóne.
CHAP. LXIII.
Imóshagh or Tawárek Encampments South of the Niger. — Lakes and
Backwaters of the Great River 338
Visit Encampment. — Tawárek Tents and Comforts. — A Cascade. — Apparel.
— Conduct of El Waláti. — District of Imeggélelé. — Native Horse
Dealers. — Bélé, Chief of the Haw-n-Ádak. — Tawárek Women and Boys. —
Presents. — Camels knocked up. — District of Mínta. — Bámbara or
Hudári. — Its Importance. — Personal Relations. — The Méhedí expected.
— The Chief Somki.
CHAP. LXIV.
The Network of Creeks, Backwaters, and Lakes belonging to
the Niger. — Sarayámo. — Navigation to Kábara 361
Creek of Bámbara. — Character of Bámbara. — Great Heat. — Indiscreet
Inquiries. — Lake Nyéngay. — Character of Country. — Somki’s Camp. —
Mohammed Bonyámi. — Town of Sarayámo. — Various Performances. — Embark
on the Creek. — Character of Creek. — Good Fish. — Very winding Course.
— Wide open Branch. — Animated Scenery. — Town of Banáy. — Island of
Kóra. — Sanyáre. — Enter the principal Branch of Niger. — Majestic
Scenery.
CHAP. LXV.
Arrival at Kábara. — Entrance into Timbúktu 391
Tásakal. — Koróme. — Large Number of Boats. — Branch of Koróme. —
Arrival at Kábara. — Description of Kábara. — The Inspector of the
Harbour. — Unwelcome Visitors. — Interview with Sídi Álawáte. —
Approach to Timbúktu. — Momentous Meeting. — Entrance into Timbúktu.
CHAP. LXVI.
General Observations on the History of Songhay and Timbúktu 406
Áhmed Bábá, the Historian. — His Authority. — Origin of Timbúktu. —
Form of Name. — Sonni ʿAlí. — Háj Mohammed Áskíá. — Condition of
Songhay Empire. — List of Provinces. — Power of the Governors. —
Despotic Rule. — Heir Apparent. — Political Condition of Songhay. —
Intercourse with Egypt. — Commerce. — Army. — The Rumá. — Political
Situation of Timbúktu. — Latest Events.
CHAP. LXVII.
First Month of Residence in Timbúktu 437
Awkward Position. — Presents to Sídi Álawáte. — View of the Town. —
Caillié’s Sketch. — Purchase of Calico. — The Name for Cotton mentioned
by El Bekrí. — First Trial. — Firmer Position. — Different Meaning of
Words in different States of Society. — Letter to El Bakáy. — My own
Quarters. — False Prospects of Home Journey. — First Interview with the
Sheikh. — Major Laing. — Presents. — Illness. — Orders from
Hamda-Alláhi. — Intrigues successfully overcome. — Night’s Watch.
CHAP. LXVIII.
First Residence in the Desert. — Political Combinations. —
Great Mosque. — Ground Plan of the Town 463
Leave the Town. — The Camp. — Political Schemes. — Attempt at
Proselytism. — Return to Town. — Movements of the Fúlbe. — Annoying
Circumstances. — Excursion to Kábara. — Note on the Royal Residence in
Hamda-Alláhi. — A few Palm-trees. — The Great Mosque. — Ground Plan of
the Town. — Circumference. — Wall. — The Different Quarters of the
Town. — Inhabitants. — Another Stay in the Camp. — Sand-eating. —
Private Life in Camp. — Tediousness of Position.
CHAP. LXIX.
Political State of the Country. — Dangerous Crisis 489
Interruption of Caravan Trade. — The Tájakánt. — Position of the Fúlbe
in Relation to the Berber Tribes. — Dangerous Situation. — Officer sent
from Hamda-Alláhi to catch me. — Host repulsed. — Letter from
Hamda-Alláhi. — Interview with the Chief of the Tademékket. — Knowledge
is Power. — Presents. — Large Troop of Bérabísh Horsemen. — Letter and
News from Europe. — Hostile Gathering. — Leave Town again. — An
Embassy. — Return to Town. — Áwáb’s Account of Mungo Park. — Letter of
Franchise. — Momentous Death of the Chief of the Bérabísh ʿAlí Weled
ʿAbéda. — Out to the Camp. Chanting in the Desert. — Christian and
Mohammedan Principles. — The Inundation. — Stream of running Water in
the Desert. — State of Trade. — Small Tájakánt Caravan. — Close of the
Year.
* * * * *
APPENDIX I.
Present Condition of the Province of Zánfara 521
APPENDIX II.
A few historical Facts relating to Góber and Zánfara. — Fúlbe
Tribes 526
APPENDIX III.
Song of Sheikh ʿOthmán 531
APPENDIX IV.
Partition of Kebbi. Kebbi according to its Partition between the
Empire of Sókoto and that of Gando 533
APPENDIX V.
PART I.
Towns and Villages of Déndina 538
PART II.
A few Remarks on the Province of Yáuri and on those of Máuri
and Zabérma 545
APPENDIX VI.
Information with regard to the Provinces of Gurma, Mósi, and
Tombo 550
APPENDIX VII.
Pedigree of the Sheikh Sídi Áhmed el Bakáy 566
APPENDIX VIII.
Two Poems of the Sheikh El Bakáy, wherein he satirizes the
Fúlbe of Másina 568
Translation of the two Poems of Áhmed el Bakáy 574
APPENDIX IX.
Chronological Table of the History of Songhay and the
neighbouring Kingdoms 579
APPENDIX X.
Fragments of a Meteorological Register 631
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
IN
THE FOURTH VOLUME.
* * * * *
MAPS.
Page
XII. Map of my Routes between Kátsena and Say 104
XIII. Map of my Routes between Say and Timbúktu, including
the Survey of the Niger 250
PLATES.
1. View of Timbúktu from the Terrace of the
Traveller’s House _To face Frontispiece._
2. The Komádugu at Zéngiri _to face_ 27
3. Salt-Lake near Búne „ 47
4. Búwa-Kolosso „ 49
5. Wúshek „ 62
6. Badamúni „ 73
7. Market of Sókoto „ 179
8. Valley of Fógha „ 226
9. The Ísa (Niger) at Say „ 241
10. Songhay Village „ 332
11. Mountains of Hómbori „ 336
12. Niger at Koróme „ 392
13. Arrival at Kábara „ 394
14. Entrance into Timbúktu „ 404
WOODCUTS.
Ábbega and Dýrregu 10
Bird’s-eye View of Site of Birni 24
Repairing the Wall of Gesma 38
View of Gúre 51
Ground-plan of Wúshek 60
Ground-plan of Oasis of Badamúni 70
Ground-plan of Zínder 80
Remarkable Fortifications of Kúrrefí 112
Ground-plan of Dúchi 123
Rúdu, or elevated Sleeping Hut 128
My Quarters in Wurno 157
Ground-plan of Wurno 162
„ Sókoto 182
„ Gando 195
View of Gúlumbé 210
Architecture of Champagóre 253
Front of Residence of Galaijo 254
Smelting Furnaces 265
Ground-plan of Hut at Namantúgu 276
View of the Interior of same Hut 277
The Lamórde of Áribínda 306
Ground-plan of House in Tínge 311
View of Tínge 314
Isolated Cones of Hómbori Range 324
Native Huts and Corn-stacks 325
View of Dúna 326
Peculiar Thatchwork 329
Hómbori Range 330
Variety of Huts at Ísayé 331
Cliffs resembling artificial Fortification 334
Castellated Mounts 335
Interior of Imóshagh Tent 340
Mounts of Núggera 342
Flat-topped Cones 346
View of Bámbara 354
Ground-plan of my Quarters in Timbuktu 449
„ Timbúktu 478
TRAVELS AND DISCOVERIES
IN
AFRICA.
* * * * *
CHAPTER LIII.
DEPARTURE FOR TIMBÚKTU. — THE HILLY NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCES OF BÓRNU.
The death of Mr. Overweg, happening at a period when the prospects of
the mission just began to brighten, induced me to relinquish my original
plan of once more trying my fortune in Kánem and on the N.E. shores of
the Tsád, as an undertaking too dangerous for me in my isolated
position, and the results of which could not reasonably be expected to
be great, even with the protection of a small force, in a disturbed
country, in comparison with the dangers that accompanied it. Besides,
such was the character of the horde of the Welád Slimán and their mode
of warfare, that after having received the sanction of the British
Government for my proceedings, and being authorised by them to carry out
the objects of the mission as at first projected, I could scarcely
venture to associate myself again with such a lawless set of people. I
therefore determined to direct my whole attention towards the west, in
order to explore the countries situated on the middle course of the
great western river the Ísa, or the so-called Niger, and at the same
time to establish friendly relations with the powerful ruler of the
empire of Sókotó, and to obtain full permission for myself or other
Europeans to visit the south-eastern provinces of his empire, especially
Ádamáwa, which I had been prevented from fully exploring by the real or
pretended fear of the governor of that province, to grant such a
permission without the sanction of his liege lord.
The treaty which I had at length succeeded in getting signed by the
sheikh of Bórnu and his vizier on the last of August, together with a
map of all the parts of Central Africa which I had as yet visited, and
containing at the same time all the information which I had been able to
collect concerning the neighbouring provinces[1], I had forwarded home
in the middle of October, addressing at the same time the request to
H.M.’s consul at Tripoli, to send me, by a special courier to Zínder, a
certain sum of money. The road which I had before me was long, leading
through the territories of a great many different chiefs, and partly
even of powerful princes; and as soon as I should have left Zínder
behind me, I could not expect to find fresh supplies, the sum of money
which I had received on my return from Bagírmi being almost all spent in
paying the debts which we had incurred when left without means. A sum of
400 dollars, besides a box containing choice English ironware, had been
some time before consigned to a Tebú of the name of Áhmed Háj ʿAlí
Bíllama: but instead of proceeding at once with the caravan with which
he had left Fezzán, as he ought to have done, he staid behind in his
native town Bilma to celebrate a marriage. The caravan, with about
twenty horses and a hundred camels, arrived, on the 10th of November,
without bringing me anything, except the proof of such reckless conduct;
and as I could not afford to lose any more time in waiting for this
parcel, I left orders that it should be forwarded to Zínder as soon as
it should arrive. But never received it.
Nearly three fourths of the money in cash which we had received being
required to pay off our debts, we had been obliged to give away a great
portion even of the articles of merchandise, or presents, in order to
reward friends who for so long a period had displayed their hospitality
towards us, and rendered us services almost without the slightest
recompense; so that, on the whole, it was only under the most pressing
circumstances I could think of undertaking a journey to the west with
the means then at my disposal. But, very luckily, a handsome sum of
money was on the road to Zínder; I also expected to receive at that
place a few new instruments, as the greater part of my thermometers were
broken, and I had no instrument left for making hypsometrical
observations.
An inroad on a large scale, of a tribe of the Tawárek, or Kindín, as
they are called in Bórnu, under their chief, Músa, into the province of
Múniyó, through which lay my road to Zínder, delayed my departure for a
considerable time. This inroad of the hordes of the desert claimed a
greater interest than usual, especially when considered in connection
with the facts which I have set forth on a former occasion[2], the
Tawárek or Berbers having originally formed an integral part of the
settled population of Bórnu. These Díggera of Músa, who appear to have
occupied these tracts at a former period, had evidently formed the firm
intention of settling again in the fine valleys of the province of
Múniyó, which are so favourable to the breeding of camels, that even
when the country was in the hands of the Bórnu people they used to send
their herds there.
At length, after a long series of delays, the road to the west became
open, and I took leave of the sheikh on the 19th of November, in a
private audience, none but the vizier being present. I then found reason
to flatter myself that, from the manner in which I had explained to them
the motives which had induced me to undertake a journey to the chiefs of
the Fúlbe or Felláta, there were no grounds of suspicion remaining
between us, although they made it a point that I should avoid going by
Kanó; and even when I rejected their entreaty to remain with them after
my successful return from Timbúktu, they found nothing to object, as I
assured them that I might be more useful to them as a faithful friend in
my own country, than by remaining with them in Bórnu. At that time I
thought that Her Majesty’s Government would be induced to send a consul
to Bórnu, and, in consequence, I raised their expectations on that
point. But matters in Bórnu greatly changed during my absence in the
west, and, in consequence of the temporary interregnum of the usurper
ʿAbd e’ Rahmán and the overthrow and murder of the vizier, the state of
affairs there assumed a less settled aspect. I concluded my leave-taking
by requesting my kind hosts, once more, to send a copy of the history of
Edrís Alawóma, the most celebrated Bórnu king, to the British
Government, as I was sure that, in their desire to elucidate the history
and geography of these regions, this would be an acceptable present.
The vizier, in particular, took great interest in my enterprise,
admiring the confidence which I expressed, that the sheikh el Bakáy, in
Timbúktu, of whom I had formed an opinion merely from hearsay, would
receive me kindly and give me his full protection; and I did not fail to
represent to them that, if the English should succeed in opening these
great highroads of the interior for peaceful intercourse, it would be
highly advantageous even for themselves, as they would thus be enabled
to obtain those articles which they were in want of from the regions of
Western Africa, such as kola nuts and gold, with much less expense and
greater security; and they were thus induced to endeavour to derive a
profit even from this my enterprise. The sheikh, who had formed the
intention of undertaking a journey to Mekka, wanted me to procure for
him some gold in Timbúktu; but, uncertain as were my prospects, and
difficult as would be my situation, I could not guarantee such a result,
which my character as a messenger of the British Government would
scarcely allow. The sheikh sent me two very fine camels as a present,
which stood the fatigue of the journey marvellously, one of them only
succumbing on my return journey, three days from Kúkawa, when, seeing
that it was unable to proceed, I gave it as a present to a native
mʿallem. Having finished my letters, I fixed my departure for the 25th
of November, without waiting any longer for the caravan of the Arabs,
which was soon to leave for Zínder, and which, though it held out the
prospect of a little more security, would have exposed me to a great
deal of inconvenience and delay.
[Sidenote: Thursday, November 25th, 1852.]
It was half-past ten in the morning when I left the town of Kúkawa,
which for upwards of twenty months I had regarded as my head quarters,
and as a place upon which, in any emergency, I might safely fall back
upon; for although I even then expected that I should be obliged to
return to this place once more, and even of my own free will made my
plans accordingly, yet I was convinced that, in the course of my
proceedings, I should not be able to derive any further aid from the
friendship and protection of the sheikh of Bórnu, and I likewise fully
understood that circumstances might oblige me to make my return by the
western coast. For I never formed such a scheme voluntarily, as I
regarded it of much greater importance for the government in whose
service I had the honour to be employed, to survey the course of the
great river from Timbúktu downwards, than to attempt, if I should have
succeeded in reaching that place, to come out on the other side of the
continent, while I was fully aware that, even under the most favourable
circumstances, in going, I should be unable to keep along the river, on
account of its being entirely in the hands of the lawless tribes of
Tawárek, whom I should not be able to pass before I had obtained the
protection of a powerful chief in those quarters. Meanwhile, well aware
from my own experience how far man generally remains in arrear of his
projects, in my letter to Government I represented my principal object
as only to reach the Niger at the town of Sáy, while all beyond that was
extremely uncertain.
My little troop consisted of the following individuals. First, Mohammed
el Gatróni, the same faithful young lad who had accompanied me as a
servant all the way from Fezzán to Kúkawa, and whom, on my starting for
Ádamáwa, I had sent home, very reluctantly, with my despatches and with
the late Mr. Richardson’s effects, on condition that, after having staid
some time with his wife and children, he should return. He had lately
come back with the same caravan which had brought me the fresh supplies.
Faithful to my promise, I had mounted him on horseback, and made him my
chief servant, with a salary of four Spanish dollars per month—and a
present of fifty dollars besides, in the event of my enterprise being
successfully terminated. My second servant, and the one upon whom, next
to Mohammed, I relied most, was ʿAbd-Alláhi, or rather, as the name is
pronounced in this country, ʿAbd-Alléhi, a young Shúwa from Kótokó, whom
I had taken into my service on my journey to Bagírmi, and who, never
having been in a similar situation, and not having dealt before with
Europeans, at first had caused me a great deal of trouble, especially as
he was laid up with the small pox for forty days during my stay in that
country. He was a young man of very pleasing manners and straightforward
character, and, as a good and pious Moslim, formed a useful link between
myself and the Mohammedans; but he was sometimes extremely whimsical,
and, after having written out his contract for my whole journey to the
west and back, I had the greatest trouble in making him adhere to his
own stipulations. I had unbounded control over my men, because I agreed
with them that they should not receive any part of their salary on the
road, but the whole on my successful return to Haúsa. ʿAbd-Alláhi was
likewise mounted on horseback, but had only a salary of two dollars, and
a present of twenty dollars. Then came Mohammed ben Áhmed, the fellow of
whom I have already spoken on my journey to Kánem, and who, though a
person of very indifferent abilities, and at the same time very self-
conceited on account of his Islám, was yet valued by me for his honesty,
while he, on his part, having been left by his countrymen and co-
religionists in a very destitute situation, became attached to myself.
I had two more freemen in my service, one, a brother of Mohammed el
Gatróni, who was only to accompany me as far as Zínder; the other an
Arab from the borders of Egypt, and called Slimán el Ferjáni, a fine,
strong man, who had once formed part of the band of the Welád Slimán in
Kánem, and who might have been of great service to me, from his
knowledge of the use of firearms and his bodily strength; but he was not
to be trusted, and deserted me in a rather shameful manner a little
beyond Kátsena.
Besides these freemen, I had in my service two liberated slaves,
Dýrregu, a Haúsa boy, and Ábbega, a Marghí lad, who had been set free by
the late Mr. Overweg,—the same young lads whom on my return to Europe I
brought to this country, where they promised to lay in a store of
knowledge, and who on the whole have been extremely useful to me,
although Ábbega not unfrequently found some other object more
interesting than my camels, which were intrusted to his care, and which
in consequence he lost repeatedly.
[Illustration: Ábbega
Dýrregu.]
In addition to these servants, I had attached to my person another man,
as a sort of broker, and who was to serve as a mediator between me and
the natives; this was the Méjebrí ʿAlí el Ágeren, a native of Jálo, the
small commercial place near Aújila, which has recently been visited and
described by the Abbé Hamilton. He had travelled for many years in
Negroland, and had traversed in various directions the region inclosed
between Sókotó, Kanó, Baúchi, Záriya, and Gónja. But for the present, on
my outset from Bórnu, I had not made any fixed arrangements with this
man; but in the event of his accompanying me beyond Sókotó, he was to
have two horses and a monthly salary of nine dollars, beside being
permitted to trade on his own account. Such an arrangement, although
rather expensive to me considering the means at my disposal, was of very
great importance if the man did his duty, he being able, in his almost
independent situation, to render me extraordinary assistance in
overcoming many difficulties; but, as an Arab, I only put full
confidence in him as long as circumstances were propitious, while his
wavering character as soon as dangers began to surround me did not put
me in any way out of countenance.
These people, besides an Arab, a so-called sheríf, from Fás, who was
going as far as Zínder, and who had likewise attached himself to my
small party, composed the band with which I cheerfully set out on my
journey towards the west, on the 25th of November, being accompanied out
of the town by the Háj Edrís whom I have had frequent occasion to
mention. In order to get everything in readiness, and to be sure of
having neglected no precaution to secure full success to my enterprise,
I followed my old principle, and pitched my tent for the first day only
a couple of miles distant from the gate, near the second hamlet of
Kalíluwá, in the scanty shade of a baúre, when I felt unbounded delight
in finding myself once more in the open country, after a residence of a
couple of months in the town, where I had but little bodily exercise.
Indulging in the most pleasing anticipations as to the success of the
enterprise upon which I was then embarking, I stretched myself out at
full length on my noble lion-skin, which formed my general couch during
the day, and which was delightfully cool.
[Sidenote: Friday, November 26th.]
This was one of the coldest, or perhaps the very coldest night which I
experienced in the whole of my journeys since entering the fertile
plains of Negroland, the thermometer in the morning, a little before
sunrise, showing only 9° Fahr. above the freezing point. The interior of
Africa, so far removed from the influence of the sea (which is warmer in
winter than the _terra firma_), forms, with regard to the cold season,
an insulated cool space in the tropical regions, in opposition to the
warm climate of the West Indies and the coasts and islands of the
Pacific and Indian oceans. We were all greatly affected by the cold. But
it did us a great deal of good, invigorating our frames after the
enervating influence of the climate of Kúkawa. We did not set out,
however, before the sun had begun to impart to the atmosphere a more
genial character, when we proceeded on our journey westward. The country
which I traversed, passing by the frequented well of Beshér, although
already known to me from previous travels, now presented a very
different aspect from what it had done on my first journey from Kanó to
Kúkawa,—those bleak and dreary hollows of black argillaceous soil being
now changed into the richest corn-fields, and waving with a luxuriant
crop of masákuwá, while the fields of small millet (_Pennisetum_) stood
in stubble.
We encamped near the well Súwa-búwa, or, as it was called by others,
Kabubíya, on the gentle slope of the rising ground towards the north,
from whence the busy scene round the well, of cattle, asses, goats, and
sheep being watered in regular succession, presented an interesting and
animated spectacle, more especially, coming after and contrasted with
the dull life of the capital. The well measured fifteen fathoms in
depth; and the inhabitants were so on the alert for gain that they
thought it right to sell us the precious element for watering our
camels. My whole party were in the best spirits, cheerful and full of
expectation of the novelties, both in human life and nature, that were
to be disclosed in the unknown regions in the far west. In order to
protect ourselves from the cold, which had so much affected us the
preceding night, we set fire to the whole of a large decayed tree,
which, with great exertion, we dragged from some distance close to our
tent, and thus enjoyed a very moderate degree of temperature in our open
encampment.
[Sidenote: Saturday, November 27th.]
I now entered Koyám, with its straggling villages, its well-cultivated
fields, and its extensive forests of middle-sized mimosas, which afford
food to the numerous herds of camels constituting the wealth of this
African tribe, who in former times, before the Bórnu dynasty was driven
away from its ancient capital Njímiye by the rival family of the
Bulála[3], led a nomadic life on the pasture-grounds of Kánem. Having
thus traversed the district called Wódomá, we encamped about noon, at a
short distance from a well in the midst of the forest, belonging to a
district called Gágadá. The well was twenty-five fathoms deep, and was
frequented during the night by numerous herds of cattle from different
parts of the neighbourhood.
While making the round in the night in order to see whether my people
were on the look-out, as a great part of the security of a traveller in
these regions depends on the vigilance exercised by night, I succeeded
in carrying away secretly the arms from all my people, even from the
warlike Ferjáni Arab, which caused great amusement and hubbub when they
awoke in the morning, and enabled me to teach them a useful lesson of
being more careful for the future.
[Sidenote: November 28th.]
Having taken an early breakfast—an arrangement which in this cold
weather, when the appetite even of the European traveller in these
regions is greatly sharpened, we found very acceptable—we pursued our
journey, passing through the district of Garánda, with deep sandy soil,
and rich in corn, cattle, and camels. A great proportion of the
population consisted of Shúwa, or native Arabs, who had immigrated from
the East. As we proceeded on our march, the trees gradually assumed a
richer character, plainly indicating that we were approaching a more
favoured district. There was the ngilísi, or haméd, a tree very common
over the whole eastern part of Negroland, with its small leaves bursting
forth from its branches; the karáge, or gáwo, now appearing as a small
tree of scanty growth, further on spreading out with a large and
luxuriant crown not ceding to the ʿardéb or tamarind-tree; and the
kórna, which, extending over the whole of these immense regions, is
remarkable for bearing almost everywhere the same name.[4] The underwood
was formed by the kálgo and gónda bush, which latter, however, did not
seem to bear here that delicious fruit which had so frequently served to
refresh my failing energies during my marches through other districts;
and cold as had been the night, the sun even now was very powerful
during the mid-day hours, there being a difference of 40°.
We encamped after a march of about thirteen miles, having by mistake
exchanged our westerly direction for a south-westerly one, near the well
called Kagza[5], and were very hospitably and kindly treated by a
patriotic old man, a citizen of the old capital or birni of Ghasr-
éggomo, who, when that splendid town was taken by the Fúlbe or Felláta,
in the year 1809, had fled to Wádáy, and had lived there several years
among the Welád Ráshid, waiting for better times. This good man
described to me, with a deep feeling of sorrow, the taking of that large
and wealthy town, under the command of the Fúlbe chiefs Malá-Rída,
Mukhtár, and Hanníma, when the king, with his whole host of courtiers
and his numerous army, fled through the eastern gate while the enemy was
entering the western one, and the populous place was delivered up to all
the horrors accompanying the sacking of a town. What with the pleasant
character of the country and the friendly disposition of our host, I
should have enjoyed my open encampment extremely, if I had not been
suffering all this time very severely from sore legs, ever since my
return from Bagírmi, when I had to cross so many rivers and was so
frequently wet through.[6]
[Sidenote: Monday, November 29th.]
Pursuing still a south-westerly direction, our march led us through a
district called Rédaní in regard to which, the state of the cultivation
of the ground (the géro, the wealth of this country, lying in large
heaps or “bagga” on the fields) and the uninterrupted succession of
straggling hamlets left the impression of ease and comfort. But we had
great difficulty in finding the right track among the number of small
footpaths diverging in every direction; and in avoiding the northern
route, which we knew would lead us to a part of the river where we
should not be able to cross it, we had, by mistake, chosen a too
southerly path, which, if pursued, would have led us to Gújeba. While
traversing this fertile district, we were astonished at the repeated
descents which we had to make, and which convinced us that these sandy
swells constitute a perfect separation between the komádugu and the Tsád
on this side. The district of Rédaní was followed by another, called
Kangálla, and, after a short tract of forest, a third one, of the name
of Meggi, consisting mostly of argillaceous soil, and not nearly so
interesting as Rédaní. We encamped at length, near a group of three
wells, where, once a week, a small market is held. In the adjacent
hollow a pond is formed in the rainy season. The wells were twenty
fathoms in depth.
[Sidenote: Tuesday, November 30th.]
The district through which we passed to-day, in a north-westerly
direction, seemed to be rich in pasture-grounds and cattle. It was at
the time inhabited by a number of Tebú of the tribe of the Dáza, or
rather Búlgudá, who in former times having been driven from Ágadem,
Bélkashí Farri, and Saw by the Tawárek, had found refuge in this
district, where they preserve their nomadic habits to some extent, and
by no means contribute to the security of the country. Having been
warned that along the road no water was to be had, we encamped a little
outside the track, near the farming village of Gógoró, where the women
were busy threshing or pounding their corn, which was lying in large
heaps, while the men were idling about. They were cheerful Kanúri
people, who reside here only during the time of the harvest, and when
that is over, return to their village Dímmarruwá. The ground hereabout
was full of ants; and we had to take all possible care, in order to
protect our luggage against the attacks of this voracious insect.
[Sidenote: Wednesday, December 1st.]
We now approached the komádugu of Bórnu, presenting with its network of
channels and thick forests, a difficult passage after the rainy season.
Fine groups of trees began to appear; and droves of Guinea fowl
enlivened the landscape. In order to give the camels a good feed on the
rich vegetation produced in this favourable locality, we made even a
shorter march than usual, encamping near a dead branch of the river,
which is called Kulúgu Gússum, S.E. from the celebrated lake of Múggobí,
which in former times, during the glorious period of the Bórnu empire,
constituted one of the chief celebrities and attractions of the country,
but which at present, being overwhelmed by the surrounding swamps,
serves only to interrupt the communication between the western and
eastern provinces. Allured by the pleasing character of the place, I
stretched myself out in the shade of a group of majestic tamarind trees,
while the man whom I had taken with me as a guide, from the village
where we had passed the night, gave me some valuable information with
regard to the divisions of the Koyám, the present inhabitants of this
region east of the komádugu, which had been conquered from the native
tribe of the Só. He told me that the Kíye, or, as the name is generally
pronounced in Bórnu, the Kay (the tribe which I have mentioned in my
historical account of Bórnu)[7], originally formed the principal stock
of the Koyám, together with whom the Máguni and the Fárferé constitute
the principal divisions, the chief of the latter clan bearing the title
of Fúgo. The Temágheri, of whom I have also had occasion to speak, and
the Ngalága, fractions of both of whom are settled here, he described as
Kánembú. But, besides these tribes, a great proportion of Tebú have
mixed with the ancient inhabitants of this district, probably since the
time of the king Edrís Alawóma, who forced the Tebú settled in the
northern districts of Kánem to emigrate into Bórnu. In connection with
the latter wide-spread nation, my informant described the Túra (whose
chief is called Dírkemá, being a native of Dírki), the Débirí, or
Díbbirí, (also spoken of by me on a former occasion), the Úngumá, and
the Káguwá. The Jetko or Jotko, who live along the komádugu, west from
the town of Yó, he described to me as identical with the Keléti, the
very tribe which is repeatedly mentioned by the historian of Edrís
Alawóma. Thus we find in this district a very interesting group of
fractions of former tribes who have here taken refuge from the
destructive power of a larger empire.
I took a long walk in the afternoon along the sheet of water, which was
indented in the most picturesque manner, and was bordered all around
with the richest vegetation, the trees belonging principally to the
species called karáge and baggarúwa. Further on dúm palms became
numerous; and it was the more interesting to me, as I had visited this
district, only a few miles further north, during the dry season. Guinea
fowl were here so numerous that one could hardly move a step without
disturbing a group of these lazy birds, which constitute one of the
greatest delicacies of the traveller in these regions. A sportsman would
find in these swampy forests not less interesting objects for his
pursuits than the botanist; for elephants, several species of antelopes,
even including the _oryx_ or tétel, nay, as it would seem, even the
large _addax_, the wild hog, besides an unlimited supply of water fowl,
Guinea fowl, and partridges, would prove worthy of his attention, while
occasional encounters with monkeys would cause him some diversion and
amusement.
At present the water was decreasing rapidly[8]; but this part had been
entirely dry at the beginning of September, when the late Mr. Overweg
had visited it, and the conclusion then drawn by him, that the river
inundates its banks in November, was entirely confirmed by my own
experience. There was a great deal of cultivation along this luxuriant
border, and even a little cotton was grown; but a very large amount of
the latter article might be obtained here with a greater degree of
industry. Besides a village at a short distance to the S.E., inhabited
by Koyám, and which bears the same name as this branch of the river,
there is a hamlet, consisting of about thirty cottages, inhabited by
Fúlbe, or Felláta, of the tribe of the Híllega, the same tribe whom we
have met in Ádamáwa. They seemed to possess a considerable number of
cattle, and appeared to lead a contented and retired life in this
fertile but at present almost desolate region. But, unfortunately, they
have been induced, by their close contact with the Kanúri, to give up
the nice manner of preparing their milk which so distinguishes the Fúlbe
in other provinces; and even the cheerful way in which the women offered
us their ware could not induce me to purchase of them their unclean
species of sour milk, which is prepared by means of the urine of cattle.
Beautiful and rich as was the scenery of this locality, it had the
disadvantage of harbouring immense swarms of mosquitoes; and our night’s
rest, in consequence, was greatly disturbed.
[Sidenote: Thursday, December 2nd.]
Winding round the swamp (for the nature of a swamp or kulúgu was more
apparent, at present, than that of a branch of the river), we reached,
after a march of about three miles, the site of the ancient capital of
the Bórnu empire, Ghasr-éggomo, which, as I have stated on a former
occasion[9], was built by the king ʿAlí Ghajidéni, towards the end of
the fifteenth century, after the dynasty had been driven from its
ancient seats in Kánem, and, after a desperate struggle between
unsettled elements, began to concentrate itself under the powerful rule
of this mighty king. The site was visited by the members of the former
expedition, and it has been called by them by the half-Arabic name of
Birni-Kadím, the “old capital,”—even the Bórnu people in general
designating the place only by the name birni, or burni. The town had
nearly a regular oval shape, but, notwithstanding the great
exaggerations of former Arab informants, who have asserted that this
town surpassed Cairo (or Masr el Káhira) in size, and was a day’s march
across, was little more than six English miles in circumference, being
encompassed by a strong wall, with six or seven[10] gates; which, in its
present dilapidated state, forms a small ridge, and seems clearly to
indicate that, when the town was conquered by the Fúlbe or Felláta, the
attack was made from two different sides, viz., the south-west and
north-west, where the lower part of the wall had been dug away. The
interior of the town exhibits very little that is remarkable. The
principal buildings consist of baked bricks; and in the present capital
not the smallest approach is made to this more solid mode of
architecture.[11] The dimensions of the palace appear to have been very
large, although nothing but the ground plan of large empty areas can be
made out at present, while the very small dimensions of the mosque,
which had five aisles, seem to afford sufficient proof that none but the
people intimately connected with the court used to attend the service,
just as is the case at the present time; and it serves, moreover,
clearly to establish the fact that even in former times, when the empire
was most flourishing, there was no such thing as a médresé, or college,
attached to the mosque. The fact is, that although Bórnu at all times
has had some learned men, study has always been a private affair,
amongst a few individuals, encouraged by some distinguished men who had
visited Egypt and Arabia. Taking into consideration the great extent of
the empire during the period of its grandeur, and the fertility and
wealth of some of its provinces, which caused gold dust at that time to
be brought to market here in considerable quantity, it cannot be doubted
that this capital contained a great deal of barbaric magnificence, and
even a certain degree of civilization, much more so than is at present
to be found in this country; and it is certainly a speculation not
devoid of interest to imagine, in this town of Negroland, a splendid
court, with a considerable number of learned and intelligent men
gathering round their sovereign, and a priest writing down the history
of the glorious achievements of his master, and thus securing them from
oblivion. Pity that he was not aware that his work might fall into the
hands of people from quite another part of the world, and of so
different a stage of civilization, language, and learning! else he would
certainly not have failed to have given to posterity a more distinct
clue to the chronology of the history of his native country.
[Illustration]
It is remarkable that the area of the town, although thickly overgrown
with rank grass, is quite bare of trees, while the wall is closely
hemmed in by a dense forest; and when I entered the ruins, I found them
to be the haunt of a couple of tall ostriches, the only present
possessors of this once animated ground: but on the south-west corner,
at some distance from the wall, there was a small hamlet.
The way in which the komádugu, assisted probably by artificial means,
spreads over this whole region is very remarkable. The passage of the
country at the present season of the year, covered as it is with the
thickest forest, was extremely difficult, and we had to make a very
large circuit in order to reach the village of Zéngirí, where the river
could be most easily crossed. I myself went, on this occasion, as far
south-west as Zaraima, a village lying on a steep bank near a very
strong bend or elbow of the river, which, a little above, seems to be
formed by the two principal branches, the one coming from the country of
Bedde, and the other more from the south. But, notwithstanding the great
circuit we made, we had to ford several very extensive backwaters
stretching out, in the deeper parts of the valley, amidst a thick belt
of the rankest vegetation, before we reached the real channel, which
wound along in a meandering course inclosed between sandy banks of about
twenty-five feet in elevation, and, with its rich vegetation, presenting
a very interesting spectacle. The forest in this part is full of tétel,
or _Antilope oryx_, and of the large antilope called “kargum.” The few
inhabitants of this district, although they do not cultivate a great
deal of corn, cannot suffer much from famine, so rich is the supply of
the forest as well as of the water. Our evening’s repast, after we had
encamped near Zéngirí, was seasoned by some excellent fish from the
river. However, I must observe here that the Kanúri in general are not
such good hunters as the Háusa people, of whom a considerable proportion
live by hunting, forming numerous parties or hunting clubs, who on
certain days go out into the forest.
[Sidenote: Friday, December 3rd.]
Having made a good march the previous day, we were obliged, before
attempting the passage of the river with our numerous beasts and heavy
luggage, to allow them a day’s repose; and I spent it most agreeably on
the banks of the river, which was only a few yards from our encampment.
Having seen this valley in the dry season, and read so many theories
with regard to its connection with the Niger on the one side, and the
Tsád on the other, it was of the highest interest to me to see it at the
present time of the year, when it was full of water, and at its very
highest point; and I could only wish that Captain William Allen had been
able to survey this noble stream in its present state, in order to
convince himself of the erroneous nature of his theory of this river
running from the Tsád into the so-called Chadda, or rather Bénuwé.
Though the current was not very strong, and probably did not exceed
three miles an hour, it swept along as a considerable river of about one
hundred and twenty yards breadth towards the Tsád, changing its course
from a direction E. 12° S. to N. 35° E. While the bank on this side
formed a steep sandy slope, the opposite one was flat, and richly
adorned with reeds, of different species, and luxuriant trees. All was
quiet and repose, there being no traffic whatever on the river, with the
exception of a couple of homely travellers, a man and woman, who in the
simple native style were crossing the river, riding on a pair of yoked
calabashes and immerged in the water up to their middle, while they had
stowed away their little clothing inside those very vessels which
supported them above the water; but notwithstanding their energetic
labour, they were carried down by the force of the current to a
considerable distance. Besides these two human beings, the river at
present was only enlivened by one solitary spoonbill (or, as it is here
called, béja or kedébbu-búnibe), who, like a king of the water, was
proudly swimming up and down, looking around for prey.
The following day we crossed the river ourselves. I had had some
difficulty in concluding the bargain, the inhabitants, who belong to the
Tebú-Zénghi[12], making at first rather exorbitant demands[13], till I
satisfied them with a dollar; and we ourselves, camels, horses, and
luggage, crossed without an accident, each camel being drawn by a man,
mounted on a pair of calabashes, while another man mounted the animal
close to its tail. The scenery, although destitute of grand features,
was highly interesting, and has been represented as correctly as
possible in the plate opposite. The river proved to be fifteen feet deep
in the channel, and about 120 yards broad; but there was a still smaller
creek behind, about five feet deep.
[Illustration: Drawn by J. M. Bernatz, from a Sketch by Dr. Barth.
M. & N. Hanhart, lith. et impt.
THE KOMÁDUGU AT ZÉNGIRI.
Decr. 4th. 1852.]
At length we were again in motion; but our difficulties now commenced,
the path being extremely winding, deeply hollowed out, and full of
water, and leading through the thickest part of the forest—and I had to
lament the loss of several bottles of the most valuable medicine, a
couple of boxes being thrown from the back of the camel. The forest
extended only to the border which is reached by the highest state of the
inundation, when we emerged upon open country, and, leaving the town of
Nghurútuwa (where Mr. Richardson died) at a short distance on our right,
we encamped a few hundred yards to the south of the town of Alaúne,
which I had also passed on my former journey.
Here we entered that part of the province of Manga which is governed by
Kashélla Belál; and the difference in the character of this tract from
the province of Koyám, which we had just left behind, was remarkable,
the country being undulated in downs of red sand, famous for the
cultivation of ground-nuts and beans, both of which constitute a large
proportion of the food of the inhabitants, so that millet and beans are
generally sown on the same field, the latter ripening later and
constituting the richest pasture for cattle and camels. Of grain, Negro
millet (_Pennisetum typhoïdeum_) is the species almost exclusively
cultivated in the country of Manga, sorghum not being adapted for this
dry ground.
The same difference was to be observed in the architecture of the native
dwellings,—the corn stacks which impart so decided a character of peace
and repose to the villages of Háusa, but which are sought for in vain in
the whole of Bórnu Proper, here again making their appearance. The Manga
call them “sébe” or “gúsi.” The cottages themselves, although they were
not remarkable for their cleanliness, presented rather a cheerful
aspect, the thatch being thickly interwoven with and enlivened by the
creepers of various cucurbitaceæ, but especially the favourite kobéwa or
_Melopepo_. The same difference which was exhibited in the nature of the
country and the dwellings of the natives, appeared also in the character
of the latter, the Kanúri horseman or the Koyám camel-breeder being here
supplanted by the Manga footman, with his leather apron, his bow and
arrow, and his battle-axe, while the more slender Manga girl, scarcely
peeping forth from under her black veil, with which she bashfully hid
her face, had succeeded to the Bórnu female, with her square figure, her
broad features, and her open and ill-covered breast. I have observed
elsewhere that, although the Manga evidently form a very considerable
element in the formation of the Bórnu nation, their name as such does
not occur in the early annals of the empire, and we therefore can only
presume that they owe their origin to a mixture of tribes.
Having passed the important place of Kadagárruwá and some other
villages, we encamped on the 5th near the extensive village Mámmarí,
where the governor of the province at that time resided.[14]
[Sidenote: Monday, December 6th.]
A small watercourse joining the komádugu Waúbe from the north, separates
the province of Kashélla Belál from another part of Manga, placed under
a special officer, who has his residence in Borzári. Close on the
western side of this watercourse, which is only about thirty yards
across, the Manga, at the time (in the year 1845) when, in consequence
of the inroad of Wádáy, the whole empire of Bórnu seemed to be falling
to ruin, fortified a large place in order to vindicate their national
independence against the rulers of the kingdom; but having been beaten
by ʿAbd e’ Rahmán, the sheikh’s brother, the town was easily taken by
another kókana or officer, of the name of Háj Sudáni. It is called
Máikonomarí-kurá, the Large Máikonomarí, in order to distinguish it from
a smaller place of the same name, and contains at present only a small
number of dwellings, but was nevertheless distinguished from its more
thriving neighbour by a larger supply of articles of comfort, such as a
fine herd of cattle, well-filled granaries, and plenty of poultry, while
the neighbouring province, which we had just left behind, appeared to be
exhausted by recent exactions and contributions, the greater part of the
population having even sought safety in a precipitate flight. The
country, however, which we traversed on our march to Borzári was not
remarkable in any way for the beauty of its scenery, although the former
part of our march led through a well-cultivated and populous district;
and the heat reflected, during the middle of the day, from the bleak
soil clad only with a scanty vegetation, was oppressive in the extreme,
although it was the month of December. Thus I passed the walled town of
Grémarí[15] without feeling myself induced, by the herd of cattle just
assembled near the wall, to make a halt, the ground here becoming
excessively barren and hot. On reaching the town of Borzári, I preferred
encamping outside, although there was not the least shade; my heavy
luggage and my numerous party rendering quarters inside the town rather
inconvenient. The governor, to whom I sent a small present, treated me
very hospitably, sending me a heifer, a large provision of rice, several
dishes of prepared food, and two large bowls of milk. This excellent
man, whose name is Kashélla Manzo, besides the government of his
province, had to regulate the whole intercourse along this road, being
instructed at the time especially to prevent the exportation of horses
from the Bórnu territory into the Háusa states.
The town, which is surrounded with a low crenellated wall and a ditch in
good repair, is of considerable size and well built, and may contain
from 7000 to 8000 inhabitants; but there is no great industry to be
seen, nor is there a good market. The wells measure ten fathoms in
depth.
Our direct road from this point would have led straight to Zurríkulo;
but an officer of the name of Ádama, who was to accompany me to Zínder,
having joined me, I was induced to take a more southerly road, by way of
Donári, which constituted his estate; and I was very glad afterwards
that I did so, as this road made me acquainted with the peculiar
character of the territory of Bedde, which I should not otherwise have
touched at.
[Sidenote: Tuesday, December 7th.]
The first part of our march led through a more dreary tract of country,
which was neither very picturesque nor exhibited any great signs of
industry among the natives; but after a stretch of a little more than
eleven miles, large, wide-spreading tamarind trees announced a more
fertile district, and a few hundred yards further on we reached the
border of one of the great swampy creeks connected with the south-
western branch of the komádugu, and intersecting the territory of Bedde,
which we had now entered. We kept close along its border, which was
adorned by fine, luxuriant trees, till we encamped at a short distance
from Dáddeger, a place inhabited by Bedde, and at that time forming part
of the estate of Malá Ibrám. The village is situated on a small mound
close to the swamp or jungle; for the water is so thickly covered with
forest, that no portion of the aqueous element is to be seen. It forms
rather what the Kanúri call an ngáljam (that is to say, a swampy shallow
creek or backwater, having little or no inclination) than a kulúgu; and
there can be no doubt of its connection with the great komádugu of
Bórnu. The natives call it at this spot Gojágwa[16], and further on,
Máje. They are pagans, and wear nothing but a narrow leather apron or
funó round their loins[17], with the exception of a few Kanúri, who are
living amongst them, and who cultivate a small quantity of cotton, for
which the banks of the swamp are very well suited, and would no doubt be
extensively used for this purpose if the country were inhabited by
civilized people.
The Bedde, according to their language, are closely related to the
Manga, but, as far as I had an opportunity of judging, are much inferior
to them in bodily development, being not at all distinguished for their
stature; but it is very probable that the inhabitants of these places in
the border district, who come into continual contact with their masters
the Bórnu people, are more degenerate than those in the interior, who,
protected by the several branches of the komádugu and the swamps and
forests connected with them, keep up a spirit of national independence,
possessing even a considerable number of a small breed of horses, which
they ride without saddle or harness, and in the same barbaric manner as
the Músgu.
[Sidenote: Wednesday, December 8th.]
The district which we traversed in the morning was distinguished by a
great number of kúka or monkey-bread trees, the first one we saw being
destitute of leaves, though full of fruit; but gradually, as we
approached a more considerable sheet of water, they became adorned with
a profusion of rich foliage, and we here met several small parties laden
with baskets, of an elongated shape, full of the young leaves of this
tree, which, as “kálu kúka,” constitute the most common vegetable of the
natives. Besides the kúka, large karáge and kórna or jujube trees
(_Zizyphus_), and now and then a fine tamarind tree, though not of such
great size as I was wont to see, adorned the landscape.
We had just crossed a swamp, at present dry, surrounded on one side by
fine fig trees and gerredh of such luxuriant growth that I was scarcely
able to recognize the tree, and on the other by talha trees, when, about
noon, we emerged into open cultivated ground, and were here greeted with
the sight of a pretty sheet of open water, breaking forth from the
forest on our left, and dividing into two branches, which receded in the
distance. The Bedde call it Thaba-kenáma. The water is full of fish,
which is dried by the inhabitants, and, either in its natural form or
pounded and formed into balls, constitutes an important article of
export. We met a good many people laden with it.
It was here that, while admiring this riverlike sheet of water, I
recognized, among a troop of native travellers, my friend the sheríf
Mohammed Ben Áhmed, to whom I was indebted for a couple of hours very
pleasantly and usefully spent during my stay in Yóla, and for the route
from Mozambique to the lake Nyanja, or, as it is commonly called,
Nyassi. I for a moment hoped that it might be my fate, in the company of
this man, to penetrate through the large belt of the unknown equatorial
region of this continent towards the Indian Ocean. But as he was now on
his way from Zínder to Kúkawa, we had only a few moments allowed for
conversation and the exchange of compliments, when we separated in
opposite directions, never to meet again,—my fate carrying me westward,
while he was soon to succumb to the effects of the climate of Negroland.
Three miles further on, turning a little more southward from our
westerly direction, we reached the town of Géshiya, once a strong place
and surrounded by a clay wall, but at present in a state of great decay,
although it is still tolerably peopled, the groups of conical huts being
separated by fences of matting into several quarters. Here we encamped
on the north side, near a fine tamarind tree, where millet was grown to
a great extent. The south and west sides were surrounded by an extensive
swamp or swampy watercourse fed by the komádugu, and, with its dense
forest, affording to the inhabitants a safe retreat in case of an attack
from their enemies. All the towns of the Bedde are situated in similar
positions; and hence the precarious allegiance of the people (who
indulge in rapacious habits) to the ruler of Bórnu. The inhabitants of
Géshiya[18], indeed, have very thievish propensities; and as we had
neglected to fire a few shots in the evening, a couple of daring men
succeeded, during the night, in carrying away the woollen blanket in
which my companion the Méjebrí merchant ʿAlí el Ágeren was sleeping at
the side of his horse. Although he was a man of hardihood and
experience, he was dragged or carried along to a considerable distance,
until he was forced to let go his blanket; and, threatening him with
their spear in case he should cry out, they managed this affair so
cleverly and with such dispatch, that they were off in the dark before
we were up to pursue them. It was a pity that these daring rascals
escaped with their spoil; but in order to prevent any further
depredations of this kind, we fired several shots, and, with a large
accordion, upon which I played the rest of the night, I frightened the
people to such a degree, that they thought every moment we were about to
ransack the town.
[Sidenote: Thursday, December 9th.]
Keeping along the north-eastern border of the swamp, through a fine
country where the tamarind and monkey-bread tree were often interlaced,
as I have repeatedly observed to be the case with these species of
trees, we reached, after a march of about three miles, the town of
Gesma, which is girt and defended by the swamp on the south and east
sides, the wall being distinguished by the irregularity of its
pinnacles, if pinnacles they may be called, as represented in the
accompanying woodcut. The inhabitants, clad in nothing but a leather
apron, were busy carrying clay from the adjacent swamp, in order to
repair the wall, which, however, on the west side, was in excellent
condition.
[Illustration]
Close to this town I observed the first rími, or silk-cotton tree, which
in Bórnu Proper is entirely wanting; and as we proceeded through the
fine open country, numerous species of trees which are peculiar to Háusa
became visible, and seemed to greet me as old acquaintances. I was
heartily glad that I had left the monotonous plains of Bórnu once more
behind me, and had reached the more favoured and diversified districts
of this fine country. Small channels intersected the country in every
direction; and immense fishing-baskets were lying in some of them,
apparently in order to catch the fish which, during the period of the
inundation, are carried down by the river. But the great humidity of
this district made it swarm with ants, whose immense and thickly-
scattered hills, together with the dúm bush, filled out the intermediate
spaces between the larger specimens of the vegetable kingdom.
Having then crossed a tract of denser forest, we entered upon deep sandy
soil, where the kúka became the sole tree, excluding almost every other
kind, with the exception of a few tamarinds, for whose company, as I
have observed, the monkey-bread tree seems to have a decided
predilection.
Thus we reached Donári, formerly a considerable place of the Manga, and
surrounded with a low rampart of earth, but at present greatly reduced,
the inhabited quarter occupying only a very small proportion of the area
thus inclosed. But a good many cattle were to be seen, and, lying just
in the shade of the majestic monkey-bread trees which mark the place,
afforded a cheerful sight. This was the residence of the Bórnu officer
Ádama, who had accompanied me from Borzári, and who the previous day had
gone on in advance to pass the night here. But having once made it a
rule to encamp in the open country, I preferred the large though
leafless trunk of a kúka at a short distance from the eastern gate, to a
cool shed inside the town; and the heat was by no means oppressive, a
cool wind blowing the whole day.
[Sidenote: December 10th.]
We exchanged the domain of the monkey-bread tree for that of the dúm
palm, by giving to our course a north-westerly direction towards
Zurríkulo, the queen of the region of dúm palms and the residence of the
hospitable Kashélla Sʿaíd[19], passing at some distance on our way a
comfortable and populous little place, surrounded with a stockade, and
bearing the attractive name of Kechí-dúniyá, “the sweetness of the
world,” where a little market was held, to which people were flocking
from all sides, male and female, with sour milk, ground-nuts, grain,
earthen pots, young cattle, and sheep.
In Zurríkulo I fell into my former route, which I had followed in the
opposite direction in March 1851, and, crossing the northern branch of
the komádugu, which at present was two feet and a half deep, and
following almost the same road, encamped the next day in Shechéri, the
first village of the district of Búndi.
[Footnote 1: This is the map which was published by Mr. Petermann, in
the account of the progress of the Expedition to Central Africa, adding
from Mr. Richardson’s and Mr. Overweg’s journals, which I had sent home,
an outline of those districts visited by themselves alone.]
[Footnote 2: See Vol. II. p. 272.]
[Footnote 3: See Vol. II. p. 276.]
[Footnote 4: See Vol. III. p. 348, note.]
[Footnote 5: The depth of the well measured twenty-two fathoms.]
[Footnote 6: This is a complaint to which almost every European in these
climes is exposed, and from which Clapperton suffered very severely. I
found the best remedy to be mai-kadeña butter, which is very cooling;
but in the eastern part of Bórnu it is rarely to be met with.]
[Footnote 7: See Vol. II. p. 274.]
[Footnote 8: Compare what I have said with regard to the periods of the
rising and decreasing of this river in Vol. III. p. 474.]
[Footnote 9: Vol. II. p. 644.]
[Footnote 10: The intelligent Arab Ben ʿAlí, in the interesting account
which he gave to Lucas (Proceedings of the African Association, vol. i.
p. 148), distinctly states the number of gates as seven; but it is
remarkable that, in all the accounts of the taking of the place by the
Fúlbe, mention is only made of two gates, and it is still evident, at
the present time, that the western and the eastern gates were the only
large ones.]
[Footnote 11: It must be this circumstance (which to the natives
themselves, in the degenerate age of their later kings, appeared as a
miracle) which caused the report that in Ghámbarú and Ghasr-éggomo there
were buildings of the time of the Christians.]
[Footnote 12: I do not know exactly whether the ford has been called
after this tribe; but the name Zénghiri also occurs in other
localities.]
[Footnote 13: These people wanted in general nothing but cloves. I
however succeeded in buying a sheep from them for eight gábagá, at the
rate of eight drʿa each.]
[Footnote 14: To this province, although I do not know by what
particular name it is called by the natives, belong the following
places, besides Mámmarí or Mómmolí:—Katíkenwá (a large place),
Gubálgorúm (touched at by me on my former route) at a short distance to
the S.E., Tafiyóri E., Keríbúdduwa, Mainé, Nay, Mammed Kanúri, Mʿadi
Kúlloram, Kará ngámduwá to the N., Kériwá, Dúggulí, Gúdderam, Ngabóliya,
Kajimma, Alaúne, Nghurútuwa, Bam. The place Shégori, although situated
within the boundaries of this province, forms a separate domain of Malá
Ibrám.]
[Footnote 15: I will here mention, as an instance how careful
travellers, even those tolerably well acquainted with the languages of
the country through which they travel, must be with regard to the names
of places, that when first passing this town I asked a man its name,
and, not having distinctly heard what he said, I asked another person
who stood by; and he said “mannawáji.” Supposing at the time that this
was the name of the place, I wrote it down, but soon convinced myself
that it meant nothing but “he does not want to speak,” or “refuses to
answer,” and I then learnt on further inquiry that the real name of the
town was Grémarí.]
[Footnote 16: I almost suspect that this is the water of which Mr.
Hutchinson, when in Ashanti, heard a report from the natives under the
name “koumouda Gaiguina.” (Bowdich’s Mission to Ashantee, p. 213.)]
[Footnote 17: What Koelle relates (Kanúri Proverbs, p. 82, text; p. 211,
transl.) on the authority of his informant, that the Bedde, or Bode as
he writes, wear wide shirts, “kálgu,” besides the funó, of course (as is
the case also with the Marghí) can only have reference to those amongst
them who have adopted Islám.]
[Footnote 18: The bíllama, or mayor, of this town, who has subjected
himself to the authority of Bórnu, bears the title “Mai ʿOmár Béddema.”
Fitíti, the residence of the chief Babýshe, or Babúdji, and the chief
town of Bedde, lies a short day’s march from here S.S.W. I have more
materials of itineraries traversing this region; but they are too
indistinct with regard to direction to be used for a topographical
sketch of the country.]
[Footnote 19: His province comprises the following villages:—Chando,
Gíro, Ghasrmarí, Kellerí, Gabchári, Bilaljawa, Nkibúda, Lawandí, Dalarí,
Kerí-zemán, Kábi, Gréma Dalarí.]
CHAP. LIV.
THE MOUNTAINOUS TERRITORY OF MÚNIYÓ, AND ITS GOVERNOR.
[Sidenote: December 12th.]
In Shechéri I left my former route, which would have taken me to Búndi
and Máshena, and followed a N.N.W. direction, towards the mountainous
province of Múniyó, which before the time of our expedition was entirely
unknown. Passing through the district of Chejéssemo, to which Shechéri
belongs, we entered a forest where the kúsulu or magária[20], with its
small berries, was very common, the ground being covered with tall
jungle. We then reached the town of Ngárruwá, surrounded with a clay
wall in decay, and here watered our animals. The wells were ten fathoms
deep; and crowds of boys and girls were busy drawing water from two
other richer wells situated on the north side of the place. The path was
also frequented by numbers of people who were carrying the harvest into
the town, in nets made from the leaves of the dúm palm, and borne on the
backs of oxen. Further on, forest and cultivated ground alternated; and
leaving a rocky mound called Míva, which marks the beginning of the
north-western hilly portion of the Manga country on our right, we
reached, after a good march of altogether about twenty-two miles, the
rich well of Berbéruwá, a small miserable hamlet which lies at a short
distance to the west.
The well, however, which was scarcely a fathom in depth, was surrounded
by six fine wide-spreading tamarind trees at regular distances from each
other, and afforded quite a pleasant resting-place. The well is
important as a station for travellers, while the hamlet is so poor that
it does not possess a single cow or goat. It still belongs to the
province of the ghaladíma, who about thirty years ago had a caravan of
from sixteen to twenty Arabs exterminated in this neighbourhood, when
Mukní, the then ruler of Fezzán and one of the greatest slave-hunters of
the time, penetrated as far as the Komádugu Wáúbe. Sheikh ʿOmár also,
when on his expedition against Zínder in order to subjugate the
rebellious governor of that town (Ibrahím or Ibrám), encamped on this
spot. The temperature of the water of the well was 66°.
On inquiring to-day for the small territory of Auyók or Nkizám, the
situation as well as the name of which had been erroneously given by
former travellers, I learned that it is situated between Khadéja and
Gummel, and that it comprises the following places: Táshina, Únik,
Shágató, Shíbiyay, Belángu, Badda, Rómeri, Sóngolom, Melebétiye and
Úmarí.
[Sidenote: Monday, December 13th.]
A band of petty native traders or dangarúnfu, who carried their
merchandise on their heads, here joined our party. Their merchandise
consisted of cotton, which they had bought in Díggera, and were carrying
to Sulléri, the market of Múniyó, where cotton is dear. While proceeding
onwards, we met another party of native traders from Chelúgiwá, laden
with earthenware. In the forest which we then entered, with undulating
ground, the karáge was the predominant tree. Further on the road
divided; and while I took the western one, which led me to Yámiyá, my
people, mistaking a sign which some other persons had laid across the
path as if made by myself, took the easterly one to Chelúgiwá, where
Méle, the lord of this little estate, resided, so that it was some time
before I was joined by my party.
The well (which, as is generally the case in this district, lies at the
foot of a granite mount, where the moisture collects) in the afternoon
presented an interesting scene, a herd of about 120 head of fine cattle
being watered here; and it was the more interesting, as the herdsmen
were Felláta, or Fúlbe, of the tribe of the Hirlége. The well measured
two fathoms in depth; and the temperature of the water was 80° at 1.20
P.M., while that of the air was 84°.
[Sidenote: Tuesday, December 14th.]
After a march of about six miles through a fine country, occasionally
diversified by a rocky eminence and adorned here and there by fine
tamarind trees, we reached Sulléri, a considerable place consisting of
several detached hamlets, where the most important market in the
territory of Múniyó is held every Friday. The place contains about 5000
inhabitants, and was enlivened at the time by a considerable herd of
cattle. Millet is grown to a great extent, although dúm bush or ngille,
with its obstructing roots, renders a great portion of the soil unfit
for cultivation, and scarcely any cotton at all is raised, so that this
forms an important article of importation. Towards the south lies
another place, called Deggerári, and to the south-west a third one,
called Dúgura. Granitic eminences dotted the whole country; but the
foggy state of the atmosphere did not allow me to distinguish clearly
the more distant hills.
Proceeding in a north-westerly direction through this hilly country, and
leaving at a short distance on our right a higher eminence, at the
western foot of which the village of New Búne is situated, we descended
considerably into a hollow of clayey soil of a most peculiar character.
For all of a sudden an isolated date palm started up on our right, while
on our left the unwonted aspect of a tall slender gónda, or _Erica
Papaya_, attracted our attention, the intermediate ground being occupied
by a rich plantation of cotton. Suddenly a large “sirge” or lake of
natron of snowy whiteness, extending from the foot of the height which
towers over Búne, approached on our right,—the rich vegetation which
girded its border, along which the path led, forming a very remarkable
contrast to the barrenness of the “sirge”; for the whole surface of the
basin, which at present did not contain a drop of water, was formed of
natron, while people were busy digging saltpetre, from pits about six
feet deep and one foot and a half in diameter, on its very border. A
short distance off, fresh water is to be found close under the surface,
giving life to the vegetation, which bears a character so entirely new
in this district; and I gazed with delight on the rich scenery around,
which presented such a remarkable contrast to the monotonous plains of
Bórnu. Wide-spreading tamarind trees shaded large tracts of ground,
while detached date palms, few and far between, raised their feathery
foliage like a fan over the surrounding country. The ground was clothed,
besides, with “retem,” or broom, and dúm bush, with the _Tamarix
gallica_, or “tarfa,” which I scarcely remember to have seen in any
other spot during the whole of my travels in Negroland.
Ascending from the clayey soil on a sandy bottom, we reached the western
foot of the eminence of Old Búne, which is built in a recess of the
rocky cliffs on the western slope of the mount. But the village, which
has already suffered greatly by the foundation of New Búne at so short a
distance, and which is important only as the residence of Yegúddi, the
eldest son of Múniyóma, had been almost destroyed some time before by a
great conflagration, with the exception of the clay dwelling of the
governor, situated at the foot of the cliffs. It was just
rebuilding,—only the déndal (or principal street) being as yet fit for
habitation, while the rest of the place wore a very cheerless aspect.
[Illustration: Drawn by J. M. Bernatz, from a Sketch by Dr. Barth.
M. & N. Hanhart, lith. et impt.
SALT LAKE NEAR BÚNE.
Decr. 14th. 1852.]
Returning, therefore, a few hundred yards in the direction from whence I
had come, I chose my camping-ground on an eminence at the side of the
path shaded by a majestic tamarind tree, and affording an open prospect
over the characteristic landscape in the bottom of the irregular vale.
Here I spent the whole afternoon enjoying this pleasant panorama, of
which I made a sketch which has been represented in the plate opposite.
I had now been suffering for the last two months from sore legs, which
did not allow me to rove about at pleasure; otherwise I would gladly
have accompanied my companion ʿAlí el Ágeren on a visit to his friend
Bashá Bú-Khalúm, a relative of that Bú-Khalúm who accompanied Denham and
Clapperton. At this time he was residing in New Búne, where he had
lately lost, by another conflagration, almost the whole of his property,
including eight female slaves, who were burnt to death while fettered in
a hut. As conflagrations are very common all over Negroland, especially
in the dry season, a traveller must be extremely careful in confiding
his property to these frail dwellings, and he would do well to avoid
them entirely.
[Sidenote: Wednesday, December 15th.]
A cold northerly wind, which blew in the morning, made us feel very
chilly in our open and elevated encampment, so that it was rather late
when we set out, changing now our course entirely, from a north-westerly
into a north north-easterly direction. The whole neighbourhood was
enveloped in a thick fog. The country, after we had passed the mountain
Bóro, which gives its name to the village Bórmarí, became rather
mountainous. The path wound along through a succession of irregular
glens and dells, surrounded by several more or less detached rocky
eminences, all of which were clothed with bush. The bottom of the
valleys, which consisted mostly of sand, seemed well adapted for the
cultivation of sorghum. We passed a large store of grain, where the
people were busy pounding or threshing the harvested corn.
In many places, however, the ground was intersected by numerous holes of
the fenek or _Megalotis_; and at times clay took the place of the sandy
soil. Numerous herds of camels enlivened the landscape, all of which
belonged, not to the present owners of the country, but to the Tawárek,
the friends and companions of the people of Músa, who had lately made a
foray on a grand scale into this very province.
We encamped at length, after a march of about thirteen miles, near the
second well of Súwa-Kolólluwa, which was two fathoms in depth, and,
unlike the first well, contained a good quantity of water.
The scenery had nothing very remarkable about it; but it exhibited a
cheerful, homely character, surrounded as it was by hills, and enlivened
by herds of camels, horses, and cattle, which towards evening gathered
round the well to be watered; and the character of peace and repose
which it exhibited induced me to make a sketch of it.
[Illustration: Drawn by J. M. Bernatz, from a Sketch by Dr. Barth.
M. & N. Hanhart, lith. et impt.
BÚWA KOLÓSSO.
Decr. 15th. 1852.]
Among the animals there were some excellent she-camels, which, as
evening advanced, were crying and eagerly looking out for their young
ones, that had been left in the surrounding villages. The inhabitants,
who treated us hospitably, seemed to be tolerably well off; and the
feasting in my little encampment continued almost the whole night long.
[Sidenote: Thursday, December 16th.]
With the greater eagerness we started early in the morning, in order to
reach the capital of this little hilly country, which forms a very sharp
wedge or triangle of considerable length, projecting from the heart of
Negroland towards the border of the desert, and exhibiting fixed
settlements and a tolerably well-arranged government, in contrast to the
turbulent districts of nomadic encampments. Our direction meanwhile
remained the same as on the preceding day, being mostly a north-easterly
one. The situation of this province, as laid down from my route upon the
map, seems very remarkable; but we must not forget that in ancient
times, during the flourishing period of the empire of Bórnu, the whole
country between this advanced spur and Kánem formed populous provinces
subjected to the same government, and that it is only since the middle
of the last century that, the Berbers or Tawárek having politically
separated entirely from the Kanúri, the whole eastern part of these
northern provinces has been laid waste and depopulated, while the
energetic rulers of the province of Múniyó have not only succeeded in
defending their little territory, but have even extended it in a certain
degree, encroaching little by little upon the neighbouring province of
Díggera, a tribe of the Tawárek, whom I have mentioned on a former
occasion.[21]
The country in general preserved the same character as on the previous
day,—the narrow vales and glens inclosed by the granitic eminences being
well cultivated, and studded with small hamlets, in some of which the
huts approached the architecture usual in Kánem. Several troops of
natives met us on the road, with pack-oxen, over the backs of which
large baskets were thrown by means of a sort of network; they were
returning from the capital, having delivered their quota of the ʿashúr
or “kúngona máibe.” The system of tax-paying in these western provinces
is very different from that usual in Bórnu Proper, as I shall soon have
another opportunity of relating.
After a march of about six miles, an isolated date palm announced a
different region, and a little further on we entered the valley of
Túnguré, running from west to east, and adorned with a fine plantation
of cotton, besides a grove of about two hundred date palms. Having
traversed this valley where the road leads to Bílla Mʿallem Gárgebe, we
entered a thicket of mimosas, while the eminences assumed a rounder
shape. The country then became gradually more open, scarcely a single
tree being met with, and we obtained a distant view of Gúre, situated at
the southern foot and on the lower slope of a rocky eminence, when we
began to descend considerably along the shelving ground of the expansive
plain laid out in stubble-fields, with here and there a few trees, and
intersected by several large and deep ravines.
[Illustration]
Having first inspected the site of the town, I chose my camping-ground
in a small recess of the sandy downs which border the south side of a
concavity or dell surrounding the town on this side, and laid out in
small kitchen-gardens and cotton plantations as shown in the
accompanying woodcut; for, notwithstanding the entreaties of the
governor, I did not like to take up my quarters inside the place.
In the evening, I received a visit from Yusuf Mukní, the late Mr.
Richardson’s interpreter, who at present had turned merchant, and,
having sold several articles to Múniyóma the governor of the country,
had been waiting here three months for payment. He was very amiable on
this occasion, and apparently was not indisposed to accompany me to
Sókoto, if I had chosen to make him an offer; but I knew his character
too well, and feared rather than liked him. He gave me a faithful
account of the wealth and power of Múniyóma, who, he said, was able to
bring into the field 1500 horsemen, and from 8000 to 10,000 archers,
while his revenues amounted to 30,000,000 of shells, equivalent,
according to the standard of this place, to 10,000 Spanish dollars,
besides a large tribute in corn, equal to the tenth part, or ʿashúr,
which, in all the provinces of Bórnu north-west of the komádugu, in
consequence of the governors of these territories having preserved their
independence against the Fúlbe or Felláta, belongs to them, and not to
the sovereign lord, who resides in Kúkawa. Each full-grown male
inhabitant of the province has to pay annually 1000 shells for himself,
and, if he possess cattle, for every pack-ox 1000 shells more, and for
every slave 2000.
I had heard a great deal about the debts of this governor; but I
learned, on further inquiry, that they only pressed heavily upon him
this year, when the revenues of his province were greatly reduced by the
inroad of the Tawárek of which I have spoken before. As a specimen of
his style of life, I may mention that he had recently bought a horse of
Tarkíye breed for 700,000 shells,—a very high price in this country,
equal to about 50_l._ sterling.
[Sidenote: Friday, December 17th.]
Having got ready my presents for the governor, I went to pay him a
visit; and while waiting in the inner courtyard, I had sufficient
leisure to admire the solid and well-ornamented style of building which
his palace exhibited, and which almost cast into the shade the frail
architectural monuments of the capital. I was then conducted into a
stately but rather sombre audience-hall, where the governor was sitting
on a divan of clay, clad in a blue bernús, and surrounded by a great
number of people whom curiosity had brought thither. Having exchanged
with him the usual compliments, I told him that, as Mr. Richardson had
paid him a visit on his first arrival in the country, and on his way
from the north to Kúkawa, it had also been my desire, before leaving
Bórnu for the western tribes, to pay my respects to him as the most
noble, powerful, and intelligent governor of the country,—it being our
earnest wish to be on friendly terms with all the princes of the earth,
more especially with those so remarkably distinguished as was his
family. He received my address with great kindness, and appeared much
flattered by it.
The number of people present on this occasion was so great, that I did
not enter into closer conversation with the governor, the darkness of
the place not allowing me to distinguish his features. I had, however, a
better opportunity of observing his almost European cast of countenance
when I paid him another visit, in order to satisfy his curiosity by
firing my six-barrelled revolver before his eyes. On this occasion he
did me the honour of putting on the white heláli bernús which had
constituted the chief attraction of my present, and which he esteemed
very highly, as most noble people do in this country, while the common
chief values more highly a dress of showy colours. The white half-silk
bernús looked very well, especially as he wore underneath it a red cloth
kaftan.
The real name of the governor is Kóso, Múniyóma being, as I have stated
on a former occasion[22], nothing but a general title, meaning the
governor of Múniyó, which, in the old division of the vast empire of
Bórnu, formed part of the Yerí. In the present reduced state of the
kingdom of Bórnu, he was the most powerful and respectable of the
governors, and, by his personal dignity had more the appearance of a
prince than almost any other chief whom I saw in Negroland. Besides
making himself respected by his intelligence and just conduct, he has
succeeded in spreading a sort of mystery round his daily life, which
enhanced his authority. The people assured me that nobody ever saw him
eating. But, as far as I had an opportunity of observing, even his
family harboured that jealousy and want of confidence which undermines
the wellbeing of so many princely households based on polygamy.
Kóso at that time was a man of about sixty years of age, and,
unfortunately, died shortly afterwards, in the year 1854. He had
displayed a great deal of energy on several occasions. It was he who had
transferred the seat of government of this province from Búne to Gúre,
having conquered (or probably only reconquered) this territory from the
Díggera, the Tawárek tribe formerly scattered over a great part of
Háusa. But notwithstanding his own energetic character, he had
manifested his faithfulness to his sovereign lord in Kúkawa at the time
of the inroad of the Wádáy, when Serkí Ibrám, the governor of Zínder,
not only declared himself independent, but even demanded homage from the
neighbouring vassals of the Bórnu empire, and, when such was denied him,
marched against Múniyóma, but was beaten near the town of Wúshek. Such
faithful adherence to the new dynasty of the Kánemíyín in Kúkawa is the
more remarkable in this man, as the ruling family of Múniyóma seems to
have been of ancient standing, and it was an ancestor of Kóso, of the
name of Sérriyó, who once conquered the strong town of Dáura, the most
ancient of the Háusa states.
But notwithstanding the more noble disposition which certainly
distinguished this man from most of his colleagues, here also the misery
connected with the horrors of slave-hunting and the slave-trade was very
palpable. For, in order to be enabled to pay his debts, he was just then
about to undertake a foray against one of the towns of the Díggera, the
inhabitants of which had behaved in a friendly manner towards the
Tawárek during their recent inroad; and he begged me, very urgently, to
stay until his return from the foray. But as I did not want anything
from him, and as the road before me was a long one, I preferred pursuing
my journey, taking care, however, to obtain information from him, and
from the principal men in his company, respecting those localities of
the province which most deserved my attention.
Kóso departed, with his troop in several small detachments, about noon
on the 18th, the signal for starting not being made with a drum, as is
usual in Bórnu, but with an iron instrument which dates from the old
pagan times, and not unlike that of the Músgu. It was also very
characteristic, that during his absence the lieutenant-governorship was
exercised by the mágirá, or the mother of the governor, who was said to
have ruled on former occasions in a very energetic manner, punishing all
the inhabitants, capable of bearing arms, who had remained behind.
Before setting out, however, on his foray, the governor sent me a camel
as a present, which, although it was not a first-rate one, and was
knocked up before I reached Kátsena, nevertheless proved of some use for
a few days. I presume that it had been his intention to have given me a
better animal, and that his design had only been frustrated by some
selfish people. He had expressed a wish to purchase from me a pair of
Arab pistols; but although I possessed three beautifully-ornamented
pairs, I wanted them myself as presents for other chiefs on my further
march, and therefore could not gratify his wish. During my stay here he
treated me very hospitably, sending me, besides numerous dishes of
prepared food, two fat sheep as a present.
Gúre, the present residence of Múniyóma, lies on the southern slope of a
rocky eminence, and is separated, by irregular ground, into several
detached portions containing, altogether, a population of about 8000
inhabitants. In former years it was more spacious; and its circumference
had only been lessened a short time before my arrival, in order to
insure greater security. But it is only surrounded with a single, and in
some places a double, fence or stockade, the south-western corner, which
is most exposed to an attack, being protected in a curious way, by a
labyrinth of fences, including a number of cotton-grounds and kitchen-
gardens.[23] But although in this manner the town is only very
insufficiently protected against a serious attack, the inhabitants have
the advantage of the rocky cone rising over their heads, where they
might certainly retire in such a case.
[Sidenote: Sunday, December 19th.]
I left Gúre, continuing my march towards Zínder not along the most
direct road, but with the intention of visiting those localities which
were likely to present the most interesting features. I therefore kept
first in a westerly direction, passing through a mountainous district,
and further on through more open country, with the purpose of visiting
Wúshek, a place which had been mentioned to me as peculiarly
interesting. The situation of the place has something (as the plate a
few pages further on, as well as the woodcut, will show) very peculiar
about it—a mixture of fertility and aridity, of cultivation and
desolation, of industry and neglect—being situated at some distance from
the foot of a mountain-range, and separated from it by a barren tract,
while on the site itself the moisture percolates in several small dells
and hollows; and thus, besides a good crop of wheat, several small
groves of date trees are produced. The largest of these groves, skirting
the east side of the town, contains about 800 trees, while a little
further east another dell winds along, containing about 200 palms, and,
joining the former, to the north of the village, widens to a more open
ground richly overgrown with tamarind trees, which are entwined with
creepers and clad with herbage. This grove, which encompasses the whole
of the north side of the place, exhibits a very pleasant aspect. Several
ponds are formed here; and abundance of water is found in holes from a
foot to two feet in depth.
Going round this depression, I entered the town from the north-east
quarter, and here found a large open space laid out in fields of wheat,
kitchen-gardens, with onions, and cotton-grounds, all in different
stages of cultivation: most of the beds where wheat was grown were just
being laid out, the clods of dry earth being broken and the ground
irrigated, while in other places the green stalks of the crop were
already shooting forth. The onions were very closely packed together.
Everywhere the fertilizing element was close at hand, and palm trees
were shooting up in several detached clusters; but large mounds of
rubbish prevented my taking a comprehensive view over the whole, and the
more so as the village is separated into four detached portions lying at
a considerable distance from each other, and forming altogether a
circumference of about three miles, with a population of from 8000 to
9000 inhabitants. But the whole is merely surrounded by a light fence.
The principal cluster, or hamlet, surrounds a small eminence, on the top
of which stands the house of the head man or mayor, built of clay, and
having quite a commanding position, while at the north-eastern foot of
the hill a very picturesque date grove spreads out in a hollow. The
ground being uneven, the dwellings, like those in Gúre, are mostly
situated in hollows; and the courtyards present a new and characteristic
feature—for although the cottages themselves are built of reed and
stalks of Negro corn, the corn-stacks, far from presenting that light
and perishable appearance which they exhibit all over Háusa, approach
closely that solid style of building which we have observed in the Músgu
country, being built of clay, and rising to the height of ten feet.
[Illustration: WÚSHEK.
1. Principal hamlet surrounding the dwelling of the bíllama, which is
situated on an eminence.
2. Several smaller clusters of huts.
3, 4. Shallow vales with palm trees.
5. Small depressions or cavities in the sandy soil, also with palm-
trees.
6. Another group of palm trees on the border of a small brook formed by
a source of living water.]
Wúshek is the principal place for the cultivation of wheat in the whole
western part of Bórnu; and if there had been a market that day, it would
have been most profitable for me to have provided myself here with this
article, wheat being very essential for me, as I had only free servants
at my disposal, who would by no means undertake the pounding and
preparing of the native corn, while a preparation of wheat, such as
mohamsa, can be always kept ready; but the market of Wúshek is only held
every Wednesday. In the whole of this country, one hundred shells, or
kúngona, which are estimated equal to one gábagá, form the standard
currency in the market; and it is remarkable that this sum is not
designated by the Kanúri word “míye” or “yéro,”[24] nor with the common
Háusa word “darí,” but by the name “zango,” which is used only in the
western parts of Háusa and in Sókoto.
I had pitched my tent near the south-eastern hamlet, which is the
smallest of the four, close to the spot where I had entered the place,
not being aware of its extent; and from here I made, in the afternoon, a
sketch of the mountain-range towards the south, and the dry shelving
level bordered by the strip of green verdure with the palm trees in the
foreground, which is represented in the plate opposite. In the evening I
was hospitably regaled by each of the two bíllama who govern the town,
and I had the satisfaction of making a “tailor to His Majesty Múniyóma,”
who was residing here, very happy by the present of a few large darning-
needles for sewing the líbbedi or wadded dress for the soldiers.
[Illustration: Drawn by J. M. Bernatz, from a Sketch by Dr. Barth.
M. & N. Hanhart, lith. et impt.
WÚSHEK.
Decr. 19th. 1852.]
[Sidenote: Monday, December 20th.]
On leaving Wúshek, we directed our course by the spur of the mountain-
chain to the south south-west, crossing several hollows, one of which
presented a very luxuriant cotton-ground carefully fenced in by the
_euphorbiacea_ here called mágará, which I have described on a former
occasion. The country in general consisted of a broken sandy level
clothed with tall reeds. Leaving then a small village of the name of
Gédiyó in a recess of the mountains, we entered an undulating plain, the
prairie of Nógo, open towards the west, but bounded on the east by an
amphitheatre of low hills, and densely clothed with herbage and broom,
to which succeeded underwood of small mimosas, and further on, when we
approached the hills on the other side of the plain, large clusters of
“abísga,” or _Capparis sodata_. Only here and there traces of
cultivation were to be seen. The sun was very powerful; and as we
marched during the hottest hours of the day, I felt very unwell, and was
obliged to sit down for a while.
After having traversed the plain, we again had the mountain-chain on our
left; and in a recess or amphitheatre which is formed by the eminences,
we obtained a sight of Gábatá, the old residence of the Múniyóma, but at
present exhibiting nothing but a heap of unsightly ruins, encompassed
towards the road side by a wall built of different kinds of stone, but
at present entirely in decay, while in the very angle of the recess at
the foot of the mountains a stone dwelling is seen, where it was the
custom, in olden times, for every ruler of the country, upon his
accession to the throne, to remain in retirement for seven days. It had
been my intention to visit this spot; but the present governor had
urgently requested me to abstain from such a profane undertaking, the
place being (as he said) haunted by spirits: and my sudden indisposition
prevented me from accomplishing my design. The natives say that there
are caves leading from the stone dwelling into the rock.
Our left being bordered by the mountain-slope, which is beautifully
varied, and having on our right a fine grove of magnificent trees and
cultivated fields, we reached, at three o’clock in the afternoon, the
well situated in a recess of the mountains, but had great difficulty in
choosing a spot tolerably free from ants. Here I felt so weak that I did
not care either about the ruins of Gábatá or anything else except the
most profound repose.
[Sidenote: Tuesday, December 21st.]
The night was very cold, and disagreeable, a heavy north-easterly gale
not only bringing cold, but likewise covering us with clouds of the
feathery prickle _Pennisetum distichum_; and we started in a condition
anything but cheerful. The mountain-chain on our left now receded, and
the country exhibited a rich abundance of timber and herbage, the forest
being agreeably broken by a large extent of stubble-fields where millet
and beans were grown; and distinguished among the cultivated grounds by
the appearance of a certain degree of industry, were the fields of
Chégchegá or Gámmachak, the oldest estate of the family of Múniyóma,
which we had on our left.[25] In the intervening tracts of forest the
úm-el-barka or kégo (_Mimosa Nilotica_) was very common, but it was at
present leafless. Granite protrudes now and then; and further on the
whole country became clothed with retem or broom.
Close to the village of Baratáwa, we crossed a narrow but beautiful and
regular vale adorned with the finest tamarind trees I ever saw, which
were not only developing their domelike umbrageous crowns in full
splendour, but which were the more beautiful as the fruit was just
beginning to ripen. Close to the well a group of slender dúm palms were
starting forth, with their light fanlike foliage, in singular contrast
to the domelike crowns of dark-green foliage which adorned the tamarind
trees. This beautiful tree further on also remained the greatest
ornament to the landscape; but besides this the kómor or baúre also and
other species were observed, and the fan palm was to be seen here and
there. Cattle and camels enlivened the country, which presented the
appearance of one vast field, and was dotted with numerous corn stacks.
I had entertained the hope of being able this day to reach the natron
lake of Keléno; but I convinced myself that the distance was too great,
and, although I reached the first hamlet, which bears the name of
Keléno, I was obliged to encamp without being able to reach the lake.
There had been in former times a large place of the same name hereabout;
but the inhabitants had dispersed, and settled in small detached
hamlets. Close to our encampment there was a pond of small size, but of
considerable depth, which seemed never to dry up. It was densely
overgrown with tall papyrus and melés. The core of the root of this rush
was used by my young Shúwa companion to allay his hunger, but did not
seem to me to be very palatable: and fortunately it was not necessary to
have recourse to such food, as we were treated hospitably by the
inhabitants of the hamlet. The baúre, or, as they are here called,
kómor, have generally a very stunted and extremely poor appearance in
this district, and nothing at all like that magnificent specimen which I
had seen on my first approach to Sudán, in the valley of Bóghel.
[Sidenote: Wednesday, December 22nd.]
The night was very cold, in fact one of the coldest which I experienced
on my whole journey, the thermometer being only 8° above freezing-point;
but nevertheless, there being no wind, the cold was less sensibly felt,
and my servants were of opinion that it had been much colder the
previous day, when the thermometer indicated 22° more.
As the natron lake did not lie in my direct route, I sent the greater
part of my people, together with the camels, straight on to Badamúni,
while I took only my two body-guards, the Gatróni and the Shúwa, with
me. The country presented the same appearance as on the previous day;
but there was less cultivation, and the dúm palm gradually became
predominant. In one place there were two isolated deléb palms. Several
specimens of the _Kajília_ were also observed. The level was broken by
numerous hollows, the bottom being mostly covered with rank grass, and
now and then even containing water. In front of us, three detached
eminences stretched out into the plain from north to south, the natron
lake being situated at the western foot of the central eminence, not far
from a village called Magájiri. When we had passed this village, which
was full of natron, stored up partly in large piles, partly sewn into
“tákrufa,” or matting coverings, we obtained a view of the natron lake,
lying before us in the hollow at the foot of the rocky eminence, with
its snow-white surface girt all round by a green border of luxuriant
vegetation. The sky was far from clear, as is very often the case at
this season; and a high wind raised clouds of dust upon the surface of
the lake.
The border of vegetation was formed by well-kept cotton-grounds, which
were just in flower, and by kitchen-gardens, where derába or _Corchorus
olitorius_ was grown, the cultivated ground being broken by dúm bush and
rank grass. Crossing this verdant and fertile strip, we reached the real
natron lake, when we hesitated some time whether or not we should
venture upon its surface; for the crust of natron was scarcely an inch
thick, the whole of the ground underneath consisting of black boggy
soil, from which the substance separates continually afresh. However, I
learned that, while the efflorescence at present consisted of only small
bits or crumbled masses, during the time of the bíggela, that is to say,
at the end of the rainy season, larger pieces are obtained here, though
not to be compared with those found in Lake Tsád,—the kind of natron
which is procured here being called “boktor,” while the other quality is
called “kilbu tsaráfu.” A large provision of natron, consisting of from
twenty to twenty-five piles about ten yards in diameter, and four in
height, protected by a layer of reeds, was stored up at the northern end
of the lake. The whole circumference of the basin, which is called
“ábge” by the inhabitants, was one mile and a half.
I here changed my course in order to join my people, who had gone on
straight to Badamúni. The country at first was agreeably diversified and
undulating, the irregular vales being adorned with dúm palms and fig
trees; and cultivation was seen to a great extent, belonging to villages
of the territory of Gúshi[26], which we left on one side. Presently the
country became more open, and suddenly I saw before me a small blue
lake, bounded towards the east by an eminence of considerable altitude,
and towards the north by a rising ground, on the slope of which a place
of considerable extent was stretching out.
Coming from the monotonous country of Bórnu, the interest of this
locality was greatly enhanced: and the nearer I approached, the more
peculiar did its features appear to me; for I now discovered that the
lake, or rather the two lakes, were girt all round by the freshest
border of such a variety of vegetation as is rarely seen in this region
of Negroland.
We had some difficulty in joining our camels and people, who had pursued
the direct road from Keléno; for, having appointed as the spot where we
were to meet, the north-eastern corner of the town of Gadabúni, or
Badamúni, towards the lake, we found that it would be extremely
difficult for them to get there, and we therefore had to ride backwards
and forwards before we fixed upon a place for our encampment, at the
western end of this small luxuriant oasis. On this occasion I obtained
only a faint idea of the richness and peculiarity of this locality; but
on the following morning I made a more complete survey of the whole
place, as well as my isolated situation and the means at my disposal
would allow, the result of which is represented in the accompanying
woodcut.
[Illustration: BADAMÚNI.
1. Richest source at the south-western border of the plantation.
2. Open square in the village, adorned with a luxuriant “karáge” tree.
3. Another rich source in the northern vale.
4 Market-place.]
The whole of the place forms a kind of shallow vale, stretching out in a
west-easterly direction, and surrounded on the west, north, and south
sides by hills rising from 100 to 200 feet, but bordered towards the
east by Mount Shedíka, which rises to about 500 or 600 feet above the
general level of the country. In this vale water is found gushing out
from the ground in rich, copious springs, and feeds two lakes, after
irrigating a considerable extent of cultivated ground where, besides
sorghum and millet, cotton, pepper, indigo, and onions are grown. These
lakes are united by a narrow channel thickly overgrown with the tallest
reeds, but, notwithstanding their junction, are of quite a different
nature, the westernmost containing fresh water, while that of the
eastern lake is quite brackish, and full of natron. It seems to be a
peculiar feature in this region, that all the chains of hills and
mountains stretch from north-east to south-west, this being also the
direction of the lakes.
The chief part of the village itself lies on the north-west side of the
plantation, on the sloping ground of the downs, while a smaller hamlet
borders the gardens on the south-west side. The plantations are very
carefully fenced, principally with the bush called mágará, which I have
mentioned on former occasions; and besides kúka or monkey-bread trees,
and kórna, or nebek, a few date palms contributed greatly to enliven the
scenery. The monkey-bread trees, however, were all of small size, and of
remarkably slender growth, such as I had not before observed, while the
public place, or “fáge,” of the smaller village was adorned by a karáge
tree of so rich a growth that it even surpassed, if not in height, at
least in the exuberance of its foliage, the finest trees of this species
which I had seen in the Músgu country.
I began my survey of this interesting locality on the south side,
following first the narrow path which separates the southern village
from the plantation, and visiting again the principal source, the rich
volume of which, gushing along between the hedges, had already excited
my surprise and delight the previous day.
This lower village cannot be very healthy, both on account of its
exuberant vegetation, and the quantity of water in which the
neighbourhood abounds; but its situation is extremely pleasant to the
eye. Keeping then close along the southern border of the plantation, I
reached the eastern edge of the western lake, which is thickly overgrown
with papyrus and melés, while, in the narrow space left between the
plantation and the lake, the baúre and the gáwasú are the common trees.
The presence of the latter at this spot seems very remarkable, as this
tree, in general, is looked for in vain in this whole region; and I
scarcely remember to have seen it again before reaching the village, a
few miles to the N.E. of Wurnó, which has thence received its name.
The papyrus covers the whole shore at the point of junction of the two
lakes, while in the water itself, where it first becomes brackish,
another kind of weed was seen, called “kumba,” the core of which is
likewise eaten by the greater part of the poorer inhabitants, and is
more esteemed than the melés. It was highly interesting to me to observe
that my young Shúwa companion, who was brought up on the shores of the
Tsád, immediately recognised, from the species of reeds, the nature of
the water on the border of which they grew, as this mixed character of
brackish and sweet water is, exactly in the same manner, peculiar to the
outlying smaller basins of that great Central African lagoon.[27]
I found the junction of the two lakes from sixty-five to seventy yards
broad, and at present fordable, the water being four feet and a half in
depth. The difference in the appearance of the natron lake, from that
exhibited by the fresh-water basin, was remarkable in the extreme,—the
water of the one being of a dark-blue colour, and presenting quite a
smooth surface, while that of the other resembled the dark-green colour
of the sea, and, agitated by the strong gale, broke splashing and
foaming on the shore in mighty billows, so that my two companions, the
Shúwa lad and the Háusa boy, whom I had taken with me on this excursion,
were quite in ecstasy, having never before witnessed such a spectacle.
It would have been a fine spot for a water-party. The surrounding
landscape, with Mount Shedíka in the east, was extremely inviting,
although the weather was not very clear and had been exceedingly foggy
in the morning. But there was neither boat nor canoe, although the lake
is of considerable depth and is said always to preserve about the same
level; for, according to the superstition of the inhabitants, its waters
are inhabited by demons, and no one would dare to expose himself to
their pranks, either by swimming or in a boat.
[Illustration: Drawn by J. M. Bernatz, from a Sketch by Dr. Barth.
M. & N. Hanhart, lith. et impt.
BADAMÚNI.
Decr. 23rd. 1852.]
The brackish quality of the water arises entirely from the nature of the
soil. In the centre it seems to be decidedly of such a quality; but I
found that near the border, which is greatly indented, the nature of the
water in the different creeks was very varying. In one it was fresh,
while in a neighbouring one it was not at all drinkable; but
nevertheless even here there were sometimes wells of the sweetest water
quite close to the border. Swarms of water fowl of the species called
“gármaka” by the Háusa people, and “gubóri” by the Kanúri, together with
the black rejíjia and the small sanderling, enlivened the water’s edge,
where it presented a sandy beach.
A little further on, the melés and kumba were succeeded by the tall
bulrush called “bús,” while beyond the north-easterly border of the lake
an isolated date palm adorned the scenery, which in other respects
entirely resembled the shores of the sea, a rich profusion of sea weed
being carried to the bank by the billows. Then succeeded a cotton
plantation, which evidently was indebted for its existence to a small
brook formed by another source of fresh water which joins the lake from
this side. From the end of this plantation, where the natron lake
attains its greatest breadth of about a mile and a half, I kept along
the bank in a south-westerly direction, till I again reached the narrow
junction between the two lakes. Here the shore became very difficult to
traverse, on account of an outlying branch of the plantation closely
bordering the lake, and I had again to ascend the downs from whence I
had enjoyed the view of this beautiful panorama on the previous day. I
thus re-entered the principal village from the north-east side; and
while keeping along the upper road, which intersects the market-place, I
saw with delight that the town is bounded on the north side also by a
narrow but very rich vale, meandering along and clad with a profusion of
vegetation; and I here observed another spring, which broke forth with
almost as powerful a stream as that near the southern quarter, and was
enlivened by a number of women busily employed in fetching their supply
of water.
The market-place is formed of about thirty sheds or stalls; and there is
a good deal of weaving to be observed in the place, its whole appearance
exhibiting signs of industry. I could not, however, obtain a sheep, or
even as much as a fowl, so that our evening’s repast was rather poor;
and a very cold easterly wind blowing direct into the door of my tent,
which I had opened towards Mount Shedíka in order to enjoy the pleasant
prospect of the lakes and the plantation, rendered it still more
cheerless. The whole of the inhabitants belong to the Háusa race; and
the governor himself is of that nation.[28] He is in a certain degree
dependent on the governor of Zínder, and not directly on the sheikh; and
he was treated in the most degrading manner by my trooper, although the
latter was a mere attendant of Ádama the governor of Donári.
[Sidenote: Friday, December 24th.]
I made an interesting day’s march to Mírriya, another locality of the
province Demágherim, greatly favoured by nature. The first part of our
road was rather hilly, or even mountainous, a promontory of considerable
elevation jutting out into the more open country from S.E., and forming
in the whole district a well-marked boundary. The village Hándará, which
lies at the foot of a higher mountain bearing the same name, and which
we reached after a march of about two miles, was most charmingly
situated, spreading out in several straggling groups on the slopes of
the hills, and exhibiting a far greater appearance of prosperity than
Badamúni. It was highly interesting to take a peep on horseback at the
busy scenes which the courtyards exhibited. Poultry was here in great
abundance.
While descending from the village, we crossed a beautiful ravine
enlivened by a spring, and adorned by a few detached groups of date and
deléb palms spreading their feathery foliage by the side of the dúm
palms. Leaving then a cotton plantation, stretching out where the ravine
widened, we ascended the higher ground, our route lying now through
cultivated ground, at other times through forest; and after a march of
about fourteen miles, we crossed a kind of shallow vale, richly adorned
with vegetation, and bordered towards the north by sandy downs, over
which lies the direct route to Zínder. A little lower down this valley
we passed a small village called Potoró, distinguished by the extent of
its cotton plantations. Along the lower grounds a few date trees form a
beautiful fringe to this little oasis; here, also, springs seemed to be
plentiful, and large ponds of water were formed.
Four miles beyond this place we reached the wall of the town of Mírriya,
which was beautifully adorned with large tamarind trees. This town had
been once a large place, and the capital of the whole western province
of Bórnu. But when the town of Zínder was founded, about twenty-five
years previously, by Slímán the father of the present governor Ibrám,
Mírriya began to decline, and the chief of this territory fell into a
certain degree of dependence upon the governor of Zínder. At the north
side of the town there is an extensive district cultivated with cotton
and wheat, and irrigated likewise by springs which ooze forth from the
sandy downs; besides a few date trees, a group of slender feathery-
leaved gónda overshadowed the plantation, and gave it an uncommonly
attractive character. Having proceeded in advance of my camels, which
had followed for some time another path, I had to wait till long after
sunset before they came up, and, while resting in the open air, received
a visit from the governor of the town, who, in true Háusa fashion,
arrived well dressed and mounted, with a numerous train of men on
horseback and on foot, singing men, and musicians.
[Sidenote: Saturday, December 25th.]
This was to be the day of my arrival in Zínder—an important station for
me, as I had here to wait for new supplies, without which I could
scarcely hope to penetrate any great distance westward.
The country was more open than it had been the preceding day; and the
larger or smaller eminences were entirely isolated, with the exception
of those near Zínder, which formed more regular chains. The ground
consisted mostly of coarse sand and gravel, the rocks being entirely of
sandstone, and intersected by numerous small watercourses, at present
dry. This being the nature of the ground, the district was not very
populous; but we passed some villages which seemed to be tolerably well
off, as they had cattle and poultry.
Pursuing our north-westerly direction, we reached the town of Zínder,
after a march of about nine miles and a half, and, winding round the
south side of the town, which is surrounded by a low rampart of earth
and a small ditch, entered it from the west. Passing then by the house
of the sheríf el Fási, the agent of the vizier of Bórnu, we reached the
quarters which had been assigned to us, and which consisted of two clay
rooms. Here I was enabled to deposit all my property in security, no
place in the whole of Sudán being so ill famed, on account of the
numerous conflagrations to which it is subjected, as Zínder.
The situation of Zínder is peculiar and interesting. A large mass of
rock starts forth from the area of the town on the west side, while
others are scattered in ridges round about the town, so that a rich
supply of water collects at a short depth below the surface, fertilizing
a good number of tobacco-fields, and giving to the vegetation around a
richer character. This is enhanced especially by several groups of date
palms, while a number of hamlets, or zangó, belonging to the Tawárek
chiefs who command the salt-trade, and especially one which belongs to
Lúsú, and another to Ánnur, add greatly to the interest of the place.
The larger plantation which the sheríf el Fási, the agent of the vizier
of Bórnu, had recently begun to the south of the town, although very
promising and full of vegetables difficult to procure in this country,
was too young to contribute anything to the general character of the
place. It was entirely wanting in larger trees, and had only a single
palm tree and a lime. I am afraid, after the revolution of December
1853, which caused the death of that noble Arab, who was one of the more
distinguished specimens of his nation, it has returned to the desolate
state from which he called it forth.
The accompanying ground-plan of the town and its environs will, I hope,
convey some idea of its peculiar character; but it can give not the
faintest notion of the bustle and traffic which concentrate in this
place, however limited they may be when compared with those of European
cities. Besides some indigo-dyeing, there is scarcely any industry in
Zínder; yet its commercial importance has of late become so great, that
it may with some propriety be called “the gate of Sudán.” But of course
its importance is only based on the power of the kingdom of Bórnu, which
it serves to connect more directly with the north, along the western
route by way of Ghát and Ghadámes, which has the great advantage over
the eastern or Fezzán route, that even smaller caravans can proceed
along it with some degree of security, that other route having become
extremely unsafe. It was then the most busy time for the inhabitants,
the salt-caravan of the Kél-owí having arrived some time previously, and
all the hamlets situated around the town being full of these desert
traders, who during their leisure hours endeavoured to make themselves
as merry as possible with music and dancing. This gave me an opportunity
of seeing again my friend the old chief of Tintéllust, who, however, in
consequence of the measures adopted towards him by Mr. Richardson,
behaved rather coolly towards me, although I did not fail to make him a
small present.
[Illustration:
1. Residence of governor, inclosed by mattingwork.
2. House of sheríf el Fási.
3. Market-place.
4. My own quarters.
5. Quarters built for the accommodation of strangers.
6. “Sánia,” or plantation, belonging to the sheríf el Fási.
7. Hamlet, “zangó,” belonging to Ánnur, the chief of the Kél-owí.
8. “Zangó” belonging to Lúsú, the chief of the Kél-azanéres.
9. “Zangó” belonging to some other chiefs among the Tawárek.]
Being most anxious to complete my scientific labours and researches in
regard to Bórnu, and to send home as much of my journal as possible, in
order not to expose it to any risk, I staid most of the time in my
quarters, which I had comfortably fitted up with a good supply of
“síggedí” or coarse reed mats, taking only now and then, in the
afternoon, a ride on horseback either round the town or into the large
well-wooded valley which stretches along from N.W. to S.E., at some
distance from the town, to the N.E. Once I took a longer ride, to a
village about eight miles S.S.E., situated on an eminence with a vale at
its foot, fringed with dúm palms and rich in saltpetre.
On the 20th of January, 1853, I received from the hands of the Arab
Mohammed el ʿAkerút, whom I have had occasion to mention previously[29],
a valuable consignment, consisting of 1000 dollars in specie[30], which
were packed very cleverly in two boxes of sugar, so that scarcely
anybody became aware that I had received money, and the messenger seemed
well deserving of a present equal to his stipulated salary; but I
received no letters on this occasion. I had also expected to be able to
replace here such of my instruments as had been spoiled or broken, by
new ones; but I was entirely disappointed in this respect, and hence, in
my further journey, my observations regarding elevation and temperature
are rather defective.
I then finished my purchases, amounting altogether to the value of
775,000 kurdí, of all sorts of articles which I expected would be useful
on my further proceedings, such as red common bernúses, white turbans,
looking-glasses, cloves, razors, chaplets, and a number of other things,
for which I had at the time the best opportunity of purchasing, as all
Arab and European merchandise, after the arrival of the káffala, was
rather cheap. Thus I prepared for my setting out for the west; for
although I would gladly have waited a few days longer, in order to
receive the other parcel, consisting of a box with English ironware and
400 dollars, which was on the road for me by way of Kúkawa, and which,
as I have stated before, had been entrusted, in Fezzán, to a Tebú
merchant, it was too essential for the success of my enterprise that I
should arrive in Kátsena before the Góberáwa set out on a warlike
expedition against that province, for which they were then preparing on
a grand scale. It was thus that the parcel above-mentioned, which, in
conformity with my arrangements, was sent after me to Zínder by the
vizier, and which arrived only a few days after I had left that place,
remained there in the hands of the sheríf el Fási, and, on his being
assassinated in the revolution of 1854, and his house plundered, fell
into the hands of the slaves of the usurper ʿAbd e’ Rahmán.
[Footnote 20: See what I have said about this tree in Vol. I. p. 522.]
[Footnote 21: Vol. II. p. 72.]
[Footnote 22: See Vol. II. p. 192.]
[Footnote 23: I here give a list of the towns and more important
villages belonging to the province of Múniyó:—Gúre, the present capital,
conquered from the Díggera by Kóso the present governor; Búne, the old
capital; New Búne; Sulléri, the chief market-place; Wúshek; Gábana;
Sangáya; Méza; Gertégené; Mázamní; Mástatá; Keléno; Kizámmana;
Dellakóri; Bóbit, W. of Old Búne; Bírni-n-Gámmachak or Chéchega, the
oldest possession of the Múniyómas; Gábu, inhabited besides by Manga,
also by Kanúri and Fúlbe; Bratáwa; Kólorí; two places called Gediyó;
Kábara; Fasú; Chágamo; Mérerí; Ngámarí; Berdéri; Wódo; Dudémerí; Yebál;
Deríkwá; Kalalíwa; Chando; Wurme; Másoda; Fusám ghaná; Bermárili; three
places called Kadalébbuwa; two places Mája; Changa, with a market every
Wednesday; Hogómarí; Gínuwa; Umórarí; Maiganarí; Falám; three places
Kolólluwa; Donári; Gáso; Onjol; Wonji; Aladári; Grémarí; Úduwa; Koïgdám;
Bítuwa; Kúrerí; Wórirám; Shéddiga; Ngamda; Boggosúwa; Shá; Bráda;
Garekkhí; Mádará; Gergériwá; Sassudári; Gásabá; Maya; Lássorí; Shút;
Aúra; Ganákta; Maye; Kelle; Aidambé; Ferám; Hugadébbuwa; two places
Felládarí; Yémmerí; Dúgerí; Búgu; Ngóliwá; Térmuwa; Gurógudá; Úrowa;
Gárruwa; Farram; Hosomawáro; Shíshuwa; Kangárruwa; Bóbot; Mʿallem
Mádorí; Daúrduwa; Deríguwa; Gujámbo; Wárimí; Gajémmi; Inyóm; Tsérruwa;
Mʿallemrí; Karbo; Aríwaul; Díni, and others.]
[Footnote 24: The Kanúri, in order to express “one hundred,” have
relinquished the expression of their native idiom, and generally make
use of the Arab term “míye.”]
[Footnote 25: I am a little uncertain, at present, whether this is the
old residence, or the Gámmazak near Wúshek.]
[Footnote 26: This territory comprises the following villages:—
Farilkaia, Górebí, Mataráwa, Tsamaiku, Kachébaré, Yáka, and Báda.
The greater part of the inhabitants already belong to the Háusa
race, or, as the Kanúri say, “Áfunú.”]
[Footnote 27: See what I have said on this subject, Vol. II. p. 325.]
[Footnote 28: The territory under his command comprises, besides
Badamúni, four villages, all situated towards the north, their names
being as follows:—Jíshwa, Koikám, Zermó, and Jígaw.]
[Footnote 29: See Vol. I. p. 185.]
[Footnote 30: Unfortunately they were not all Spanish or Austrian
dollars; but there were among the number forty pieces of five francs,
and more than one hundred Turkish mejidíye.]
CHAP. LV.
DEPARTURE FROM ZÍNDER. — THE BORDER REGION BETWEEN THE BÓRNU AND THE
FULFÚLDE EMPIRES. — SECOND STAY IN KÁTSENA.
[Sidenote: Sunday, January 30th, 1853.]
I left the capital of the westernmost province of the Bórnu empire in
the best spirits, having at length succeeded, during my prolonged stay
there, in getting rid of the disease in my feet, which had annoyed me
ever since my return from Bagírmi to Kúkawa. I had, moreover,
strengthened my little caravan by two very excellent camels, which I
had bought here; and I was now provided with a sufficient supply of
money, stores, and presents, the total value of which exceeded 2000
dollars, and which seemed to guarantee success to my undertaking, at
least in a pecuniary point of view, and gave me confidence once more
to try my fortune with the Fúlbe, my first dealings with whom had not
been very promising. However, the road before me was anything but safe,
as I had again to traverse with my valuable property that border
district, intermediate between the independent Háusáwa and the Fúlbe,
which is the scene of uninterrupted warfare and violence, and
unfortunately there was no caravan at the time; but nevertheless the
most intelligent men in the place were of opinion that this route, by
way of Gazáwa, was safer than that by Dáura, the unscrupulous governor
of the latter province, under cover of his authority, which could not
be withstood with a high hand, being apparently more to be feared than
the highway robbers in the border wilderness, who by watchfulness and
good arms might be kept at a respectful distance. But altogether this
was a rather unfortunate circumstance for me, as I cherished the ardent
desire of visiting the town of Dáura, which, as I have explained on a
former occasion, seems to have been the oldest settlement of the Háusa
tribe, who appear to have been, from their origin, nearly related to
the Berber family,—the Díggera, a section of that nation, being
formerly entirely predominant in the territory of Dáura. At that time,
however, I entertained the hope that, on my return from the west, I
might be enabled to visit the latter place; but circumstances prevented
me from carrying out my design.
The whole country which we traversed on our way westward, besides being
richly studded with fixed dwelling-places, was full of parties of
Ásbenáwa salt-traders, partly moving on, partly encamped and having
their merchandise carefully protected by fences of corn-stalks. But
although these people greatly contributed to the animated character of
the landscape, yet their presence by no means added to the security of
the country; and altogether my order of march became now a very
different one from what it had been. Throughout my march from Kúkawa to
Zínder, with a few exceptions, it had been my custom to proceed far in
advance of the camels, with my horsemen, so that I used to arrive at the
camping-ground before the greatest heat of the day had set in; but, on
account of the greater insecurity of the country, it now became
necessary for me to pursue my march slowly, in company with my luggage
train.
The ground along our track, as we proceeded from Zínder, was undulating,
with ledges or small ridges and isolated masses of granite boulders
starting forth here and there; but the country gradually improved,
especially after we had passed a pond at the distance of about seven
miles from the town, filling out a concavity or hollow, and fringed with
wide-spreading trees and a fine plantation of cotton and tobacco, which
were shaded by a few dúm palms. Thus we reached the village of Týrmení,
lying at the border of a shallow vale and surrounded with a strong
stockade. Here we fell in with a numerous body of Ikázkezan, mustering,
besides a great many on foot, twelve or thirteen men well mounted on
horseback, and thinking themselves strong enough, in their independent
spirit, to pursue a contraband road along the border district between
Dáura and Kátsena, in order to avoid paying any customs to the
potentates of either. But the restless governor of Dáura keeps a sharp
look-out, and sometimes overtakes these daring smugglers.
Near the village of Dámbedá also, which we reached after a march of two
miles from Týrmení through a more hilly country, several divisions of
the salt-caravan were encamped; and we chose our camping-ground near a
troop of native traders, or fatáki. While we were pitching the tent, a
Tárki or Amóshagh, mounted on horseback, came slowly up to us,
apparently astonished at the peculiar character of the tent, which he
seemed to recognise as an old acquaintance. But he was still more
surprised when he recognised myself; for he was no other than Aghá
Batúre the son of Ibrahím, from Selúfiyet, the chief instigator of the
foray made against us at the time of our entering Áír or Ásben, by the
border tribes of that country.
In the depression of the plain towards the south from our encampment,
where all the moisture of the district collected, cotton was cultivated
to a great extent, while adjoining the village, which lay close to a
ridge of granite, a small field of tobacco was to be seen. A petty
market, which was held here, enabled us to provide ourselves with grain,
poultry, and red pepper, as we had forgotten to lay in a store of the
latter article, which is indispensable to travellers in hot countries.
[Sidenote: Monday, January 31st.]
The district through which we passed was densely inhabited, but it was
rather scantily timbered, the ground being clad only with short
underwood; detached hills were seen now and then; but after a march of
about seven miles, the character of the country changed, kálgo appearing
more frequently, while the soil consisted of deep sand. Towards the
south the vegetation was richer, several Tawárek hamlets appearing in
the distance. Thus we reached a large well, about thirteen fathoms deep
and richly provided with water, where a large herd of cattle and a
number of Búzawe, or Tawárek half-castes, of both sexes, were assembled;
and I was agreeably surprised at the greater proof of ingenuity which I
here observed—a young bull being employed in drawing up the water in a
large leather bag containing a supply sufficient for two horses,—this
being the only time during my travels in Negroland that I observed such
a method of drawing up the water, which in general, even from the
deepest wells, is procured by the labour of man alone. The young bull
was led by a very pretty Amóshagh girl, to whom I made a present of a
tin box with a looking-glass in it, as a reward for her trouble, when
she did not fail to thank me by a courtesy, and the expression of an
amiable “agaishéka,” “my best thanks.” In the whole of this country a
custom still prevails, dating from the period of the strength of the
Bórnu empire, to the effect that the horses of travellers must be
watered, at any well, in precedence to the wants of the natives
themselves.
The whole spectacle which this well exhibited was one of life and
activity; and the interest of the scenery was further increased by a
dense grove of fine tamarind trees which spread out on the south side of
the path. I learned, on inquiry, that this district belongs to the
territory of Tumtúmma, the governor of which is a vassal of Zínder.
Close to Tumtúmma, on the west, lies the considerable town of Gorgom.
Leaving the principal road on our right, and following a more southerly
one, we encamped near the village of Gúmda, which consisted of two
hamlets inhabited exclusively by Tawárek slaves. But the territory
belongs likewise to the province of Tumtúmma. A troop of fatáki, or
native traders, were encamped near us.
[Sidenote: Tuesday, February 1st.]
The surface of the country through which our road lay was broken by
depressions of larger or smaller extent, where the dúm palm flourished
in great numbers—a tree which is very common in the territory of Tasáwa,
which we entered a short time before we reached the village of Káso. We
had here descended altogether, most probably, a couple of hundred feet,
although the descent was not regular, and was broken by an occasional
ascent. The road was well frequented by people coming from the west with
cotton, which they sell to advantage in Zínder.
We made a long stretch, on account of the scarcity of water, passing the
large village of Shabáre, which attracted our attention from the
distance by the beating of drums, but could not supply us with a
sufficient quantity of water,—its well measuring twenty-five fathoms in
depth, and nevertheless being almost dry; and thus we proceeded till we
reached Maíjirgí, after a march of almost twenty-five miles. The village
is named from a _troughlike_[31] depression, on the slope of which it is
situated, and which, towards the south, contains a considerable grove of
dúm palms. We encamped close to the well, which is fourteen fathoms
deep, at some distance from the village, which has a tolerably
comfortable appearance, although it had been ransacked two years before
by the governor of Kátsena; but, in these regions, dwelling-places are
as easily restored as they are destroyed. The inhabitants are notorious
for their thievish propensities; and we had to take precautions
accordingly. The whole of this country is rich in beans; and we bought
plenty of dried bean-tressels, which are made up in small bundles, and
called “haráwa” by the Arabs, affording most excellent food for the
camels.
[Sidenote: Wednesday, February 2nd.]
Several native travellers had attached themselves to my troop. Amongst
them was an abominable slave-dealer who was continually beating his poor
victims. I was extremely glad to get rid of this man here, he, as well
as the other people, being bound for Tasáwa, which I was to leave at
some distance on my right. While my people were loading the camels, I
roved about, making a very pleasant promenade along the vale, which was
richly adorned with dúm palms. Having set out at length, keeping a
little too much towards the west, and crossing the great highroad which
comes from Tasáwa, we passed several villages on our road, while dúm
palms and tamarind trees enlivened the country where the ground was not
cultivated, but especially the many small and irregular hollows which we
traversed. Having lost one of our camels, which died on the road, we
encamped near a village (the name of which, by accident, I did not
learn) situated in a large vale rich in dúm palms, and encompassed on
the east side by a regular ridge of sandhills of considerable height.
Rice was cultivated in the beds beside the onions, while wheat, which is
generally raised in this way, was not grown at all. As I have frequently
observed, there is no rice cultivated in the whole of Bórnu,—this
village constituting, I think, the easternmost limit of the cultivation
of this most important article of food, which is the chief staff of life
in the whole of Kébbi and along the Niger. The wells in this valley were
only three feet deep, and richly provided with water; and the whole vale
was altogether remarkable.
[Sidenote: Thursday, February 3rd.]
The dense grove of dúm palms through which our road led afforded a most
picturesque spectacle in the clear light of the morning sky, and
reminded me of the extensive groves of palm trees which I had seen in
more northern climes, while large piles of the fruit of the fan palm,
stored up by the natives, excited the facetious remarks of those among
my people who were natives of Fezzán; and they sneered at the poverty
and misery of these negroes, who, being deprived by nature of that
delicious and far-famed fruit of the nobler _Phœnix_, were reduced to
the poor and tasteless produce of this vile tree. We then left the
shallow bottom of the vale, with its wells seven fathoms in depth, at
the side of a village a short distance to the east. The country then
became more open; and after a march of four miles, we reached the
shallow fáddama of Gazáwa, and, leaving the town at a short distance on
our right, encamped a little to the south, not far from a fine old
tamarind tree.
I was enjoying the shade of this splendid tree, when my friend the
serkí-n-turáwa, whom, on my first entrance into the Háusa country, I
introduced to the reader as a specimen of an African dandy, came up, on
a splendid horse, to pay his compliments to me. The petty chief of
Gazáwa and his people had been much afraid, after they had received the
news of my approach, that I might take another road, in order to avoid
making them a present, which has the same value as the toll in a
European country. He told me that they had already sent off several
horsemen in order to see what direction I had pursued, and he expressed
his satisfaction that I had come to him of my own free will; but, on the
other hand, he did not fail to remind me that on my former passage
through the country I had not given them anything on account of the
powerful protection of Elaíji, which I enjoyed at that time. This was
very true; and in consequence I had here to make presents to four
different persons, although I only remained half a day: first, this
little officious friend of mine; then the governor of the town himself,
together with his liege lord, the chief of Marádi; and finally, Sadíku,
the former Púllo governor of Kátsena, who at present resided in this
town.
Having satisfied the serkí-n-turáwa, I wrapped a bernús and a shawl or
zubéta in a handkerchief, and went to pay my respects to the governor,
whose name, as I have stated on a former occasion, is Raffa, and whom I
found to be a pleasant old fellow. He was well satisfied with his
present, though he expressed his apprehension that his liege lord the
prince of Marádi, who would not fail to hear of my having passed through
the country, would demand something for himself; and he advised me,
therefore, to send to that chief a few medicines.
I then rode to Sadíku, the son of the famous Mʿallem ʿOmáro, or Ghomáro,
who had been eight years governor of Kátsena, after the death of his
father, till having excited the fear or wrath of his liege lord, in
consequence of calumnies representing him as endeavouring to make
himself independent, he was deposed by ʿAlíyu the second successor of
Bello, and obliged to seek safety among the enemies of his nation.
Sadíku was a stately person, of tall figure, a serious expression of
countenance, and a high, powerful chest, such as I have rarely seen in
Negroland, and still less among the tribe of the Fúlbe. However, he is
not a pure Púllo, being the offspring of a Bórnu female slave. He had
something melancholy about him; and this was very natural, as he could
not well be sincerely beloved by those among whom he was obliged to
live, and in whose company he carried on a relentless war against his
kinsmen. Sadíku’s house, which was in the utmost decay, was a convincing
proof, either that he was in reality miserably off, or that he felt
obliged to pretend poverty and misery. He understood Arabic tolerably
well, although he only spoke very little. He expressed much regret on
hearing of the death of Mr. Overweg, whom he had known during his
residence in Marádi; but having heard how strictly Europeans adhere to
their promise, he expressed his astonishment that he had never received
an Arabic New Testament, which Mr. Overweg had promised him. But I was
glad to be able to inform him that it was not the fault of my late
lamented companion, who, I knew, had forwarded a copy to him, by way of
Zínder, immediately after his arrival in Kúkawa. Fortunately I had a
copy or two of the New Testament with me, and therefore made him very
happy by adding this book to the other little presents which I gave him.
When I left the company of this man, I was obliged to take a drink of
furá with Serkí-n-turáwa—however, not as a proof of sincere hospitality,
but as a means of begging some further things from me; and I was glad at
length to get rid of this troublesome young fellow.
[Sidenote: Friday, February 4th.]
We had been so fortunate as to be joined here at Gazáwa by two small
parties belonging to the salt-caravan of the Kél-owí, when, having taken
in a sufficient supply of water, and reloaded all our firearms, we
commenced our march, about half-past two o’clock in the morning, through
the unsafe wilderness which intervenes between the independent Háusa
states and that of the Fúlbe. The forest was illumed by a bright
moonlight; and we pursued our march without interruption for nearly
twelve hours, when we encamped about five miles beyond the melancholy
site of Dánkamá, very nearly on the same spot where I had halted two
years before. We were all greatly fatigued; and a _soi-disant_ sheríf
from Morocco, but originally, as it seemed, belonging to the Tájakánt,
who had attached himself to my caravan in Zínder in order to reach
Timbúktu in my company, felt very sickly. He had suffered already a
great deal in Zínder, and ought not to have exposed his small store of
strength to such a severe trial. Not being able to have regard to his
state of health, as there was no water here, we pursued our journey soon
after midnight, and reached the well-known walls of Kátsena after a
march of about six hours.
It was with a peculiar feeling that I pitched my tent a few hundred
yards from the gate (kófa-n-samrí) of this town, by the governor of
which I had been so greatly annoyed on my first entering this country.
It was not long before several Ásbenáwa people belonging to Ánnur,
followed by the servants of the governor, came to salute me; and after a
little while I was joined by my old tormentor the Tawáti merchant Bel-
Ghét. But our meeting this time was very different from what it had been
when I first saw him; for as soon as he recognized me, and heard from me
that I was come to fulfil my promise of paying a visit to the sultan of
Sókoto, he could not restrain his delight and excitement, and threw
himself upon my neck, repeating my name several times. In fact his whole
behaviour changed from this moment; and although he at times begged a
few things from me, and did not procure me very generous treatment from
the governor, yet, on the whole, he behaved friendly and decently. He
asked me repeatedly why I had not gone to Kanó; but I told him that I
had nothing to do with Kanó, that in conformity with my promise I had
come to Kátsena, and that here I should make all my purchases, in order
to undertake the journey to Sókoto from this place under the protection
of its governor Mohammed Bello. Now, I must confess that I had another
motive for not going to Kanó besides this; for the vizier of Bórnu had
made it a condition that I should not go to Kanó, as my journey to the
Fúlbe would else be displeasing to himself and the sheikh, by
interfering with their policy, and I had found it necessary to consent
to his wishes, although I foresaw that it would cause me a heavy loss,
as I might have bought all the articles of which I was in want at a far
cheaper rate in the great central market of Negroland than I was able to
do in Kátsena.
I staid outside the town until the following morning, while my quarters
in the town were preparing. There was an animated intercourse along my
place of encampment, between the old capital and the new place Wagóje,
which the governor had founded two years before; and I received the
compliments of several active Fúlbe, whose expressive countenances bore
sufficient evidence of the fact that their habits were not yet spoiled
by the influence of the softer manners of the subjected tribe, although
such an amalgamation has already begun to take place in many parts of
Háusa.
The house which was assigned to me inside the town was spacious, but
rather old, and so full of ants that I was obliged to take the greatest
care to protect not only my luggage, but my person from these voracious
insects. They not only destroyed everything that was suspended on pegs
from the walls, but while sitting one day for an hour or so on a clay
bank in my room I found, when I got up, a large hole in my tobe,—these
clever and industrious miners having made their way through the clay
walls to the spot where I was sitting, successfully constructed their
covered walks, and voraciously attacked my shirt, all in an hour’s time.
My present to the governor consisted of a very fine blue bernús, a
kaftan of fine red cloth, a small pocket pistol, two muslin turbans, a
red cap, two loaves of sugar, and some smaller articles. The eccentric
man received me with undisguised pleasure as an old acquaintance; but
being aware that I had a tolerable supply of handsome articles with me,
he wanted to induce me to sell to him all the fine things I possessed:
but I cut the matter short by telling him, once for all, that I was not
a merchant, and did not engage in any commerce. On the whole, he was
well pleased with his presents; but he wanted me to give him another
small pistol, and, in the course of my stay here, I was obliged to
comply with his request. He had a cover made for the pair, and used to
carry them constantly about his person, frightening everybody by firing
off the caps into their faces.
It was, no doubt, a very favourable circumstance for me that the
ghaladíma of Sókoto was at this time staying here; for under the
protection of the unscrupulous governor of Kátsena, I should scarcely
have reached the residence of the emír el Múmenín in safety. The
ghaladíma, who was the inspector of Kátsena as well as of Zánfara, had
collected the tribute of both provinces, and was soon to start, with his
treasure and the articles he had purchased there, on his home journey,
so that there did not seem to be time enough for sending some of my
people to Kanó to make there the necessary purchases; but circumstances,
which I shall soon mention, delayed us so much that there would have
been ample opportunity for doing so, and thus saving a considerable sum
of money. The ghaladíma was a simple, straightforward man, not very
intelligent, certainly, nor generous, but good-natured and sociable.
Born of a female slave, he had very little about him of the general
characteristics of the Fúlbe, being tall and broad-shouldered, with a
large head, broad features, and tolerably dark complexion.
I made some considerable purchases in this place, amounting altogether
to 1,308,000 shells, employing the greatest part of my cash in providing
myself with the cotton and silk manufactures of Kanó and Núpe, in order
to pave my way, by means of these favourite articles, through the
countries on the middle course of the Niger, where nothing is esteemed
more highly than these native manufactures.[32] But, as I afterwards
found out, I sustained a considerable loss in buying the Núpe tobes
here, at least 20 per cent. dearer than I should have been able to do in
Gando; but this I could not possibly know beforehand, nor was it my
previous intention to make any stay in that place, where large parcels
of these articles are never brought into the market. I also added to my
store a few more articles of Arab manufacture, there having arrived, on
the 5th of March, a very numerous caravan of Ghadámsi and other people
from the north, with not less than from 400 to 500 camels, but without
bringing me even a single line, either from my friends in Europe or even
from those in Africa. Having likewise arranged with ʿAlí el Ágeren the
Méjebrí who had accompanied me from Kúkawa, buying from him what little
merchandise he had, and taking him into my service for nine dollars a
month, I prepared everything for my journey; and I was extremely anxious
to be gone, as the rainy season was fast approaching. On the 26th of
February evident signs were observed of the approach of the wet
season,—the whole southern quarter of the heavens being thickly overcast
with clouds, while the air also was extremely damp, just as after a
shower. Mounting on horseback, in order to observe better these
forerunners of the “dámana,” I clearly distinguished that it was raining
in the direction of Záriya and Núpe; and even in our immediate
neighbourhood a few drops fell. In the course of the evening the
freshness and coolness of the air was most delicious, just as is the
case after a fall of rain; and summer lightning was flashing through the
southern sky.
The ghaladíma also was very anxious to be gone; but the army of the
Góberáwa being ready to start on an expedition, on a grand scale,
against the territory of the Fúlbe, we could not leave the place before
we knew exactly what direction the hostile army would take. They having
at length set out on their foray, on the 7th of March, we began to watch
their movements very anxiously, each of these two powers,—the
independent pagans as well as the conquering Fúlbe,—having in their pay
numbers of spies in the towns of their enemies. Only two days before the
Góberáwa left their home, they killed Bú-Bakr the chief spy whom ʿAlíyu,
the sultan of Sókoto, entertained in their town.
In the company of the ghaladíma there was a younger brother of his, of
the name of Al-háttu, who had lost the better portion of the character
of a free man by a mixture of slave-blood, and behaved, at times, like
the most intolerable beggar; but he proved of great service to me in my
endeavour to become acquainted with all the characteristic features of
the country and its inhabitants.
Besides this man, my principal acquaintance during my stay in Kátsena
this time was a Tawáti of the name of ʿAbd e’ Rahmán, a very amiable and
social man, and, as a fáki, possessing a certain degree of learning. He
had been a great friend of the sultan Bello, and expatiated with the
greatest enthusiasm on the qualities and achievements of this
distinguished ruler of Negroland. He also gave me the first hints of
some of the most important subjects relating to the geography and
history of Western Negroland, and called my attention particularly to a
man whom he represented as the most learned of the present generation of
the inhabitants of Sókoto, and from whom, he assured me, I should not
fail to obtain what information I wanted. This man was ʿAbd el Káder dan
Taffa (meaning, the son of Mústapha), on whose stores of knowledge I
drew largely. My intercourse with ʿAbd e’ Rahmán was occasionally
interrupted by an amicable tilt at our respective creeds. On one
occasion, when my learned friend was endeavouring to convince me of the
propriety of polygamy, he adduced as an illustration, that in matters of
the table we did not confine ourselves to a single dish, but took a
little fowl, a little fish, and a little roast beef; and how absurd, he
argued, was it, to restrict ourselves, in the intercourse with the other
sex, to only one wife. It was during my second stay in Kátsena that I
collected most of the information which I have communicated on a former
occasion with regard to the history of Háusa.
Besides this kind of occupation, my dealings with the governor, and an
occasional ride which I took through and outside the town, I had a great
deal to do in order to satisfy the claims of the inhabitants upon my
very small stock of medicinal knowledge, especially at the commencement
of my residence, when I was severely pestered with applications, having
generally from 100 to 200 patients in my courtyard every morning. The
people even brought me sometimes animals to cure; and I was not a little
amused when they once brought me a horse totally blind, which they
thought I was able to restore to its former power of vision.
Living in Kátsena is not so cheap as in most other places of
Negroland—at least we thought so at the time, but we afterwards found
Sókoto, and many places between that and Timbúktu, much dearer; but the
character of dearth in Kátsena is increased by the scarcity of shells in
the market, which form the standard currency, and, especially after I
had circulated a couple of hundred dollars, I was often obliged to
change a dollar for 2300 shells instead of 2500.
I had here a disagreeable business to arrange; for suddenly, on the 18th
of March, there arrived our old creditor Mohammed e’ Sfáksí, whose
claims upon us I thought I had settled long ago by giving him a bill
upon Fezzán, besides the sum of two hundred dollars which I had paid him
on the spot[33]: but, to my great astonishment, he produced a letter, in
which Mr. Gagliuffi, Her Majesty’s agent in Múrzuk, informed him that I
was to pay him in Sudán.
Such is the trouble to which a European traveller is exposed in these
countries, by the injudicious arrangements of those very people whose
chief object ought to be to assist him, while at the same time all his
friends in Europe think that he is well provided, and that he can
proceed on his difficult errand without obstacle.
On the 19th of March we received information that the army of the
Góberáwa had encamped on the site of the former town of Róma, or Rúma;
and I was given to understand that I must hold myself in readiness to
march at an hour’s notice.
Meanwhile the governor of Kátsena, who had received exaggerated accounts
of the riches which I was carrying with me, was endeavouring, by every
means at his disposal, to separate me from the ghaladíma, in order to
have me in his own power; and his measures were attended with a good
deal of success, at least in the case of my Arab companion ʿAlí el
Ágeren, who, although a man of some energy, allowed himself too often to
be frightened by the misrepresentations of the people. On his attempting
to keep me back, I told him that, if he chose, he might stay behind, but
that I had made up my mind to proceed at once, in company with the
ghaladíma, whatever might happen. I had the more reason to beware of the
governor, as just at the period of this my second stay here, when he
knew that I was going to his liege lord, I had had another opportunity
of becoming fully aware of the flagrant injustice exercised by him and
his ministers. For the sheríf, who, as I have said, had attached himself
to my party in Zínder, having died here of dysentery soon after our
arrival, he seized upon what little property he had left,
notwithstanding that person had placed himself, in some respects, under
my protection; and although he pretended he would send it to his
relatives, there is no doubt that he or his people kept it back. The
safety of the property of any European who should die in these regions
ought to be taken into account in any treaty to be concluded with a
native chief; but no such contingency was provided for in draughts of
the treaties which we took with us.
[Footnote 31: “Jirgí” means boat, as well as a large trough for watering
the cattle.]
[Footnote 32: I bought here altogether 75 túrkedís or woman-cloths,
which form the usual standard article in Timbúktu, and from which narrow
shirts for the males are made; 35 black tobes of Kanó manufacture; 20
ditto of Núpe manufacture; 20 silk of different descriptions; 232 black
shawls for covering the face, as the best presents for the Tawárek. I
also bought here, besides, four very good cloth bernúses from some Tawát
traders lately arrived from their country with horses, and some other
little merchandise, and half a dozen of “hamaíl,” or sword-hangings, of
red silk of Fás manufacture. I also provided myself here with water-
skins and kulábu, or large skins for covering the luggage for the whole
of my journey. No place in the whole of Negroland is so famous for
excellent leather and the art of tanning as Kátsena: and if I had taken
a larger supply of these articles with me it would have been very
profitable; but of course these leather articles require a great deal of
room. I also bought a good quantity of the tobacco of Kátsena, which is
held in great estimation even in Timbúktu, whither the excellent tobacco
from Wádí Nún is brought in considerable quantity.]
[Footnote 33: See Vol. III. p. 473.]
[Illustration: DR. BARTH’S TRAVELS IN NORTH AND CENTRAL AFRICA Sheet No.
12.
MAP OF THE ROUTES between KANÓ, KÁTSENA & SAY in the years 1853 & 1854.
Constructed and drawn by A. Petermann.
Engraved by E. Weller, _Duke Strt. Bloomsbury._
_London, Longman & Co._]
CHAP. LVI.
JOURNEY FROM KÁTSENA TO SÓKOTO.
[Sidenote: Monday, March 21st.]
The whole town was in motion when we left; for the governor himself was
to accompany us for some days’ journey, as the whole country was
exposed to the most imminent danger, and further on he was to send a
numerous escort along with us. It was a fine morning, and, though the
rainy season had not yet set in in this province, many of the trees
were clad already in a new dress, as if in anticipation of the
fertilizing power of the more favoured season.
The hájilíj had begun, about the commencement of March, to put out new
foliage and shoots of young fruit; and the dorówa or _Parkia_ exhibited
its blossoms of the most beautiful purple, hanging down to a great
length from the branches. The dorówa, which is entirely wanting in the
whole of Bórnu, constitutes here the chief representative of the
vegetable kingdom. It is from the beans of this tree that the natives
prepare the vegetable cakes called “dodówa,” with which they season
their food.[34] Next to this tree another one, which I had not seen
before, called here “rúnhu,” and at present full of small yellow
blossoms, was most common.
The first day we made only a short march of about three miles, to a
village called Kabakáwa, where the ghaladíma had taken up his quarters.
I had scarcely dismounted, under a tree at the side of the village, when
my protector called upon me, and in a very friendly manner invited me,
urgently, to take up my quarters inside the village, stating that the
neighbourhood was not quite safe, as the Góberáwa had carried away three
women from this very village the preceding day. I, however, preferred my
tent and the open air, and felt very little inclination to confide my
valuable property, on which depended entirely the success of my
enterprise, to the frail huts, which are apt to catch fire at any
moment; for while I could not combat against nature, I had confidence
enough in my arms, and in my watchfulness, not to be afraid of thieves
and robbers.[35]
In the afternoon the ghaladíma came out of the hamlet, and took his seat
under a neighbouring tree, when I returned his visit of the morning, and
endeavoured to open with him and his companions a free and unrestrained
intercourse; for I was only too happy to get out of the hands of the
lawless governor of Kátsena, who, I felt convinced, would not have been
deterred by any scruples from possessing himself of my riches: indeed he
had gone so far as to tell me that, if I possessed anything of value,
such as pistols handsomely mounted, I should give them to him rather
than to the sultan of Sókoto, for that he himself was the emír el
Múmenín; nay, he even told me that his liege lord was alarmed at the
sight of a pistol.
[Sidenote: Tuesday, March 22nd.]
In order to avoid the enemy, we were obliged, instead of following a
westerly direction, to keep at first directly southward. The country
through which our road lay was very beautiful. The dorówa, which, the
preceding day, had formed the principal ornament of the landscape, in
the first part of this day’s march gave place entirely to other trees,
such as the tall rími or bentang tree, the kúka or monkey-bread tree,
and the deléb palm or gigiña (_Borassus flabelliformis?_); but beyond
the village of Dóka, the dorówa, which is the principal tree of the
provinces of Kátsena and Záriya, again came prominently forward, while
the kadéña also, or butter tree, and the alléluba, afforded a greater
variety to the vegetation. The alléluba (which, on my second stay at
Kanó, I saw in full blossom) bears a small fruit, which the natives eat,
but which I never tried myself. Even the dúm palm, with its fan-shaped
yellow-coloured foliage, gave occasionally greater relief to the fresher
vegetation around. The country was populous and well cultivated; and
extensive tobacco-grounds and large fields of yams or gwáza were
seen,—both objects being almost a new sight to me; for tobacco, which I
had been so much surprised to see cultivated to such an extent in the
country of the pagan Músgu, is scarcely grown at all in Bórnu, with the
exception of Zínder, and I had first observed it largely cultivated near
the town of Kátsena, while yams, as I have already had repeatedly
occasion to mention, are not raised at all in Central Negroland.
Numerous herds of cattle were seen dotting the landscape, and
contributed largely to the interest of the scenery. But the district of
Máje especially, which we traversed after a march of about seven miles,
impressed me with the highest opinion of the fertility and beauty of
this country. Here, also, we met a troop of Itísan with their camels.
Having then proceeded for about two miles through a more open and well-
cultivated country with extensive cotton-grounds, large plantations of
indigo, and wide fields planted with sweet potatoes, or dánkali, we
reached the village called Kúlkadá, where the governor of Kátsena had
taken up his quarters; but, leaving this outlaw at a respectful
distance, we followed in the track of the ghaladíma, who had been
obliged to seek for quarters in a small Tawárek hamlet at the distance
of a mile and a half towards the south-east,—a remarkable resting-place
for a party proceeding to the westward. The heat was very great; and the
dorówa trees, with their scanty acacia-like foliage, which, besides a
few gonda trees (_Carica Papaya_) and a solitary ngábbore, were the only
members of the vegetable kingdom here seen, afforded but insufficient
shade, the dryness of the country being the more felt, as the supply of
water was rather limited.
I was hospitably treated in the evening, not only by the ghaladíma, who
sent me a sheep, but even by the inhabitants of the hamlet, who came to
visit me in large numbers. I learnt that they were Imghád, natives of
Tawár Nwaijdúd, the village which I passed on my road from Tintéllust to
Ágades[36], and that they had seen me in Ásben, and knew all about my
affairs. They were settled here as tenants.
[Sidenote: Wednesday, March 23rd.]
I had just mounted my horse, and my camels had gone on in advance, when
a messenger arrived, who had been sent after me from Kátsena, bringing a
letter from Mr. Gagliuffi, Her Majesty’s agent in Múrzuk, a mere
duplicate of a letter already received, with reference to the sending of
the box (which, however, did not reach me), but not a single line from
Europe. We had to retrace our road all the way to Kúlkadá, and from
thence, after a march of about six miles through a dense forest, reached
the walled town of Kúrayé, and, not being aware that the country on the
other side was more open and offered a far better camping-ground,
pitched our tent on that side whence we had come, not far from the
market-place, consisting of several rows of stalls or sheds. A market
was held in the afternoon; and we bought grain and onions, but looked in
vain for the favourite fruit of the tamarind tree, to which we were
greatly indebted for the preservation of our health.
The town was of considerable size, and contained from 6000 to 7000
inhabitants, but no clay buildings. The wall was in excellent repair,
and well provided with loopholes for the bowmen, and it was even
strengthened by a second wall, of lesser height, on the outside. The
town has three gates. The wells were three fathoms in depth.
[Sidenote: Thursday, March 24th.]
The country on the other side of the town of Kúrayé seemed to surpass in
beauty the district which we had left behind us; and the bentang tree,
the sacred tree of the former pagan inhabitants, rose here to its full
majestic growth, while, besides the dorówa and the butter tree, the
ngábbore (or sycamore) and the dúnnia appeared in abundance. The
cultivation was here limited to sorghum or Indian millet. After awhile
the ground became rather undulating, and we had to cross several small
watercourses, at present dry, while boulders of granite protruded here
and there. The path was enlivened by the several troops of horsemen
which constituted our expeditionary corps. There was first the governor
of Kátsena himself, with a body of about 200 horse; then there was an
auxiliary squadron of about fifty horse, sent by Démbo the governor of
Kazáure; and lastly Káura, the serkí-n-yáki, or commander-in-chief of
Kátsena, with a body of about thirty-five well-mounted troopers. This
officer, at the present time, is the most warlike man in the province of
Kátsena, and had greatly contributed to the overthrow and disgrace of
Sadíku the former governor, in the hope that the government of the
province might fall to his share; but he had been sadly disappointed in
his expectations. As for the ghaladíma, he had about twenty mounted
companions, the most warlike among whom was a younger brother of his, of
the name of ʿOmár, or Ghomáro, who was descended from a Púllo mother,
and, on account of his noble birth, had better claims to the office of
ghaladíma than his brother. Most of these troopers were very
fantastically dressed, in the Háusa fashion, and in a similar manner to
those I have described on a former occasion. Some of the horses were
fine, strong animals, although in height they are surpassed by the Bórnu
horses.
We watered our cattle in a kúrremi or dry watercourse, which contained a
number of wells from one fathom to a fathom and a half in depth, and was
beautifully skirted with deléb palms, while a granite mound on its
eastern shore, rose to an altitude of from eighty to a hundred feet. I
ascended it, but did not obtain a distant view. Near this watercourse
the cultivation was a little interrupted; but further on the country
became again well cultivated, broken here and there by some underwood,
while the monkey-bread tree, the dúm palm, great numbers of a species of
acacia called “árred,” and the “merké” dotted the fields. The latter
tree, which I have mentioned on a former occasion, bears a fruit which,
when mixed with the common native grain, is said to preserve horses from
worms.
Thus we reached the town of Kúrrefi, or Kúlfi, and were not a little
puzzled by the very considerable outworks, consisting of moats, which
the inhabitants had thrown up in front of their town, besides the
threefold wall, and the double moat which surrounded the latter, as
shown in the woodcut.
[Illustration:
1. Outer entrance, leading into a large square surrounded with a
double moat, and containing three huts for the guards.
2. Second entrance, leading from this outwork through the outer moat
which surrounds the town.
3. Gate leading into the projecting angle of the wall, from which a
second gate leads into the town.
4. Granite mounts inside the town.
5. Outer moats of the wall.
6. Situation of my tent.
7. Granite mount outside the town.
8. Open pasture-grounds.]
The town was said to have been founded only three years before, being
peopled from the remains of other places, which were destroyed by the
enemy. It may contain from 8000 to 9000 inhabitants; but it had recently
suffered from a conflagration. The wall was full of loopholes, and it
had a gate on each side except the eastern one.
Having made our way with great difficulty through the moats, instead of
taking up our quarters inside the wall, to the great astonishment of the
people we pitched our tent outside, at some distance from the western
gate. Such was the confidence which we placed in our firearms. A rocky
eminence, such as are met with also inside the town, started up at some
little distance from our camping-ground; and a majestic dorówa, the
largest tree of this species which I saw on my journey, shaded the place
to a considerable extent, but attracted a number of people, who
disturbed my privacy. The ghaladíma had taken a northerly road, to the
town of Tsaúrí, which he had recently founded, and did not arrive till
the afternoon.
[Sidenote: Friday, March 25th.]
On mounting my horse in the morning to pursue my march, a Púllo came up
to me and handed me a letter, which he begged me to take to a relative
of his in Timbúktu. This showed his full confidence in my success; and
it did not fail to inspire me with the same feeling. The inhabitants of
the town marched out their band of musicians, who played a farewell to
us; and the several troops of horsemen, in their picturesque attire,
thronged along the path winding between the granite mounds which broke
the level on all sides. Groups of deléb and dúm palms towered, with
their fan-shaped foliage, over the whole scenery.
We had now entered the more unsafe border country between the
Mohammedans and pagans, while changing our direction from south to west;
and the cultivation was less extensive, although even here a little
cotton was to be seen. After a march of about eight miles we traversed
the site of a deserted town called Takabáwa, inclosed between rocky
cliffs on all sides, and at present changed into a large cotton-ground,
the inhabitants having sought refuge in the more rocky district towards
the south. But although the destructive influence which war had
exercised upon this province was plainly manifested by the site of
another town which we passed soon afterwards, yet the country was not
quite deserted, and even small herds of cattle were observed further on.
Meanwhile the dúm palm became entirely predominant, and rocky cliffs and
eminences continued to break the surface; but beyond a rocky ridge
which, dotted with an abundance of monkey-bread trees, crossed our path,
the country became more level and open, enlivened by herds, and
exhibiting an uninterrupted tract of cultivation.
Thus we reached the walls of the considerable town of Zékka, and here
again we had to make our way with difficulty through the moats which
started off from the walls as a sort of outwork, when we pitched our
tent on the west side, in the shade of two large dorówa trees. Even here
I did not choose to take up my quarters inside the town, which was full
of people. Besides those detachments which had come along with us, there
arrived here also an auxiliary troop of 110 horse from Záriya, together
with the governor of Úmmadaú with twenty horsemen. The Kanáwa, or people
of Kanó, who were proceeding to Sókoto, had continued their march
straight to Úmmadaú, in order to take up their quarters in that place.
Besides numbers of sick people from the town, who came to solicit my
medical assistance, I received also a visit in the evening from one of
the five governors of the place, who bears the title of serkí-n-Féllani.
He came to ask whether I had not for sale another pair of pocket
pistols, such as I had given to the governor of Kátsena; for my
eccentric friend played with the small arms I had made him a present of,
all the day long, to the great alarm of everybody, so that the rumour of
my possessing such articles had spread over the whole of this part of
Sudán, and even Kaúra had pestered me greatly on this account.
In the town of Zékka resides also the former governor of the wealthy
town or district of Rúma, mentioned repeatedly by Captain Clapperton,
but destroyed by the Góberáwa after the period of his travels; that
officer still bears the title of serkí-n-Rúma. There was a pond of dirty
water near our encampment; but good drinkable water was only to be
obtained from a watercourse at a considerable distance, which, although
dry at present, afforded wells at very little depth in its gravelly
bottom.
[Sidenote: Saturday, March 26th.]
We remained here the whole forenoon, as we had now the most difficult
part of our journey before us; but instead of having leisure to prepare
myself for an unusual amount of exertion, all my spare time was taken up
by a disagreeable business,—the governor of Kátsena having succeeded in
seducing from my service, in the most disgraceful manner, the Ferjáni
Arab, whom I had hired for the whole journey to Timbúktu and back, and
whom I could ill afford to lose. This lad, who had accompanied Ibrahím
Bashá’s expedition to Syria and an expedition to Kordofán, and who had
afterwards resided with the Welád Slimán for some time in Kánem, might
have been of great use to me in case of emergency. But, as it was, I
could only be grateful to Providence for ridding me of this faithless
rogue at so cheap a rate: and the insidious governor at least had no
reason to boast of his conduct; for the Arab, as soon as he found
himself well mounted, and dressed in a bernús, by his new master, took
to his heels, and, following the track with which he had become
acquainted in my company, succeeded in reaching Zínder, and from thence
returned to his native country.
We here separated from most of our companions,—the governor of Kátsena,
as well as the people from Kanó and Záriya, who were carrying tribute to
the sultan of Sókoto, remaining behind, and only an escort or “rékkia”
of fifty horsemen continuing in our company. The hostile army of the
Góberáwa being in this neighbourhood, the danger of the road further on
was very considerable; and the Kanáwa and Zozáwa or Zegézegé, of whom
the latter carried 2,000,000 shells, 500 tobes, and 30 horses, as
tribute, were too much afraid of their property to accompany us. There
had also arrived a troop of about 100 fatáki with asses laden entirely
with the famous dodówa cakes; but they also remained behind.
The governor himself, however, escorted us for a mile or two, to a large
korámma called Mejídi, which no doubt forms one of the branches of the
korámma of Búnka, and contains several wells, where we watered our
horses and filled our water-skins for a night’s march. Fine cotton-
grounds and fields of onions fringed the border of the valley.
As soon as we left this winding watercourse, we entered a dense forest
only occasionally broken by open spots covered with reed grass, and we
pursued our march without interruption the whole night, with the
exception of a short halt just in the dusk of the evening. I had taken
the lead from the beginning; and the ghaladíma, who was fully sensible
of the great advantage of my firearms, sent messenger after messenger to
me till he brought me to a stand, and thus managed to get all his slaves
and camels in advance, so that I could only proceed very slowly. After a
march of little more than twelve miles from the korámma, we entered a
fertile and picturesque sort of vale, inclosed towards the north and
south by rocky cliffs, and intersected by a narrow strip of succulent
herbage, where water is apparently to be found at a little depth. This
is the site of the town of Moníya, which had likewise been destroyed by
the Góberáwa three years previously. Their army had even encamped here
the previous day; and when our companions found the traces of their
footsteps, which indicated that they had taken an easterly direction,
all the people were seized with fright, and the intention which had been
entertained, of resting here for a few hours of the night, was given up,
and with an advanced guard of twenty horse, and a guard of from fifty to
sixty, we kept cautiously and anxiously on.
About midnight we again entered dense forest, consisting chiefly of
underwood. We marched the whole night, and emerged in the morning into
open cultivated country. We then passed several small hamlets, and,
crossing first a small and further on a larger watercourse, reached, a
little before nine o’clock, the considerable place Búnka, surrounded by
a clay wall about twelve feet in height, and by a half natural half
artificial stockade of dense forest. In this town, the governor of which
is directly dependent upon the ghaladíma of Sókoto, my protector had
taken quarters; but, true to my old principle, I here also preferred
encamping outside, and, turning round the town, on the south side, along
a very winding and narrow passage through dense prickly underwood, I
pitched my tent on the west side, in the midst of an open suburb
consisting of several straggling groups of huts.
The inhabitants of the village proved to be industrious and sociable,
and, soon after we had encamped, brought me several articles for sale,
such as good strong ropes, of which we were greatly in want. In general
a traveller cannot procure good ropes in these countries; and, for an
expedition on a larger scale, he does well to provide himself with this
article. The ropes made of ngille or the dúm bush last only a few days;
and those made of hides, which are very useful in the dry season, for
tying up the legs of the camels, and even for fastening the luggage, are
not fit for the rainy season. We also bought here a good supply of
tamarinds, plenty of fowls (for from thirty to forty kurdí each), and a
little milk. Part of the inhabitants of this village, at least,
consisted of Ásbenáwa settlers; and they informed us that the army of
the Góberáwa had come close to their town, but that they had driven them
back.
The town itself, though not large, is tolerably well inhabited,
containing a population of about 5000. It is skirted on the east side by
a considerable watercourse, at present dry, but containing excellent
water close under the gravelly surface, and forming a place of resort
for numbers of the grey species of monkey.
The approach of the rainy season was indicated by a slight fall of rain.
[Sidenote: Monday, March 28th.]
The ghaladíma, whom the imminence of the danger had induced to fix his
departure for the next day, instead of allowing a day for repose, had
already gone on in advance a considerable way, when we followed him, and
soon after left on our right a large cheerful-looking hamlet, shaded by
splendid trees, and enlivened by numbers of poultry. Extensive
cultivated grounds testified to the industry of the inhabitants, who
likewise belonged to a tribe of the Ásbenáwa, or rather to a mixed race
of people. Having then crossed dense underwood, where the _Mimosa
Nilotica_, here called “elkú,” was standing in full blossom, while the
ground consisted of sand, we reached, after a march of about a mile, the
south-eastern corner of the wall of the considerable town of Zýrmi. The
watercourse of Búnka had been close on our left, providing the
inhabitants with a never-failing supply of excellent water, which is
found close under the surface of the fine gravel which composes its bed.
Zýrmi is an important town even at present, but, being under the
dominion of the Fúlbe, is only capable of preserving its existence by a
constant struggle with Góber and Marádi. However, the governor of this
town is not now master of the whole of Zánfara, as he was in the time of
Captain Clapperton, who visited it on his journey to Sókoto[37], the
Fúlbe, or Féllani, having found it more conducive to their policy to
place each governor of a walled town, in this province, under the direct
allegiance of Sókoto, in order to prevent the loss of the whole country
by the rebellion of a single man. Some ninety or one hundred years ago,
before the destruction of the capital, this province was almost the most
flourishing country of Negroland; but it is at present divided into a
number of petty states, each of which follows a different policy; hence
it is difficult to know which towns are still dependent upon the
dominion of Sókoto, and which adhere to their enemies the Góberáwa.[38]
The town is still tolerably well inhabited, the western more densely
than the eastern quarter.
The direct road leads along the wall, and close beyond passes by the
site of the former town Dáda; but, in order to water my horse, I
descended into the korámma, which was here encompassed by banks about
twenty-five feet high, the gradually-shelving slopes of which were laid
out in kitchen-gardens, where onions were cultivated. Passing then a
tract thickly overgrown with monkey-bread trees, we traversed a
straggling village, the whole appearance of which left a feeling of
peace and comfort, rather than of the constant state of warfare which
prevails in this country. But everything in human life depends on
habitude; and these poor people, not knowing any better, bear the state
of insecurity to which they are exposed, without uneasiness.
Numerous neat cottages were just being built; and the western end of the
village especially, being adorned by several groups of the gónda tree,
or _Erica Papaya_, had a very pleasant appearance. Dyeing-pits are not
wanting in any of the larger towns of Zánfara; and a numerous herd of
cattle met our view close beyond the village.
When we again reached the direct road, the neighbourhood of our friends
was distinctly indicated by a very strong and not quite aromatic smell,
which proceeded from the luggage of those of the caravan of native
traders (or fatáki) who had attached themselves to our troop in Zékka,
leaving their more cautious brethren behind. The merchandise of these
small traders consisted, for the most part, of those vegetable cakes,
called dodówa, which I have mentioned repeatedly, and which constitute
an important article of trade, as the dorówa or _Parkia_, from the fruit
of which those cakes are made, thrives in great abundance in the
province of Zegzeg, while it is comparatively rare in the provinces of
Kébbi and Góber. Three thousand of these cakes constitute an ass-load,
and each of them in general is sold in Sókoto for five kurdí, having
been bought on the spot for one urí; so that the profit, being not less
than 500 per cent., makes this commerce attractive for poor people,
notwithstanding the dangerous state to which this road is at present
reduced. The return freight which these petty merchants bring back from
Sókoto, generally consists of the salt of Fógha.
Our further road conducted us through a more rugged district,
intersected by numerous small watercourses with very rocky beds, and
mostly covered with dense forest only now and then broken by a small
tract of cultivated ground producing even a little cotton. Thus we
reached the town of Dúchi, the name of which, meaning “the rocks,”
served well to indicate the peculiar nature of the place, which has a
very wild and romantic appearance—a labyrinth of rocky eminences
intersected by a small ravine, as shown in the woodcut: the dwellings,
which are scattered about in several groups, can scarcely be seen, owing
to the prevalence of rocks. Several groups of dúm palms contribute
greatly to enhance the picturesque character of the place.
[Illustration]
Having got inside the wall, which consisted of loose stones, we had some
difficulty in finding a fit spot for encamping, and at length, having
traversed the whole place, pitched our tent, not far from the western
gate, but still inside the wall, in the shade of a fine tsámia or
tamarind tree, and close to a small group of huts. The principal hamlet
lies nearer the east side. The little watercourse contained only a very
small supply of water under the gravelly surface of the bed; but on my
return from the west, in the autumn of the following year, a foaming
brook was rushing along it. The interesting character of the scenery
induced me, in the course of the night, to leave my tent and to sit down
for a while on a rock, which commanded the whole interior of the town.
There I had a charming prospect over the scene by clear moonlight, while
people were busily employed the whole night, collecting the small supply
of water from the channel, for their next day’s wants.
[Sidenote: Tuesday, March 29th.]
In order to pass the narrow gate, if gate it may be called, I was
obliged to have the two posts which encompassed it on each side removed.
The whole country round about is rocky, with only a slight covering of
fertile soil, so that nothing but Indian millet is cultivated, which
thrives very well in rocky ground. But the country was adorned with a
tolerable variety of trees, such as monkey-bread trees, most of which
had young leaves, the dorówa, the kadeña, and the merké. While crossing
a small rocky ridge, we were joined by a troop of people bearing large
loads of cotton upon their heads, which they were carrying to the
considerable market of Badaráwa. This cotton was distinguished by its
snow-white colour, and seemed to be of very good quality.
Beyond the rocky ridge, the country became more open, rich in trees and
cultivated fields; and having passed a village, we turned round the
south-western corner of the walled town of Sabón Bírni, making our way
with great difficulty, and not without some damage to the fences as well
as to our luggage, through the narrow lanes of an open suburb. The
western side of the town was bordered by a korámma containing a
considerable sheet of stagnant water of very bad quality, and fringed
all round by a border of kitchen-gardens, where onions were cultivated.
The governor of Sabón Bírni, like that of Zýrmi, is directly dependent
on the emír of Sókoto. The name or title of his dominion is Bázay.
From hence, along a path filled with market people, we reached the
walled town of Badaráwa, which, like most of the towns of Zánfara, is
surrounded on all sides with a dense border of timber, affording to the
archers, who form the strength of the natives, great advantage in a
defence, and making any attack, in the present condition of the
strategetical art in this country, very difficult. In the midst of this
dense body of trees there was a very considerable market, attended by
nearly 10,000 people, and well supplied with cotton[39], which seemed to
be the staple commodity, while Indian millet (sorghum) also was in
abundance. A great number of cattle were slaughtered in the market, and
the meat retailed in small quantities. There was also a good supply of
fresh butter (which is rarely seen in Negroland), formed in large lumps,
cleanly prepared, and swimming in water; they were sold for 500 kurdí
each. Neither was there any scarcity of onions, a vegetable which is
extensively cultivated in the province of Zánfara, the smaller ones
being sold for one urí, the larger ones for two kurdí each. These onions
are mostly cultivated round a large tebki, about half a mile to the west
of the town, which even at the present season was still of considerable
size. Instead of entering the narrow streets of the town, I pitched my
tent in the open fields, at a considerable distance from the wall; for I
was the more in want of fresh air, as I was suffering greatly from
headache. The consequence was that I could not even indulge in the
simple luxuries of the market, but had recourse to my common medicine of
tamarind water.
There was some little danger here, not so much from a foreign foe as
from our proximity to a considerable hamlet of Tawárek of the tribe of
the Itísan, who have settlements in all these towns of Zánfara. While
endeavouring to recruit myself by rest and simple diet, I received a
visit from an intelligent and well-behaved young fáki, Mʿallem Dádi, who
belonged to the suite of the ghaladíma, and whose company was always
agreeable to me. He informed me that the Zánfaráwa and the Góberáwa had
regarded each other with violent hatred from ancient times,—Babári, the
founder of Kaláwa, or Alkaláwa, the former capital of Góber, having
based the strength and wellbeing of his own country on the destruction
of the old capital of Zánfara, ninety-seven years previously. Hence the
people of Zánfara embarked heart and soul in the religious and political
rising of the sheikh ʿOthmán against his liege lord the ruler of Góber.
I learned also that the same amount of tribute, which I have before
mentioned as carried on this occasion by the messengers of Záriya to the
emír el Múmenín, was paid almost every second month, while from Kátsena
it was very difficult to obtain a regular tribute, the governor of that
town generally not paying more than 400,000 kurdí and forty articles,
such as bernúses, kaftans, &c., annually. It was only an exceptional
case, arising from the exertions of the ghaladíma as I was told, that he
had sent, this year, 800,000 shells, besides a horse of Tárki breed, of
the nominal value of 700,000 kurdí.
[Illustration]
[Sidenote: Wednesday, March 30th.]
Allowing my camels to pursue the direct road, I myself took a rather
roundabout way, in order to get a sight of the tebki from which the town
is supplied; and I was really astonished at the considerable expanse of
clear water which it exhibited at this time of the year (shortly before
the setting in of the rainy season), when water in the whole of
Negroland becomes very scanty. The ground consisted of fine vegetable
soil, while the cultivation along the path was scarcely interrupted; and
in passing a hamlet we saw the inhabitants making the first preparations
for the labours of the field. Cotton was also cultivated to a
considerable extent. About a mile and a half further on, at the village
of Sungúruré, which is surrounded with a strong keffi, I observed the
first rúdu, a sort of light hut consisting of nothing but a thatched
roof raised upon four poles from eight to ten feet in height, and
affording a safe retreat to the inhabitants, during their night’s rest,
against the swarms of mosquitoes which infest the whole region along the
swampy creeks of the Niger, the people entering these elevated bedrooms
from below, and shutting the entrance behind them, as represented in the
accompanying woodcut.
Leaving, then, the walled town of Katúru close on our left, we entered a
dense forest richly interwoven with creeping plants, and intersected by
a large korámma with a very uneven bottom, affording sufficient proof of
the vehemence of the torrent which at times rushes along it. At present
it contained nothing but pools of stagnant water in several places,
where we observed a large herd of camels, belonging to a party of
Itísan, just being watered, while tobacco was cultivated on the border
of the korámma. A little further on, the torrent had swept away and
undermined the banks in such a manner that they presented the appearance
of artificial walls. We met several natives on the road, who, although
Fúlbe or Féllani (that is to say, belonging to the conquering tribe) and
themselves apparently Mohammedans, wore nothing but a leather apron
round their loins.
Thus we reached, a little past noon, the town Sansánne ʿAísa, which was
originally a mere fortified encampment or “sansánne.” But its advanced
and in some respects isolated position, as an outlying post against the
Góberáwa and Mariyadáwa, rendered it essential that it should be strong
enough by its own resources to offer a long resistance; and it has in
consequence become a walled town of considerable importance, so that
travellers generally take this roundabout way, with a strong northerly
deviation. Here also the wall is surrounded with a dense forest,
affording a sort of natural fortification.
Having entered the town and convinced myself of its confined and
cheerless character, I resolved even here to encamp outside, though at
considerable risk; and I went to the well, which was about half a mile
distant to the south, and, being five fathoms in depth, contained a rich
supply of excellent water. Here a small caravan of people from Ádar,
laden with corn and about to return to their native home, were encamped;
and I pitched my tent on an open spot, close to some light cottages of
Itísan settlers, who immediately brought me a little fresh cheese as a
specimen of their industry, and were well satisfied with a present which
I made them in return, of a few razors and looking-glasses. These
Tawárek are scattered over the whole of Western Súdán, not only
frequenting those localities occasionally as traders, but even sometimes
settled with their wives and children. Their women also did not fail to
pay us a visit in the afternoon; for they are extremely curious and fond
of strangers.
When I had made myself comfortable, I received a visit from the
ghaladíma of the town; he brought me the compliments of the governor,
who was a man of rather noble birth, being nobody else but ʿAlí Káramí,
the eldest son and presumed successor of ʿAlíyu the emír el Múmenín. He
bears the pompous title of serkí-n-Góber, “lord of Góber,” although
almost the whole of that country is in the hands of the enemy. Having
taken his leave, the messenger soon returned accompanied by Alháttu, the
younger brother of the ghaladíma of Sókoto, who was anxious to show his
importance, bringing me a fat sheep as a present, which I acknowledged
by the gift of a fine heláli bernús, besides a red cap and turban; and
the governor expressed his satisfaction at my present by sending me also
corn for my horses, and half a dozen fowls. In the evening we had a
short but violent tornado, which usually indicates the approach of the
rainy season; but no rain fell, and we passed the night very comfortably
in our open encampment, without any accident.
[Sidenote: Thursday, March 31st.]
We had a very difficult day’s march before us,—the passage of the
wilderness of Gúndumi,—which can only be traversed by a forced march,
and which, even upon a man of Captain Clapperton’s energies, had left
the impression of the most wearisome journey he had ever performed in
his life. But before returning into our westerly direction, we had first
to follow a north-westerly path leading to a large pond or tebki, in
order to provide ourselves with water for the journey. It was still a
good-sized sheet of water, though torn up and agitated by numbers of men
and animals that had preceded our party from the town; and we were
therefore very fortunate in having provided ourselves with some
excellent clear water from the well close to our place of encampment.
The pond was in the midst of the forest, which towards its outskirts
presented a cheerful aspect, enlivened by a great number of sycamore
trees and even a few deléb palms, but which here assumed the more
monotonous and cheerless character which seems to be common to all the
extensive forests of Negroland.
The beginning of our march, after we had watered our animals and filled
our water-skins, was rather inauspicious, our companions missing their
way and with their bugles calling me and my people, who were pursuing
the right track, far to the south, till, after endeavouring in vain to
make our way through an impervious thicket, and after a considerable
loss of time, anything but agreeable at the beginning of a desperate
march of nearly thirty hours, we at length with the assistance of a
Púllo shepherd regained the right track. We then pursued our march,
travelling without any halt the whole day and the whole night through
the dense forest, leaving the pond called tebki-n-Gúndumi at some
distance on our left, and not meeting with any signs of cultivation till
a quarter before eleven the next morning, when, wearied in the extreme
and scarcely able to keep up, we were met by some horsemen, who had been
sent out from the camp at Gáwasú to meet us, provided with water-skins
in order to bring up the stragglers who had lagged behind from fatigue
and thirst. And there were many who needed their assistance—one woman
had even succumbed to exhaustion in the course of the night; for such a
forced march is the more fatiguing and exhausting as the dangers from a
lurking enemy make the greatest possible silence and quiet
indispensable, instead of the spirits being kept up with cheerful songs
as is usually the case. But having once reached the cultivated grounds,
after a march of two miles and a half more we arrived at the first
gáwasú trees which surround the village which is named after them,
“Gáwasú.” In the fields or “kárkará” adjoining this village, ʿAlíyu the
emír el Múmenín had taken up his camping-ground, and was preparing
himself for setting out upon an expedition against the Góber people.
It was well that we had arrived—having been incessantly marching for the
last twenty-six hours, without taking into account the first part of the
journey from the town to the pond; for I had never seen my horse in such
a state of total exhaustion, while my people also fell down immediately
they arrived. As for myself, kept up by the excitement of my situation,
I did not feel much fatigued, but on the contrary felt strong enough to
search without delay through the whole of my luggage, in order to select
the choicest presents for the great prince of Sókoto, who was to set out
the following morning, and upon whose reception depended a good deal of
the success of my undertaking. The afternoon wore on without my being
called into the presence of the sultan, and I scarcely expected that I
should see him that day; but suddenly, after the evening prayer, Alháttu
made his appearance with some messengers of the chief, not in order to
hasten my present, but first to give me a proof of their own
hospitality, and bringing me a very respectable present consisting of an
ox, four fat sheep, and two large straw sacks or tákrufa containing
about four hundred pounds weight of rice, with an intimation at the same
time that ʿAlíyu wished to see me, but that I was not now to take my
present with me. I therefore prepared myself immediately; and on going
to the sultan’s we passed by the ghaladíma, who had been lodged in a
courtyard of the village, and who accompanied us.
We found ʿAlíyu in the northern part of the village, sitting under a
tree in front of his quarters, on a raised platform of clay. He received
me with the utmost kindness and good humour, shaking hands with me and
begging me to take a seat just in front of him. Having paid my
compliments to him on behalf of the Queen of England, I told him that it
had been my intention to have paid him a visit two years previously, but
that the losses which we had met with in the first part of our journey
had prevented me from carrying out my design. I had scarcely finished my
speech, when he himself assured me that at the right time he had
received the letter which I had addressed to him through the sultan of
Ágades (informing him of the reason why we could not then go directly to
pay him our compliments), and that from that moment up to the present
time he had followed our proceedings, and especially my own, with the
greatest interest, having even heard at the time a report of my journey
to Ádamáwa.
I then informed him that in coming to pay him my compliments I had
principally two objects in view,—one of which was that he might give me
a letter of franchise guaranteeing to all British merchants entire
security for themselves and their property in visiting his dominions for
trading purposes; and the second, that he might allow me to proceed to
Timbúktu, and facilitate my journey to that place (which was greatly
obstructed at the present moment by the rebellion of the province of
Kebbi) by his own paramount authority. Without reserve he acceded to
both my requests in the most cheerful and assuring manner, saying that
it would be his greatest pleasure to assist me in my enterprise to the
utmost of his power, as it had only humane objects in view, and could
not but tend to draw nations together that were widely separated from
each other. At the same time he expressed, in a very feeling way, his
regret with regard to ʿAbd Allah (Capt. Clapperton), whose name I had
incidentally mentioned, intimating that the then state of war, or
“gába,” between Bello and the sheikh el Kánemí, the ruler of Bórnu, had
disturbed their amicable relations with that eminent officer, whom in
such a conjuncture they had not felt justified in allowing to proceed on
his errand to their enemy. In order to give him an example how, in the
case of foreign visitors or messengers, such circumstances ought not to
be taken into account, I took this opportunity to show him that the
ruler of Bórnu, although in open hostility with the most powerful of his
(ʿAlíyu’s) governors, nevertheless had allowed me, at the present
conjuncture, to proceed on my journey to them without the slightest
obstacle. He then concluded our conversation by observing that it had
been his express wish to see me the very day of my arrival, in order to
assure me that I was heartily welcome, and to set my mind at rest as to
the fate of Clapperton, which he was well aware could not fail to
inspire Europeans with some diffidence in the proceedings of the rulers
of Sókoto.
With a mind greatly relieved I returned to my tent from this audience.
The dusk of the evening, darkened by thick thunder-clouds, with the
thunder rolling uninterruptedly, and lighted up only by the numerous
fires which were burning round about in the fields where the troops had
encamped under the trees, gave to the place a peculiar and solemn
interest, making me fully aware of the momentous nature of my situation.
The thunder continued rolling all night long, plainly announcing the
approach of the rainy season, though there was no rain at the time.
Meanwhile I was pondering over the present which I was to give to this
mighty potentate, who had treated me with so much kindness and regard on
the first interview, and on whose friendship and protection depended in
a great measure the result of my proceedings; and thinking that what I
had selected might not prove sufficient to answer fully his expectation,
in the morning, when I arose, I still added a few things more, so that
my present consisted of the following articles:—a pair of pistols[40],
richly ornamented with silver, in velvet holsters; a rich bernús (Arab
cloak with hood) of red satin, lined with yellow satin; a bernús of
yellow cloth; a bernús of brown cloth; a white heláli bernús of the
finest quality; a red cloth kaftan embroidered with gold; a pair of red
cloth trowsers; a Stambúli carpet; three loaves of sugar; three turbans
and a red cap; two pairs of razors; half a dozen large looking-glasses;
cloves, and benzoin.
Having tied up these presents in five smart handkerchiefs, and taking
another bernús of red cloth with me for the ghaladíma, I proceeded first
to the latter, who received his present with acknowledgments, and
surveyed those destined for his master with extreme delight and
satisfaction. We then went together to ʿAlíyu, and found him in a room
built of reeds, sitting on a divan made of the light wood of the
tukkurúwa; and it was then for the first time that I obtained a distinct
view of this chief, for on my interview the preceding night it had been
so dark that I was not enabled to distinguish his features accurately. I
found him a stout middle-sized man, with a round fat face exhibiting,
evidently, rather the features of his mother, a Háusa slave, than those
of his father Mohammed Bello a free and noble Púllo, but full of
cheerfulness and good humour. His dress also was extremely simple, and
at the same time likewise bore evidence of the pure Púllo character
having been abandoned; for while it consisted of scarcely anything else
but a tobe of greyish colour, his face was uncovered, while his father
Bello, even in his private dwelling, at least before a stranger, never
failed to cover his mouth.
He received me this time with the same remarkable kindness which he had
exhibited the preceding evening, and repeated his full consent to both
my requests, which I then stated more explicitly, requesting at the same
time that the letter of franchise might be written at once, before his
setting out on his expedition. This he agreed to, but he positively
refused to allow me to proceed on my journey before his return from the
expedition, which he said would not be long; and, acquainted as I was
with the etiquette of these African courts, I could scarcely expect
anything else from the beginning. He then surveyed the presents, and
expressed his satisfaction repeatedly; but when he beheld the pistols,
which I had purposely kept till the last, he gave vent to his feelings
in the most undisguised manner, and, pressing my hands repeatedly, he
said, “nagóde, nagóde, barka, ʿAbd el Kerím, barka”—“I thank you, God
bless you, ʿAbd el Kerím, God bless you.” He had evidently never before
seen anything like these richly-mounted pistols, which had been selected
in Tripoli by the connoisseur eyes of Mr. Warrington, and surveyed the
present on all sides. It was to these very pistols that I was in a great
measure indebted for the friendly disposition of this prince, while the
unscrupulous governor of Kátsena, who had heard some report about them,
advised me by all means to sell them to himself, as his liege lord would
not only not value them at all, but would even be afraid of them.
Soon after I had returned to my tent, the ghaladíma arrived, bringing me
from his master 100,000 kurdí, to defray the expenses of my household
during his absence; and I had afterwards the more reason to feel
grateful for this kind attention, although the sum did not exceed forty
Spanish dollars, as I became aware, during my stay in Wurno, how
difficult it would have been for me to have changed my dollars into
kurdí. I then satisfied my friend Alháttu the younger brother of the
ghaladíma, whose behaviour certainly was far from disinterested, but
who, nevertheless, had not proved quite useless to me.
Although we were here in the camp outside, and the people busy with
their approaching departure, yet I received visits from several people,
and amongst others, that of a Weled Ráshid of the name of Mohammed, who,
on my return from Timbúktu followed me to Kúkawa in the company of his
countryman the learned Áhmed Wadáwi. This man having left his tribe on
the south-eastern borders of Bagírmi, had settled in this place many
years before; and having accompanied several expeditions or forays, he
gave me an entertaining description of the courage of the Féllani-n-
Sókoto, although he had some little disposition to slander, and even
related to me stories about the frailties of the female portion of the
inhabitants of the capital, which I shall not repeat.
[Sidenote: Sunday, April 3rd.]
Being anxious that the letter of franchise should be written before the
sultan set out, I sent in the morning my broker ʿAlí el Ágeren, with a
pound of Tower-proof gunpowder, to the prince, in order to remind him of
his promise; and he returned after a while, bringing me a letter signed
with the sultan’s seal, which on the whole was composed in very handsome
terms, stating that the prince had granted the request of commercial
security for English merchants and travellers, which I as a messenger of
the Queen of England had made to him. But the letter not specifying any
conditions, I was obliged to ask for another paper, written in more
distinct terms; and although ʿAlíyu’s time was of course very limited,
as he was just about to set out with his army, even my last request was
complied with, and I declared myself satisfied. I was well aware how
extremely difficult it is to make these people understand the forms of
the articles in which European governments are wont to conclude
commercial treaties. In regions like this, however, it seems almost as
if too much time ought not to be lost on account of such a matter of
form before it is well established whether merchants will really open a
traffic with these quarters; for as soon as, upon the general condition
of security, an intercourse is really established, the rulers of those
countries themselves become aware that some more definite arrangement is
necessary, while, before they have any experience of intercourse with
Europeans, the form of the articles in which treaties are generally
conceived fills them with the utmost suspicion and fear, and may be
productive of the worst consequences to any one who may have to conclude
such a treaty.
The sultan was kind enough, before he left in the afternoon, to send me
word that I might come and take leave of him; and I wished him with all
my heart success in his expedition, as the success of my own
undertaking, namely, my journey towards the west, partly depended upon
his vanquishing his enemies. Giving vent to his approval of my wishes by
repeating that important and highly significant word not more peculiar
to the Christian than to the Mohammedan creed, “Amín, amín,” he took
leave of me, in order to start on his expedition, accompanied only by a
small detachment of cavalry, most of the troops having already gone on
in advance. I had also forwarded a present to Hámmedu, the son of ʿAtíku
an elder brother and predecessor of Bello; but he sent it back to me,
begging me to keep it until after his return from the expedition. The
ghaladíma also, who was to accompany the sultan, called, before his
departure, in order that I might wind round his head a turban of gaudy
colours, such as I then possessed, as an omen of success.
After all the people were gone, I myself could not think of passing
another night in this desolate place, which is not only exposed to the
attacks of men, but even to those of wild beasts. Even the preceding
night the hyenas had attacked several people, and had almost succeeded
in carrying off a boy, besides severely lacerating one man, who was
obliged to return home without being able to accompany the army. An
hour, therefore, after the sultan had left his encampment, we ourselves
were on our road to Wurno, the common residence of ʿAlíyu, where I had
been desired to take up my quarters in the house of the ghaladíma; but I
never made a more disagreeable journey, short as it was, the provisions
which the sultan had given me encumbering us greatly, so that at length
we were obliged to give away the heifer as a present to the inhabitants
of the village of Gáwasú. It thus happened that we did not reach our
quarters till late in the evening; and we had a great deal of trouble in
taking possession of them in the dark, having been detained a long time
at the gateway, which itself was wide and spacious, but which was
obstructed by a wooden door, while there was no open square at all
inside the gate, nor even a straight road leading up from thence into
the town, the road immediately dividing and winding close along the
wall.
[Footnote 34: See the description which Clapperton gives of the manner
in which these cakes are prepared. (Denham and Clapperton’s Travels, ii.
p. 125.)]
[Footnote 35: The wells here were eight fathoms.]
[Footnote 36: See Vol. I. p. 391.]
[Footnote 37: Clapperton, Second Expedition, p. 150.]
[Footnote 38: For further details on this subject, see Appendix I.; and
for an outline of the history of Zánfara, see the Chronological Tables.]
[Footnote 39: It was extensively cultivated in this province at the
beginning of the sixteenth century. (Leo Africanus, lib. vii. c. 13.)]
[Footnote 40: I may as well add, that the richly-mounted pistols which
chiefly aided me in obtaining the friendship of this powerful chief, as
well as another pair which I afterwards gave to Khalílu the ruler of
Gando, and also several other things, were paid for with my own money,
which was forwarded to Tripoli by my family at the suggestion of the
Chevalier Bunsen, as well as two harmonica, one of which I gave to
ʿAlíyu, and the other to the sheikh el Bakáy.]
CHAP. LVII.
RESIDENCE IN WURNO.
I shall preface the particulars of my residence in Wurno with a short
account of the growth of the power of the Fúlbe or Féllani in this
quarter, and of the present condition of the empire of Sókoto.
There is no doubt that, if any African tribe deserves the full attention
of the learned European, it is that of the Fúlbe (_sing._ Púllo), or
Fúla, as they are called by the Mandingoes; Féllani (_sing._
Baféllanchi), by the Háusa people; Felláta, by the Kanúri; and Fullán,
by the Arabs. In their appearance, their history, and the peculiar
character of their language, they present numerous anomalies to the
inhabitants of the adjacent countries. No doubt they are the most
intelligent of all the African tribes, although in bodily development
they cannot be said to exhibit the most perfect specimens, and probably
are surpassed in this respect by the Jolof. But it is their superior
intelligence which gives their chief expression to the Fúlbe, and
prevents their features from presenting that regularity which we find in
other tribes, while the spare diet of a large portion of that tribe does
not impart to their limbs all the development of which they are capable,
most of them being distinguished by the smallness of their limbs and the
slender growth of their bodies. But as to their outward appearance,
which presents various contrasts in complexion as well as in bodily
development, we must first take into account that the Fúlbe, as a
conquering tribe, sweeping over a wide expanse of provinces, have
absorbed and incorporated with themselves different and quite distinct
national elements, which have given to their community a rather varying
and undecided character.
Moreover, besides such tribes as have been entirely absorbed, and whose
origin has even been referred to the supposed ancestors of the whole
nation, there are others which, although their pedigree is not brought
into so close a connexion with that of the Fúlbe, nevertheless are so
intermingled with them, that they have quite forgotten their native
idiom, and might be confounded with the former by any traveller who is
not distinctly aware of the fact. Prominent among these latter are the
Sissílbe, as they call themselves, or Syllebáwa, as they are called in
Háusa, whom I shall have occasion to mention on my visit to Sókoto, and
who are nothing but a portion of the numerous tribe of the Wákoré or
Wángaráwa, to whom belong also the Súsu and the so-called Mandingoes;
and while that portion of them who are settled in Háusa have entirely
forgotten their native idiom, and have adopted, besides the Fulfúlde
language, even the Háusa dialect, their brethren in the more western
province of Zaberma use their own idiom at the present time almost
exclusively.
On the other hand, foremost among those tribes who have been entirely
absorbed by the community of the Fúlbe are the Toróde or Torunkáwa, who,
although they are considered as the most noble portion of the population
in most of the kingdoms founded by the Fúlbe, yet evidently owe their
origin to a mixture of the Jolof element with the ruling tribe[41], and
in such a manner that, in point of numbers, the former enjoyed full
superiority in the amalgamation; but it is quite evident that, even if
we do not take into account the Toróde, the Jolof have entered into the
formation of the remarkable tribe of the Fúlbe or Fúla, in a very strong
proportion, although the languages of these two tribes at present are so
distinct, especially as far as regards grammatical structure; and it is
highly interesting that Áhmed Bábá (who, by occasional hints, allows us
to form a much better idea of the progress of that tribe, in its
spreading over tracts so immense, than we were able to obtain before we
became acquainted with his history of Súdán) intimates distinctly that
he regards the Jolof as belonging to the great stock of the Fullán or
Fúlbe[42], although at the present time the terms “Jolof” and “Púllo”
seem to be used in opposition, the one meaning a person of black, the
other an individual of red complexion.
It is this element of the Toróde in particular which causes such a great
variety in the type of the Fúlbe community, the Toróde being in general
of tall stature and strong frame, large features, and of very black
complexion, while the other sections of that tribe are always
distinguished by a tinge of red or copper colour.
But besides the Toróde, who, as I have said, in most cases as well in
Fúta as in Sókoto, at present form the ruling aristocracy, there are
many other nationalities which have been absorbed in this great
conquering nation, and which, on the contrary, are rather degraded. The
most interesting among these latter, at least in the more eastern tracts
occupied by the Fúlbe, are certainly the Jawámbe, as they are called by
the Fúlbe, but rather, as they call themselves, Zoghorán, or as they are
named by the Háusa people, Zoromáwa. This tribe, which we find at
present quite absorbed by the Féllani, and, at least in the provinces of
Háusa and Kébbi, reduced to the occupation of mere brokers, we still
find, during the period of the Áskia, that is to say, in the sixteenth
century of our era, quite distinct from the community of the Fúlbe or
Féllani, as a tribe by themselves, settled to the S.E. of the Great
River, where it enters the province of Másina[43]; and it was this tribe
which, having been continually persecuted by the Songhay during the
height of their sway, at a later period, when that empire had been laid
prostrate by the musketeers of Morocco, contributed the most to its
ruin, and conquered great part of it, particularly the most fertile
provinces, such as Bára and Kármina.
Nearly the same character distinguishes the tribe of the Laúbe on the
Senegal, who, in general, at the present time have been reduced to the
rank of carpenters, but, nevertheless, at a former period evidently
constituted a distinct tribe.[44] It is these degraded tribes—viz.
besides those above mentioned, the Mábube or Mábe, considered in general
as weavers; the Gergasábe, or shoemakers; the Waílube, or tailors; the
Wambaibe, or singing men; the Waúlube, or beggars,—who impart to the
community of the Fúlbe the character of a distinction into castes,
especially as all of them, in the imaginary pedigree of the Púllo stock,
have been carried back to one common progenitor called Só; but we find
the same degraded families among the Jolof.[45]
The absorbing of these western tribes, especially the Jolof and Wákoré
by the Fulfúlde nation, furnishes at the same time an unquestionable and
unmistakable proof that the march of conquest of the latter proceeded
from west to east, and not in an opposite direction, as has been the
generally-adopted view of those who have touched upon the subject. No
doubt it is impossible for us with our faint knowledge of the migration
of tribes in general, and of African tribes in particular, to explain
how this tribe came to settle in the region along the lower course of
the Senegal, as their type is distinguished in so very remarkable a
manner from the character of the other tribes settled in that
neighbourhood, and evidently bears more resemblance to some nations
whose dwelling-places are in the far east, such as the Malays, with whom
M. Eichwaldt, in his ingenious but hypothetical essay on the Fúla[46]
has endeavoured to connect them by way of Meroë. I myself am of opinion
that their origin is to be sought for in the direction of the east; but
this refers to an age which for us is enveloped in impenetrable
darkness, while what I have said about the progress of their conquest
from west to east relates to historical times, comprising the period
from the fourteenth century downwards.[47] In this respect the mission
of two religious chiefs of this tribe from Melle (where they resided at
the time) to Bíri the king of Bórnu, who ruled about the end of the
thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth century[48], is of the
highest interest, as it shows at once that this tribe, even at that
early period, was distinguished by its religious learning, and gives a
proof of the progress of the tribe from west to east. Some other facts
which have come to our knowledge with regard to the progress of this
tribe eastward will be mentioned in the chronological tables; here I
will only call the reader’s attention to the circumstance, that we find,
among the most intimate friends and most stanch supporters of Mohammed
el Háj Áskia, a man of the name of ʿAlí Fulánu, while in general it was
the policy of the Songhay dynasty, which was begun by that great ruler
of Negroland, to keep in check this tribe, the conquering tendency of
which could not but become apparent to intelligent rulers,
notwithstanding the humble character of “berroróji,” under which they
used to immigrate and settle in foreign countries; and this is the
acknowledged reason why the Gabéro, a tribe whom we shall meet in the
course of our proceedings on the river below Gágho, have entirely
forgotten their Fulfúlde idiom, not having been allowed, for a certain
period, to use it. Whether it be true, as the Féllani-n-Háusa assert,
that Kanta, the founder of the homonymous dynasty of Kébbi in the very
beginning of the sixteenth century was originally a slave of a party of
Fúlbe settled in the country, a fact which, if confirmed, would prove
the early settlement of the tribe in this country, I am unable to
decide, although it is certainly true that in the course of the
sixteenth century the Fúlbe became strong enough, in the regions on the
east side of the Ísa or Kwára, to exercise a great influence in the
struggles which ensued between the successors of the first Kanta, while
it was a chief of their tribe, the ruler of Danka, or Denga, who,
according to Áhmed Bábá[49], first began his predatory incursions into
the Songhay territory, laying waste the fertile and once extremely
populous region along the Rás el má. It is thus explained how, even in
the beginning of the seventeenth century, Fúlbe tribes were settled in
several places of Bagírmi.[50]
But just on account of the vastness of the region over which they were
scattered, were these people, while pursuing only their own local
interest, powerless even in these loosely-connected and almost crumbling
kingdoms, where they had found a new home, with the exception of
Bághena, where they appear to have formed a nucleus of greater strength,
but destitute of any religious impulse.
A new epoch for this wide-spread tribe did not open till the beginning
of this century, when, in the year 1802, Báwa the ruler of Góber
summoned to his presence the sheikh ʿOthmán, together with the other
chiefs of the tribe, and severely reprimanded them on account of the
pretensions which they were beginning to put forward. It was then that
ʿOthmán, who, being settled in the village Dághel, performed the office
of imám to his countrymen, and had begun to give them a new religious
impulse, which raised them above their petty interests, filled with
indignation at the manner in which he, the great Moslim, was treated by
those pagans, was roused to the attempt of making himself and his tribe
independent of the will of the native ruler of the country, and having
assembled his countrymen, who now conferred upon him the dignity and
authority of a sheikh, raised the standard of revolt; but his
proceedings, at least as far as regarded Góber and the capital Alkaláwa,
were far from proving successful at the beginning, he being vanquished
in almost every encounter: but the fanatical zeal of his followers, whom
he continually inspired with fresh energy by his religious songs[51],
was so great that gradually he overcame all these obstacles, and at
length succeeded in laying the foundation of a vast empire, being
greatly assisted in his career by his brother ʿAbd Alláhi, who, although
his senior, had been the first to pay him homage, and by his son
Mohammed Bello. He took up his residence first at Gando, where he was
besieged for a long time, and afterwards at Sifáwa, till, as described
by Captain Clapperton in the excellent and concise account of this
struggle[52] which he has given in the report of his second journey,
Othmán ended his life in a sort of fanatical ecstasy or madness.
He was followed by Mohammed Bello, who endeavoured to introduce more
order into the empire thus consolidated, and who, on the whole, must
rank high among the African princes, being distinguished not less by his
great love of learning and science than by his warlike spirit, although
his military achievements were far from being always successful. But he
has had the misfortune, after enjoying a great name in Europe, for a
short time, for the kind and generous spirit in which he received
Captain Clapperton on his first journey, to incur the severest
condemnation on account of the manner in which he treated that same
enterprising traveller on his second journey. No doubt he was a
distinguished ruler; but he must not be judged according to European
ideas. He had to struggle hard, not less against the native tribes
anxious to assert their independence, than against his great rival
Mohammed el Kánemí the king of Bórnu, who, just at the time of
Clapperton’s second stay, pressed him very closely, and having
successfully overrun the eastern provinces of the Fulfúlde or Felláta
empire, threatened Kanó. Hence this political position, together with
the instigations of the Arabs, who feared for their commerce with
Negroland if the road from the south should be opened, will account in
some measure for his treatment of the English traveller, who perhaps
urged his going to the sheikh of Bórnu with too much energy. However,
there is no doubt that Bello’s successor and brother, ʿAtíku, who ruled
from the year 1832 till 1837, would have weakened the interest of the
European public in the example which Bello gave of an energetic and
generous ruler in those distant and out-of-the-way regions, if his
career had become known to them; for he seems to have fully belied the
expectation, of “a mean prince,”[53] which he raised when still living
in his retirement, as a jealous king’s brother, without power and
influence. But his reign was too short for consolidating sufficiently
the loosely-connected empire, although, as long as he lived, full
security is said to have reigned. The spirit of independence broke out
more strongly under his successor ʿAlíyu, a son of Bello by a female
slave, who, save a well-meaning and cheerful disposition, does not
appear to have inherited many of the noble qualities of his father, and
least of all his warlike spirit; and hence the lamentable condition in
which I found this extensive kingdom, while there is scarcely any hope
that affairs will assume a more consolidated character before another
more energetic ruler succeeds to ʿAlíyu. Nevertheless the kingdom or
empire, even at the present time, still comprises the same provinces
which it did at its most flourishing period, with the exception of
Khadéja, the governor of which has made himself independent; but the
military strength of these provinces, especially as regards cavalry, as
well as the amount of revenue, is greatly impaired, although the latter,
collected from all the provinces[54] together, certainly exceeds one
hundred millions of shells, or about 10,000_l._ sterling, besides an
equal value in slaves and native cloth, or articles of foreign produce.
The whole strength of the empire, if the distracted state of each
province allowed its quota to be withdrawn from thence, would certainly
still form an imposing force,—viz., the cavalry of the seat of
government, together with the subjected parts of Kébbi and Zánfara,
about 5000; the cavalry of Kanó, from 5000 to 7000; that of Baúchi, from
1500 to 2000; that of Zégzeg, 3000; Ádamáwa, 2000; Kátsena and Mésaw,
each about 1000; Katágum, 1200; Marmar and Shéra, each 500; Bobéru, 600;
Dáura, 400; Kazáure, about 200. But we have seen to what a state Zánfara
is at present reduced, while the curious manner in which Kébbi is
portioned out between the rulers of Sókoto and Gando[55] cannot fail to
cause a great deal of jealousy and controversy between the two courts,
at the very centre of power; and as for Ádamáwa, there are still so many
hostile elements in the interior of that half-subdued province, that it
is impossible to withdraw from thence a particle of its home force; nay,
even the province of Kanó is so harassed and distracted by the continual
inroads of the governor of Khadéja, that the ruler of that province is
scarcely able to send a few hundred horsemen to join the army of his
liege lord. We have seen how that same rebel governor of Khadéja
repeatedly defeated a numerous host taken from almost all the provinces
of the empire, which had been sent against him; and we shall see what
were the inglorious manœuvrings of ʿAlíyu himself, when he led out, in
person, his army against the enemy during my stay in Wurno, of which I
shall now proceed to give a short diary.
[Sidenote: Monday, April 4th.]
Having entered my quarters in the dark, I had no idea of their
character; and it was not till the following day that I became aware of
it. They consisted, as shown in the accompanying wood-cut, of a spacious
courtyard containing nothing but a clay building, which comprised two
apartments, besides a small granary, built of clay, but which was
covered all round with straw at the setting-in of the rainy season, in
order to protect it from violent rains. The clay hall had been built by
Ábú, the elder brother and the predecessor of the present ghaladíma, who
greatly surpassed the latter in warlike energy, and who fell in Zánfara
during that unfortunate expedition against the Góberáwa, the
preparations for which Mr. Overweg witnessed during his stay in Marádi,
in the beginning of the summer of 1851. The principal apartment of this
clay hall, supported by two massive columns, with an average temperature
of 94°, was an excellent abode during the hottest part of the day, when
it felt very cool and pleasant; but it was rather oppressive in the
morning and evening, when the air outside was so much cooler. But in the
courtyard there was not the slightest shade, all the trees in this
quarter of the town, as well as the huts consisting of reed, having been
swept away by a great conflagration the preceding year, a young kórna
tree, which had been planted at a later period, only just beginning to
put forth its foliage. The whole courtyard, also, was in a most filthy
state, characteristic of the manners of the natives in their present
degraded moral and political situation. The first thing, therefore, that
I had to do, in order to make myself tolerably comfortable, was to
cleanse out this Augean stable, to build a hut for my servants, and a
shady retreat for myself. I was well aware that the latter, which it was
not easy to make water-tight, would become useless with the first
considerable fall of rain; but I entertained the hope that, before that
time, I should be able to set out on my journey.
[Illustration:
1. Entrance hut or parlour, furnished with two seats of clay and two
couches of the same material.
2. Second hut, without couches.
3. Open courtyard, overgrown with grass.
4. Hut for my chief servant.
5. Clay hall, with a store-room at the back.
6. Small granary.]
It was market-day, there being a market held here every Monday and
Friday, although the great market of Sókoto, which is much more
important, even in the present reduced condition of that place, still
serves to supply the wants of the inhabitants of all the neighbouring
towns and villages at large. Sending, therefore, into the market in
order to supply my most urgent wants, I found that corn, as well as
meat, was even dearer here than in Kátsena,—100 shells scarcely
sufficing for the daily maintenance of one horse, and 800 shells buying
no more corn than 500 would have done in Kátsena, while an ox for
slaughtering cost 7000 shells, and I bought two milking-goats, in order
to enjoy the luxury of a little milk for my tea, for 2700 shells. The
only article which was at all cheap was onions. The market is held on a
natural platform spreading out in front of the north-western gate, and
surrounded and fortified by a ditch, as, in the present weak state of
the Fúlbe, the market people are liable to be suddenly attacked by the
enemy. This place, as well as the whole of the town, I visited the
following day, in company with my friend Alháttu, who, in acknowledgment
of the present I had given him in Gáwasú, and in expectation of more,
took me under his special protection; but in crossing the town, in a
westerly direction from our quarters, I was surprised at its neglected
and dirty appearance,—a small ravine which intersects the town forming a
most disgusting spectacle, even worse than the most filthy places of any
of the deserted capitals of Italy. Emerging then by the western gate
(the kófa-n-sábuwa), through which leads the road to Sókoto, and which
was just being repaired by the people of the ghaladíma, in order to make
it capable of withstanding the effects of the rainy season, we turned
northwards round the town. In front of each gate, on the slope of the
rocky eminence on which the town is built, there is a group of wells,
each with a little round clay house, where the proprietor of the well
has his usual residence, levying on each jar of water a small
contribution of five shells; but there are also a great number of wells
facing the north-western gate, close to the market.
Leaving a small farm, belonging to my friend ʿAbd el Káder the sultan of
Ágades, on our left, we then turned round to the north, into the road
which leads to Saláme, and crossed once more the “gulbi-n-ríma,” which
takes its course towards Sókoto, exhibiting a very uneven bottom, and
forming several pools of stagnant water. Here a broad plain spread out,
at present almost bare of vegetation, where my poor camels searched in
vain for pasture, putting me to a daily expense of 800 shells in order
to recruit their strength by means of “haráwa,” or bean-straw, which
furnishes the most nourishing food for the camel in these regions,
though in general it is regarded as unwholesome for the horse. Having
thus fed my camels for some time, I sent them to a greater distance, in
the direction of Sókoto, between Dankému and Gída-n-mánomí, where better
fodder was to be procured.
After the luxuriant vegetation of other parts of Negroland, I was
astonished at the naked appearance of the country around the capital,
only a few kúka or monkey-bread trees being seen; but the country
presented a very different aspect on my return journey the next year, at
the end of the rainy season. Góber is distinguished for its general
dryness, and for this very reason is esteemed exceedingly well adapted
for cattle-breeding. The frontiers of the three different provinces or
territories (viz. Kebbi, Góber, and Ádar) join in this corner; and this
is the reason that, while Sókoto is regarded as lying within the borders
of the province of Kebbi, Wurno is considered as belonging to the
conquered territory of the province of Góber; while just beyond the
gulbi-n-ríma, in a northerly direction, the province of Ádar or Tadlar
commences.
But, to return to my first promenade round Wurno, having surveyed the
broad dry valley of the gulbi, we turned round the precipitous cliffs
over which winding paths lead up to the town, and, having skirted for a
while a small branch or korámma which further on turns away, we kept
along the eastern side of the town, and re-entered the place from the
south-eastern corner, through the gate by which we had made our first
entrance. On the following page the reader will find a woodcut which
will serve to show its situation much better than any description could
do.
Meanwhile the town became more and more deserted; and on the 7th of
April, Alháttu and ʿOmár, or Ghomáro, the two brothers of the ghaladíma,
with numbers of other people, went to join the expedition: but these
fighting men, with a few exceptions, care only about their bodily
comfort, and for a few “goríye” or Kóla nuts would be willing to sell
the whole of their military accoutrements. It was a great matter with
these warriors, that, while the old goríye were nearly finished, the new
ones, which were just then brought into the market, were sold for the
high price of 120 shells each. In scarcely any place of Negroland did I
observe so little true military spirit as in Wurno; and almost all the
leading men seem to be imbued with the melancholy conviction that their
rule in these quarters is drawing to an end.
[Illustration:
1. Residence of Alíyu.
2. Market-place.
3. Kófa-n-Sábuwa.
4. K. Serkí-n-Ágades.
5. K. Kásuwa.
6. K. Máleki.
7. K. Kúrremi.
8. K. Ráha.
9. K. Ríma.
10. K. Ghaladámchi.
11. Gída-n-Serkí-n-Ágades.
12. Suburb.]
[Sidenote: Friday, April 8th.]
It was again market-day, and I made sundry purchases, including a small
ox, for almsgiving, as I had made it a rule, in every large town where I
stayed any considerable time, to distribute alms amongst the poor. I was
astonished at the great quantity of cotton which was brought into the
market, and which showed what these fine vales are capable of producing,
if the inhabitants, instead of being plunged in apathy and exposed to
the daily incursions of a relentless enemy, were protected by a strong
government. This very day we received the news that the rebellious
Kábáwa, or natives of Kebbi[56], had made a foray against Señína, a town
situated on the most frequented road between Sókoto and Gando, the two
capitals and central seats of the power of the Fúlbe in these quarters.
The neighbouring Féllani had come to the rescue of the town, and had
prevented the enemy from taking it; but six horses had been carried
away. Only a few days later, the news arrived of another attack having
been made by the rebels upon the town of Gándi, the residence of Dyang-
rúwa, one day’s distance to the south from Bírni-n-Kebbi, although this
time they were less fortunate, and were said to have been driven back
with the loss of twenty-two horses. Meanwhile the sultan himself, with
his sluggish host of cavalry, instead of attacking the Góberáwa, who
already, before we left Kátsena, had taken the field with a numerous
army, was said to be stationed in Katúru. He had been joined by the
governor of Záriya in person, while Kanó had sent only the ghaladíma
with the whole of their cavalry.
From Katúru, ʿAlíyu with his army, after some useless delay, betook
himself to Káuri-n-Namóda, whence we received news on the 11th, the
Góberáwa having meanwhile taken up a strong position in front of him,
without being able to induce him to offer them battle. The dread of
these effeminate conquerors for the warlike chief of the Góberáwa, the
son of Yakúba, is almost incredible. He has ruled since 1836, and, the
preceding year, had roused the whole of the indigenous population of the
various provinces to a struggle for their national and religious
independence against the ruling tribe. This dread of him has been
carried so far, that they have quite obliterated his real name, calling
him only Mayáki, or “the warrior.” While ʿAlíyu was stationed at Káuri-
n-Namóda, and part of his army was in Dankárba, the Ázena made an attack
upon Ráya, a town situated at a day’s distance from the former place.
But the whole condition of the country, to the west as well as to the
east, was most deplorable; and three native merchants, of the Zoromáwa
or Zoghorán, when speaking about my projected journey towards the Niger,
and beyond that river westward, told me in the most positive manner,
“bábo haña,” “there is no road;” that is to say, “the country is closed
to you, and you cannot proceed in that direction.” And taking into
consideration the low ebb of courage and enterprise among the
natives—the weakness and unwarlike spirit of ʿAlíyu—the complete nullity
of Khalílu—the vigour of the young and warlike Mádemé the rebel chief of
Kebbi, who, starting from his residence Argúngo, distant only a couple
of hours’ march from that of Khalílu, was carrying the flame of
destruction in every direction—the revolted province of Zabérma, with an
equally young and energetic ruler, Dáúd the son of Hammam Jýmma—the
province of Déndina in open revolt and cutting off all access to the
river,—all these circumstances rendered the prospect of my accomplishing
this journey very doubtful. Moreover, besides the weakness of the two
rulers of the Fúlbe dominions, there is evidently a feeling of jealousy
between the courts of Sókoto and Gando; and here we find the spectacle
of two weak powers weakening each other still more, instead of uniting
most cordially in an energetic opposition against the common foe. For
instance, the young chief of Kebbi, who at present caused them so much
trouble, had been previously a prisoner in Wurno; but when Khalílu
wanted to take his life, ʿAlíyu procured his liberty, and gave him a
splendid charger to boot.
But a European will achieve what the natives of the country themselves
deem impossible; and my friends the Zoromáwa merchants, who wanted to
induce me to relinquish my project, had perhaps their own private
interests in view. They probably entertained the hope that, in case of
my being prevented from penetrating westward, I should be obliged to
sell my stock here, which I now kept back as a provision for the road
before me. By way of consoling them, I gave them a parcel of beads of
the kind called dankasáwa, which I found useless for the countries
through which I had to pass, in exchange for some shells I was in want
of for the daily expenses of my household.
Meanwhile I collected a good deal of information concerning the
topography of the neighbouring provinces, and the remarkable manner in
which the province of Kebbi has been portioned out between the two
empires of Gando and Sókoto. I also compiled an outline of the history
of this country, which began greatly to attract my attention. Meanwhile,
in order to preserve my health, I took a ride almost every day, out of
the town, and was in particular much interested in an excursion which I
made in the afternoon of the 16th, in a northerly direction, on the road
to Saláme, which is at the same time the great highroad to Ádar and
Ágades. A cheerful aspect was especially exhibited by the village of
Fáchi, stretching out to a considerable length from east to west, and
skirted by a small watercourse, which inundates and fertilizes the
neighbouring grounds during the rainy season, so that the people are
able to raise, besides two species of yams, namely gwáza and rógo, a
good deal of tobacco and cotton. Beyond, a wide open plain spreads out,
covered with the plant “kakma,” which looks very much like aghúl
(_Hedysarum Alhaggi_). But the whole of this ground so near the capital
is now very unsafe under the weak rule of ʿAlíyu, and exposed to
continual inroads of the energetic Góberáwa; and a few days later the
village of Saláme itself was ransacked by the enemy, and a good many
slaves carried off. The more desperate the condition of the country was,
the more remarkable appeared to me the outward show of dominion which
was maintained; in proof of this I may state that the very day we
received the news of a new outbreak of the general mutiny of the native
tribes, the tribute from the provinces of Kanó and Záriya entered the
town.
[Sidenote: Wednesday, April 20th.]
A highly interesting and delightful interruption to my protracted and
involuntary stay in Wurno was caused by an excursion which I made to
Sókoto. The first part of this road I had already become acquainted with
on a former ride, which had extended as far as Dankému; but at that
period, being more intent upon inhaling the fresh air than upon laying
down the country, I had not paid much attention to the extensive
cultivation of rice which is going on in this valley, while on this
occasion the features of the country, and in particular this branch of
cultivation, formed a special object of attraction to me. For it was the
first time during my travels in Negroland that I had seen rice
cultivated on a large scale; and as we were winding along the foot of
the rocky hills to the south-east, crossing the various small channels
which descend from them and afterwards join the greater rivulet which we
saw at some distance on our right, the country became dotted with small
villages, or “rugga,” as they are called by the Fúlbe, some of them of
historical renown, such as Dághel or Dággel, the village where ʿOthmán
the Reformer had his usual residence before he rose to that great
political importance which he attained in after times. But such is the
degraded state of these conquerors at the present time, that even this
village, which, if they had the slightest ambition or feeling of
national honour, ought to be a memorable and venerable place to them for
all ages, has been ransacked by the Góberáwa, and lies almost deserted.
It is at Dághel that the valley attains its greatest breadth; but as we
advanced, in a south-westerly direction, it was narrower, till, at the
village called Gída-n-mánomí, it became greatly contracted, shortly
after which, the river turning away to a greater distance, the path
ascended the rocks. It is the same path along which Clapperton, on his
second journey, went so repeatedly from Sókoto to Magáriya, but which,
from the scanty information obtained from his papers in this respect,
has been laid down so very erroneously. In general, I cannot praise too
highly the zeal and accuracy (allowance being made for his positions of
longitude) with which this eminent and successful traveller, who crossed
the whole breadth of the African continent between the Mediterranean and
the Bight of Benín, has laid down his various journeys. On the other
hand, the companion of his former travels, Major Denham, has shown great
inaccuracy, both with respect to distances as well as to the direction
of his various routes.
The ground was enlivened by the cultivation of “rógo,” which, when
attaining a certain growth, contributes greatly to the beauty of the
scenery; but kúka or baobab trees were almost the only larger vegetable
production which adorned the country during the first part of our ride,
sometimes shooting out from between the very blocks of sandstone with
which the hills were strewn. Further on, another tree, called “kádasí,”
and a few small tamarind trees also appeared, and the tops of the ant-
hills, which at times form regular rows, were often adorned with the
fine fresh-leaved bush “sérkekí.” The ground, which consists of black
argillaceous soil, “láka” or “fírki,” as it is called in Bórnu, not yet
fertilized by the rainy season, was cracked and torn asunder, while the
white “káli bálbalé” (_Buphaga africana_), which enliven every district
of Negroland where cattle are common, were stalking about in the fields,
looking out for food. But cattle at the present time were sought for in
vain. Here they would have found no pasture, and in consequence were
driven to a great distance, as is the general custom with the Fúlbe or
Féllani of these quarters, even those settled in the province of Kátsena
having at times their herds of cattle pasturing in the far-distant
grassy and healthy grounds of Zabérma.
While the cultivation of rice prevails in the north-easternmost part of
the valley, more cotton and sorghum were observed towards the village of
Gída-n-mánomí, although the state of the fields did not argue a great
deal of industry on the part of the inhabitants, being rather obstructed
by weeds and thorny bushes. But far more native corn is grown on the
other side of Wurno, so that it even forms a mercantile speculation, on
a small scale, to carry corn from Wurno to Sókoto; nay, even sheep are
transported in this way for a very small profit, being bought in Wurno
for 1200 or, when on credit, for 1400 shells, and sold in Sókoto for
1500.
Having ascended the rising ground close beyond a source of limpid water
producing a narrow spot of fresh verdure, the rocky surface was soon
succeeded by a fertile plain of sand covering the rock to the depth of a
foot, while the fields of the various farmers were separated from each
other by slabs of sandstone. The labours of the fields, however, had not
yet begun; and trees also here were scanty, a small mimosa indicating
the halfway or “marárraba” between the two towns, while another village
was distinguished by a single deléb palm. Having reached the highest
point of the path, from whence we obtained the first sight of Sókoto, we
descended into a deeper hollow or irregular valley, adorned by fine
green fields of “rógo,” and bordered by living hedges of the _Nux
purgans_, the nut being still green, but having just attained its full
size.
This was the valley of Bamúrna, which is distinguished on account of its
fertility and abundance of water, but for this same reason is rather
unhealthy, and, during and shortly after the rainy season, becomes quite
impassable for travellers. Close to the source, which rushes forth from
the western cliffs, a small market is held, where travellers generally
make a short halt; but this spot being very narrow and affording but
little comfort for a midday halt, we went on a little further, and
halted for an hour or two at the end of the vale, under two fine dúrremi
trees a little to the right of the path. Here, where the principal vale
is joined by a side branch, and where the greatest amount of moisture is
collected, the vegetation is especially rich, and a beautiful limún tree
full of fruit adorned the place, besides young offshoots of the
plantain. But more interesting still was a small plantation of sugar
situated at the foot of the hill, although the stalks were at present
only about sixteen or eighteen inches high; and I was not a little
surprised when I learned that this piece of ground belonged to a man who
not only cultivated, but even prepared sugar: but I did not then make
his acquaintance, as he was absent at the time. Meanwhile enjoying our
cool shade, we partook of a very moderate but wholesome African
luncheon, consisting of a few onions boiled in water, seasoned with some
tamarind fruit and a little butter, which forms a very refreshing treat
during the hot hours of a tropical climate; for the onions hereabout are
of excellent quality and extremely cheap, fifteen being sold for ten
kurdí.
Soon after starting in the afternoon, we fell in with a long marriage
procession, consisting of a bride and her mother, both mounted on
horseback, accompanied by a considerable number of female servants and
attendants, carrying the simple household furniture on their heads. At
the same time that this interesting procession caused a cheerful
intermezzo, a greater variety of vegetation was perceptible at a village
on our right. Besides kórna, there were a few dúm and deléb palms; and
the fields were adorned with a great number of tamarind trees, but of
small growth.
Proceeding thus over the rocky ground, we reached the small rivulet of
Sókoto, the “gulbi-n-Rába” or “Búgga,” or, as it is called in its upper
course, where I fell in with it on my return journey, gulbi-n-Bakúra.
Even at the present season it had a small current of water, but only
about ten yards wide and ten inches deep, and just sufficient for us to
water our horses. The water is regarded as unwholesome for man; and at
this season of the year shallow wells or holes are dug in the gravel at
some distance from the stream, in order to supply the poor people. The
wealthier classes are believed to be supplied from other quarters,
although such a presumption is very often false, the water from this
stream being merely sold to them under a more pompous title.
Ascending then the slope of the eminence on which the town is built, and
which rises to about one hundred feet, and leaving a spacious “máriná”
or dyeing-place on the slope of the hill on our left, we entered the
walls of Sókoto by the kófa-n-rími; and although the interior did not at
present exhibit that crowded appearance which made such a pleasing
impression upon Clapperton, the part nearest the wall being rather
thinly inhabited, and the people being evidently reduced to a state of
great poverty and misery, it made a cheerful impression on me, on
account of the number of dúm palms and kórna trees by which it is
adorned.
Orders having been sent beforehand, I was quartered without delay in the
house of the ghaladíma—a clay dwelling in tolerable repair, but full of
white ants, so that I was glad to find there a “gadó” or couch of reeds,
where I was able to rest myself and put away my small effects, without
being continually exposed to the insidious attacks of these voracious
insects. Having thus made myself comfortable, my first visit the
following morning was to Módibo ʿAlí, who had already testified his
friendship for me by sending me a fat sheep to Wurno. Differing entirely
from the present generation of beggars, whose ignoble habits make a long
stay in Wurno or Sókoto intolerable, he is a cheerful old man of noble
demeanour, and with pure Fúlbe features, with which his middle height
and rather spare growth exactly corresponded. He was simply but neatly
dressed in a white shirt and a shawl of the same colour. Módibo ʿAlí is
the oldest member of the family of the Reformer still alive, being the
son of ʿAlí an elder brother of ʿOthmán the Jehádi, and about seventy-
five years of age. He was seated in the antechamber of his house, before
the door of which his little herd of milch cows were assembled; and he
received me with unaffected kindness. I immediately saluted him as an
old friend and acquaintance, and we had a very pleasant and cheerful
conversation, after which I delivered to him my present, consisting of a
heláli bernús, a piece of white muslin, a high red cap or “mátri,” a
small flask of “ʿottár” of roses, two razors, a pound of cloves, a loaf
of sugar, and a looking-glass; and he was particularly delighted with
some of these articles, which, on account of the insecurity of the road
at the present time, are imported more rarely even from Kanó. In former
times a great many Arabs used to visit this place, partly for purposes
of trade, partly in order to obtain a present from the sultan; but the
danger of the communication in the present reduced state of the empire
is so great, that not a single Arab merchant visits the town. This
circumstance cannot fail to render the conquering tribe more favourably
disposed towards opening an intercourse with the English, or Europeans
in general, by way of the Niger. At present almost the whole traffic in
foreign merchandise is in the hands of the people of Ghát and Ágades,
especially in those of Mohammed Bóro, my friend the fugger of Ágades,
who, being a native of Ádar, and having a numerous host of full-grown
sons, exercises a great influence upon commercial and even political
affairs in these quarters.
Having thus commenced an acquaintance with the most respectable man in
the town, I made a longer promenade through its interior, when I found
the chief quarter, which had been the residence of Bello, greatly
dilapidated, and the royal mansion itself in a state of the utmost
decay. No doubt a considerable proportion of the inhabitants of the
town, especially the males, had joined the expedition of ʿAlíyu to
Zánfara: but as the greater part of the population consists of Zoromáwa
or Zoghorán, or, as they are called further westward, Jawámbe, a
peculiar tribe which I have mentioned before and about which I shall say
more in another place, mixed here with the Imóshagh of Ádar, who do not
join the army, the war could not exercise so great an influence upon the
desolate appearance of the place. The Zoromáwa, in fact, are the
artisans of the town, and the small tradesmen and brokers, and exercise
a sort of monopoly in the art of working in leather, in which they are
very expert, having probably learned it from the Emgedesíye.
In endeavouring to survey the town, I first paid a visit to the market,
which is situated at its north-eastern corner, on the brink of the
rugged slope which descends into the valley. It was empty at the present
time,—only a few slight sheds being made ready for the following day,
when the great market was to be held; and the prospect over the broad
flat valley to the north and north-west, in the direction of Dúnday, was
uninterrupted, presenting at this season a scorched-up savanna, while
the deep rill of the river was scarcely to be distinguished. A number of
blind women, leaning on their staves or led by young children, were seen
carrying pitchers of water up the cliff, affording a sad proof of the
unhealthiness of the situation of the town, where blindness is very
frequent. Turning then westwards from the market, I reached the house of
the late king ʿAtíku, where at present his son Hámedu resides, who
formerly had his residence at Bakúra, till that place was taken by the
Góberáwa. The house is in good repair, and the quarter adjacent is
tolerably well inhabited—at least, better than any other part of the
town; for Hámedu is the chief of the Sissílbe or Syllebáwa[57], who form
the principal stock of the population of the neighbouring hamlets or
rugga of Sókoto. The different nationality of these Syllebáwa, causing a
diversity of interests and pursuits, is stated to be one of the reasons
why ʿAlíyu, who has been made sultan chiefly through the influence of
the Tórobe, does not like to reside at Sókoto as well as at Wurnó,
although his residence at the latter place is greatly needed in the
present reduced state of his power, in consequence of the continual
danger from the Góberáwa, who, if the sultan should stay in Sókoto,
would endanger the safety of all the people living in the open villages
and hamlets between the former and the present residence; and it was on
this account that Bello built the town of Magáriya (the site of which, a
little to the north-east of the latter, I have indicated on a former
occasion), which, however, was soon abandoned for Wurnó.
The chief, Hámedu, was at present absent; but I have mentioned already
that I sent him a present immediately on my arrival in Gáwasú, on
account of his influential position, although I thought it politic
afterwards to keep out of his way as much as possible, in order not to
excite any jealousy, Hámedu being one of the nearest, if not the very
nearest, to the succession, but opposed by the greater part of the
present courtiers. Passing, then, along the well-frequented road which
leads out of the town, we emerged from the kófa-n-ʿAtíku, in order to
obtain a first glimpse of the country which I was to traverse on my road
to Gando.
It was an open level tract, at present without many signs of vegetation;
but that part nearest the town was agreeably enlivened by a thriving
suburb extending as far as the kófa-n-Tarámnia, and buried in a thicket
of shady trees and hedges, thus presenting altogether a more animated
spectacle than the interior of the town itself. Keeping along the
machicolated wall, here only about twelve feet high and surrounded by a
ditch, and following the path between it and the suburb, we entered the
town, and turned our steps to the house of the gedádo, where Captain
Clapperton closed his meritorious career as an African explorer.
The house is still in tolerable repair, ʿAbdú, the son of the gedádo,
who, although not very energetic, and still less warlike, is a man of
cheerful disposition and good principles, having too great a veneration
for his father, who did so much towards embellishing and adorning this
town, to allow his residence to go to ruin. The old gedádo had long
outlived his master, Bello; and if I had proceeded to Sókoto directly
from Ágades, I should still have found him alive; for he only died
during my presence in Kanó, in February 1851. I will here only mention
that it was believed for a moment in England that Clapperton died from
the effects of poison; but the amount of fatigue, privations, and
sickness to which this most eminent of African travellers was exposed on
his circuitous journey, by way of Núpe and Kanó, from the coast as far
as this place, explains fully how he was unable to withstand the effects
of the shock which mental disappointment exercised upon him: nay, it is
wonderful how he bore up so long, if his own hints with regard to the
state of his health are taken into account.
[Illustration: Drawn by J. M. Bernatz, from a Sketch by Dr. Barth.
M. & N. Hanhart, lith. et impt.
MARKET OF SÓKOTO.
April 22nd. 1853.]
In the evening, my old friend Módibo ʿAlí, and the mother of Ábú, the
elder and more warlike brother of the present ghaladíma, who was slain
by the Góberáwa two years before my visit to this place, treated me
hospitably, and I sent a present to Sʿaídu, a younger son of Bello, who
resides in Sókoto, and is considered as a sort of mayor.
[Sidenote: Friday, April 22nd.]
It was the great market-day, which was of some importance to me, as I
had to buy a good many things, so that I was obliged to send there a sum
of 70,000 shells; but the market did not become well-frequented or well-
stocked till between two and three o’clock in the afternoon, when I
myself proceeded thither. I had taken a ride in the morning through the
south-eastern quarter of the town, proceeding through the kófa-n-ʿAtíku,
thence along the wall, towards the west, and re-entered the town by the
kófa-n-ʿAlí Jédu, where the whole quarter is very desolate, even the
wall being in a state of decay, and the fine mosque, built by the gedádo
during Clapperton’s stay here, fallen entirely to ruins. But, even in
the present reduced condition of the place, the market still presented a
very interesting sight, the numerous groups of people, buyers as well as
sellers, and the animals of various descriptions, being picturesquely
scattered over the rocky slope, as I have endeavoured to represent in
the plate opposite. The market was tolerably well attended, and well
supplied, there being about thirty horses, three hundred head of cattle
for slaughtering, fifty takérkere, or oxen of burden, and a great
quantity of leather articles (this being the most celebrated branch of
manufacture in Sókoto), especially leather bags, cushions, and similar
articles, the leather dressed and prepared here being very soft and
beautiful. There were more than a hundred bridles for sale, the
workmanship of which is very famous throughout all this part of
Negroland; but especially a large quantity of iron was exposed for sale,
the iron of Sókoto being of excellent quality and much sought for, while
that of Kanó is of bad quality. A good many slaves were exhibited, and
fetched a higher price than might be supposed,—a lad of very indifferent
appearance being sold for 33,000 shells; I myself bought a pony for
30,000. It being just about the period when the salt-caravan visits
these parts, dates also, which usually form a small addition to the
principal merchandise of those traders of the desert, were to be had;
and I filled a leather bag, for some 2000 shells, in order to give a
little more variety to my food on the long road which lay before me.
[Sidenote: April 23rd.]
I took another interesting ride through the kófa-n-Dúnday, not following
the direct road to that village, which lies close to the junction of the
gulbi-n-Ríma with the gulbi-n-Rába, but not far from the decayed
northern wall, and thus crossed a considerable channel, a branch of the
river, full of water, being even at the present time about fifteen yards
wide, and a foot and a half in depth, and then, keeping away from the
village, reached the other branch, which was narrower but more richly
bordered by bushes, and, following it up in an easterly direction,
reached the point of junction, or “megangámu.”
The whole valley here formed one uninterrupted rice-field; and how
different was the aspect of the country from what it exhibited on my
home journey, at the end of the rainy season of the following year! A
number of small boats were lying here, at the side of the narrow
channel, but all of them separated into two halves, which had to be sewn
together when their services were required for the rainy season. From
this point I crossed over to the road leading to the village of Koré,
where, two days later, a party of Kél-geres made a foray; and returning
along this road towards the town, at a distance of about five hundred
yards from the wall, we crossed another small arm of the river, which
during the rainy season forms an extensive swamp. Leaving then the kófa-
n-Koré on our right, we turned round the north-eastern corner of the
wall, and ascended towards the kófa-n-Marké, which has received this
name from a tree of the marké kind, although at present none are to be
seen here. On the next page is a sketch of a ground-plan of the town.
[Illustration: SÓKOTO.
1. Market-place.
2. House of Gedádo, at present ʿAbdú.
3. House of Bello, now of ʿAlíyu, very much in decay.
4. House of ʿAtíku, at present Hámedu, and close to it the mosque
built by Gedádo, now in ruins.
5. Kófa-n-Koré.
6. Kófa-n-Dúnday.
7. Kófa-n-Kadé.
8. Kófa-n-ʿAlí Jédu.
9. Kófa-n-ʿAtíku.
10. Kófa-n-Tarámnia.
11. Kófa-n-Rími.
12. Kófa-n-Marké.
13. Suburb.]
Altogether my visit to Sókoto formed a most interesting intermezzo to my
involuntary stay in the capital, although it could not fail to give me a
further insight into the frail character of the dominion of the Fúlbe
over these regions; and during my stay here I certainly had no cause to
complain of inhospitable treatment, as my friend Módibo ʿAlí sent me,
every day, a large basin of furá, the favourite drink of ghussub water,
two dishes of hasty pudding, and two bowls of milk. Having given, by
this excursion to the former capital, fresh energy to my spirits, I
returned to my quarters in Wurnó on the 24th, accomplishing the distance
in little more than four hours; and it was time that I returned, for in
the evening of that same day the joyful news arrived that the sultan had
reached Gándi. However, he did not enter Wurnó till the 23rd, having
forwarded a message to me the preceding evening from Yan-serkí, in the
territory of Rába, requesting me to meet him the following morning
outside the town. In consequence of this I mounted on horseback with the
first dawn of day, but found the sultan already close to the gate,
descending the rocky path which leads from the above-mentioned place. He
then made a halt, with his whole suite, and saluted me in the kindest
manner, calling me by my name, ʿAbd el Kerím. The sultan was followed by
the ghaladíma; and I here first made the acquaintance of the learned
ʿAbd el Káder dan Taffa (Mustapha), whom I was most anxious to see, in
order to obtain from him some historical information. As soon as the
people had dispersed quietly, returning to their various quarters, I
sent him a present, when he paid me a visit in the evening, and
furnished me immediately with some positive data with regard to the
history of the dynasty of the Asáki, or Áskia, the rulers of Songhay,
which he had perfectly in his head, and which were of the greatest
importance in giving me an insight into the historical relation of the
western countries of these regions with that of Central Negroland.
[Sidenote: April 29th.]
In the forenoon I went to ʿAlíyu, in order to pay my compliments to him
upon his safe return from this expedition, which, although not very
glorious, had yet proved not quite unprofitable, he having reduced to
subjection the poor little hamlets of the rocky district of Kotórkoshé,
the inhabitants of which had previously placed themselves under the
protection of the enemy; but even this insignificant victory he had only
achieved through the bravery of the horsemen from Kátsena, while his own
men had, as usual, exhibited the greatest cowardice. As long as the
Fúlbe do not defeat the host of the Góberáwa, who take the field every
year and offer them battle, the state of this empire will become daily
worse and worse, while at present each of the two parties, the
indigenous inhabitants as well as the conquerors, do nothing but
accelerate the ruin of the country, without dealing a decided blow.
Although I had made the chief a very respectable present on my first
arrival, I thought it well to give greater impulse to his friendly
disposition towards me, by adding something also this time, presenting
him with a cloth waistcoat and several smaller articles, besides a
musical box, with the performance of which he was extremely pleased; but
unfortunately, when, anxious to impart his delight to his greatest
friend and principal minister, ʿAbdú the son of Gedádo, he had called
the latter to witness this wonder, the mysterious box, affected by the
change of climate and the jolting of the long journey, was silent for a
moment, and would not play. I may observe here, that I think it better
for travellers not to make such presents as musical boxes, which so
easily get out of order. The sultan fully granted my request for a
speedy departure, promising also to assist me in my dangerous
undertaking with a small “rékkia” or escort; and it was very essential
to me to hasten my proceedings, as the following day brought the first
evident proof of the approach of the rainy season.
Having made a present to the ghaladíma also, I thought it better, in
order to make up for the deficiency of the musical box, to satisfy the
musical taste of the sultan by making him a present of one of the
harmonica which the Chevalier Bunsen, in consideration of the great
effect which the Rev. Mr. Knoblecher had produced, with the aid of such
an instrument, upon the inhabitants of the shores of the Nile, had
procured for me; but I succeeded afterwards in repairing, in some
measure, the musical box, which caused the good-natured chief
inexpressible delight, so that he lost no time in writing for me a
commendatory letter to his nephew Khalílu the chief of Gando. But I was
extremely anxious to get away from this place, as I was sorely pestered
by begging parties, the inhabitants of Wurnó and Sókoto being the most
troublesome beggars in the world, and besides them there being also many
strangers in the town, especially the Kélgeres, who had brought the
salt.
I was sitting, one day, in the entrance-hall of my house, in the company
of some of these sons of the desert, when Góme, the brother of the
sultan ʿAbd el Káder, from Ágades, who had lately been dethroned in
order to make way for a new chief, Áhmed e’ Rufáy, called upon me, and,
with a very important and mysterious air, requested me to give him a
private audience. After I had dismissed my other visitors, he began by
reminding me of the kind manner in which his brother had received me,
and finished by urgently begging me to use my influence in order to
restore ʿAbd el Káder to his former dignity. I had great difficulty in
convincing him that I had very little influence with the emír el
Múmenín, and that I was afraid my intercession would have little or no
effect, although, as well by way of private acknowledgment for the
kindness of my host in that place, where I began to acquire more
confidence in the success of my proceedings, as from a persuasion of the
influence which a great service rendered by me to this man would have
upon my future prospects, I should have desired nothing better than to
be the means of reinstating him in his former position.
Among the people who sought my acquaintance there was also Khalílu dan
Hassan, one of the presumptive heirs to the royal power—Hassan being a
younger brother of Bello—a young man of gentlemanly manners, but not of
a very generous disposition, as he plainly evinced on my home journey
the following year, when he wanted to oblige me to send him, after my
safe return home, a pair of pistols in exchange for a black shirt
scarcely worth 5000 shells, or two dollars.
All this time, I had employed my leisure hours in reading a manuscript
work which had given me the first insight into the history of the
western portion of these Féllani dominions. It had been composed by ʿAbd
Alláhi, the brother of ʿOthmán the Reformer, to whom the western portion
of the conquered region was awarded as his share. But although this
work, the title of which is “Tezén el aúrekát,” contained, besides a
great deal of theological matter, some important historical data, it did
not satisfy my curiosity; and I had been endeavouring in vain to obtain
the work of Bello, entitled “Infák el misúrí fi fat-há el Tekrúri,”
which had been earnestly recommended to me by my friend the fáki ʿAbd el
Káder in Kátsena; but I did not succeed in getting it into my hands till
a few days before I left this place, when I found that the greater part
of its contents, which had any geographical or historical importance,
were identical with those documents brought back by Captain Clapperton,
on his first journey, and which have been partly translated by Mr.
Salame, in the appendix to the account of those travels.
Meanwhile the country became more unsafe; and on the 5th of May the
cattle of the village of Saláme were driven off by the people of
Chéberi, to the great loss of my friend ʿAbd el Káder dan Taffa, who had
considerable property there; but strongly reminded of the effects of the
rainy season, by a heavy shower which fell on the 6th, driving me out of
my cool shed, I urged my departure, and in the afternoon of the 8th took
leave of ʿAlíyu with a cheerful spirit, it being evident to me, not only
that he entertained not the slightest mistrust of my future proceedings,
but on the contrary even took considerable interest in me, as he found
that it was my earnest desire to become well acquainted with the country
and the people, and that I was anxious to establish friendly relations
with the most distinguished and learned among them. But he gave me
repeatedly to understand that he wished me not to go to Hamdalláhi, to
present my compliments to their countrymen and coreligionists there and
their chief or his successor, we having just received a few days
previously the news of the death of Shékho Áhmedu, while he had not the
slightest objection to my going to Timbúktu, and paying a visit to the
sheikh el Bakáy, who had spent some time in Sókoto and was on friendly
terms with the family of Fódiye.
[Footnote 41: It is, however, remarkable that, according to Sultan
Bello’s account, in a passage not translated by Silame, the original
idiom of the Toróde was the Wákoro or Wakoré, which, if it be true,
would render the Toróde the near kinsfolk of the Sissílbe.]
[Footnote 42: He says of the Jolof that their character is distinguished
greatly from that of _the other_ Fullán or Fúlbe:—
وطبايعهم تباين طبايع ساير الفلانيون
See Journal of the Leipsic Oriental Soc. ix. p. 536.]
[Footnote 43: Áhmed Bábá in J. L. O. S. pp. 550, 555, and elsewhere.]
[Footnote 44: M. Eichwaldt, from the account given of them by various
French travellers, makes, as to this tribe, the following interesting
statement, regarding them as gipsies:—“En effet, les ethnographes
considèrent habituellement les Laobés comme une branche des Foulahs:
mais ce fait n’est nullement démontré, et nous avons nous-mêmes connu
des voyageurs qui affirmaient que les Laobés possédaient une langue
nationale différente du Foulah.” (Journal de la Société Ethnologique,
1841, vol. i. p. 62.)]
[Footnote 45: The Fúlbe in general divide all the tribes belonging to
their stock into four groups or families; but they by no means agree as
to the particulars of the division. I will here give one which is
commonly assumed:—
1. The Jel, comprising the following sections:—the Torobe; Ulérbe;
Fíttobe; Jébtobe; Súdube; Úrube; Tarábe; Jéllube; Báʿabe; Símbirankóbe,
also called Ndójiga, from their dwelling-place; Feroibe; Núkkobe;
Síllube; Sosóbe; Tóngabe; Waijóbe. Of these the Úrube are again
subdivided into five sections,—the U. Búbe, U. Feroibe (distinct from
the Feroibe before mentioned), U. Dúde, U. Síkam, U. Waijóbe. The
Jéllube, again, are subdivided into three sections,—the J. Yorónga, J.
Haire, and J. Másina.
2. The Bʿaá, comprising the sections of the Gnara or Ghara, the Síndega,
and the Danéji.
3. The Só, comprising the Jawámbe, the Mábube or Mábe, Gergasábe,
Waílube, Laúbe, Wambaibe, and Waúlube.
4. The Berí, comprising the Siwálbe, Jaléji, Kombangkóbe, and
Kíngirankóbe.
But besides these there are a great many other divisions of this wide-
spread tribe, called from localities some of which I shall mention as
opportunity occurs. See especially Appendix II.]
[Footnote 46: Eichwaldt in Journal de la Société Ethnologique, 1841,
vol. i. p. 2, _et seq._ Among all the arguments brought forward by this
gentleman in order to show a relation of the Fúlbe with the Malays,
there is none of any consequence; and all his specimens of words brought
forward with this object are either taken from bad sources or prove
nothing, the only striking similarities in the language of these two
nations being the words for fish and spear. I speak here of a special
and direct relationship of the Fúlbe with the Malays, without taking
into consideration the vestiges of the general relationship of the whole
human race, which have lately been pursued and demonstrated with such
industry by Mr. Logan.]
[Footnote 47: There may be some remote affinity between the Fúlbe and
the South African tribes, but this refers to an age probably not later
than the rule of the Pharaohs; and the idea that the Fúlbe proceeded
from South Africa is certainly entirely erroneous. The identity of a few
numerals in the Fulfúlde and Kaffir languages is curious, but may be
explained on historical grounds.]
[Footnote 48: Vol. II. p. 638, under Bíri (Ibrahím).]
[Footnote 49: Áhmed Bábá, J. L. O. S. vol. vi. p. 550.]
[Footnote 50: See Vol. III. p. 433.]
[Footnote 51: I shall communicate his principal song, in Appendix III.]
[Footnote 52: Clapperton’s Second Journey, p. 203, _et seq._]
[Footnote 53: This is the term which Clapperton uses with regard to
him.]
[Footnote 54: There are inspectors of the provinces residing in Sókoto,
who are responsible for the tribute being duly delivered. ʿAbdú, the son
of Gedádo, has all the following provinces under his inspection: Kanó,
Zégzeg, Ádamáwa, Hamárruwa, Sámbo Degímsa, Katágum, Sámbo-Lé, governed
by Yeríma Áhmedu. The ghaladíma Áhmedu has only Kátsena under his
inspection; the mágaji inspects Zánfara; Modéggel, Baúchi; Yéron Sambo,
Kazáure, the province of Démbo; Dennil Jódi, Dáura.]
[Footnote 55: See Appendix IV.]
[Footnote 56: The national name Kábáwa is taken from the ancient form of
the name, Kábi, which was formerly in use (exactly like the form Máli,
Maláwa), but has given place to the form Kebbi, which is thus distinctly
written, even in Arabic, by authors of the seventeenth century.]
[Footnote 57: I shall say more in another place about this interesting
tribe, who, originally belonging to the Negro stock of the Wákoré, have
been swallowed up in the remarkable migration and conquest of the Fúlbe
eastward; here I will only mention the various sections into which they
are divided, at least as far as these eastern quarters are concerned.
These are the Lobárbe, Lómbe, Seníngbe, Yiróbe, Wárbe, Jakkóbe, Walárbe,
Jagálbe, and Jatíbe.]
CHAP. LVIII.
STATE OF INSECURITY ALONG THE MOST FREQUENTED HIGHROAD. — GANDO.
[Sidenote: Sunday, May 8th.]
At length I was able to pursue my journey, which now, as soon as I had
passed Sókoto, was to lead me into almost unknown regions, never
trodden by European foot.
I was escorted out of the town, in grand style, by the ghaladíma with
six horsemen, and then pursued my former track to Sókoto, the character
of which was but little changed, on account of the vegetation having
only just begun to be vivified and restored by the first showers of the
rainy season. The little stream which skirts the foot of the hill on
which the town of Sókoto is situated, and where we had watered our
horses on our former excursion, now began gradually to increase,
although as yet it exhibited but few signs of that considerable volume
which I found here on my home journey the next year.
I was lodged in my old quarters, in the house of the ghaladíma, and was
treated by my old friends Módibo ʿAlí and Sʿaíd with great hospitality.
Although most anxious, on account of the season, to continue my journey
with the shortest possible delay, I remained here the four following
days, in order to procure what was still wanted in my outfit for the
long journey before me, but principally from regard to the interests of
my companion ʿAlí el Ágeren, who had here to arrange some business;
hence we did not set out until the 14th of May.
There had been so heavy a shower the preceding afternoon, that a large
stream broke through the roof of my dwelling and placed my whole room
several inches under water. I passed, therefore, a most uncomfortable
night, and when I got up in the morning I had a very bad headache. Every
thing, also, was extremely wet, so that it took us a long time to get
ready our camels, and it was eight o’clock when we left the kófa-n-
Tarámnia, which, though the widest of the gates of the town, did not
allow my two largest boxes to pass without damage.
A grandson of Módibo ʿAlí, together with Shékho the chief of the
Zoromáwa, escorted me outside the town. The first was certainly sincere:
but as for the second, I could not expect that he was in earnest in
wishing me success in my undertaking; for the Zoromáwa, who are the
chief traders of the country, viewed my enterprise with a great deal of
mistrust, as they were told that I wanted to open an intercourse along
the river.
Thus we entered the large open plain, which is only bounded, at the
distance of about three miles to the north, by a low chain of hills, and
scarcely dotted with a single tree. But the monotonous country at
present was not quite wanting in signs of life, the plentiful fall of
rain having inspired the inhabitants of the several villages which were
scattered about with sufficient confidence to trust their seed to the
ground. Having then passed a larger village, called Kaffaráwa, we
crossed a considerable depression or hollow, stretching from S.W. to
N.E., with plenty of water, and with extensive grounds of yams, a branch
of cultivation which, in these swampy valleys of Kebbi, is carried on to
some extent; and this depression was soon succeeded by others of a like
nature. Numerous herds of cattle were here grazing on the intervening
pasture-grounds, which were adorned with sycamores and monkey-bread
trees; and this continued till we reached Bodínga, and took up our
quarters in a small cluster of huts lying on the outside, close to the
wall. This time I did not enter the town, but I did so on my return
journey, when I satisfied myself of the considerable size of the town,
and the state of decay and desolation into which it has at present
relapsed.
[Sidenote: Sunday, May 15th.]
While we were loading our camels, the governor of the town, who is a son
of Módibo ʿAlí, of the name of Mohámmedu, came out to pay me his
compliments. He was of a cheerful disposition, and had treated us
hospitably the preceding evening. He even accompanied me to a
considerable distance, till we left, on our right, the town of Sifáwa or
Shifáwa, an important place in the history of the Púllo reformer ʿOthmán
dan Fódiye, but at present almost desolate and reduced to great misery,
presenting a fair specimen of the state of the province of Gando, which
we here entered.
The country here, as well as near Bodínga, is almost exclusively adorned
with monkey-bread trees, and the soil seemed to be very parched; but a
little further on we descended into a depression which, having been
already fertilised by the rain, was just being sown. Further on, the
ground continuing undulating, we watered our horses at a rich source of
living water which rushed out from the rocks at the side of a small
hamlet. We then passed a large and comfortable-looking place called
Dendi (perhaps after a portion of that tribe, which settled here) and
adorned with a profusion of trees, among which the dorówa or _Parkia_,
the góreba or dúm palm, and the gigíña or deléb palm were most
conspicuous. Towards the south-east side it was bordered by a depression
full of yams and fresh herbage, and fringed by numbers of monkey-bread
trees. Even a little market-place was to be seen; and the place seemed
so attractive to my people, that they would fain have spent here the
rest of the day, and they were not at all pleased when I insisted on
continuing our march. A little after noon we passed a pretty village
with a small dyeing-place. Besides corn-fields, where the crops were
already two inches out of the ground, indigo was cultivated to a great
extent. We then entered upon rocky ground, and, five miles further on,
reached the place Shagáli, separated into two groups along the northern
slope of an eminence, and surrounded on three sides by a deep and wide
ravine, which made the access to it very difficult. Here we were rather
inhospitably received,—the former mayor having been deposed, and a new
one not yet installed in his place.
[Sidenote: Monday, May 16th.]
Early in the morning we pursued our journey, through a rather hilly
country broken by several small watercourses, full of cultivated ground
and fine timber, principally monkey-bread trees, which now exhibited a
more cheerful appearance, as they were clad in fresh foliage. We passed
several villages, where we again observed some signs of industry in the
shape of dyeing, and, about six miles and a half from Shagáli, left the
considerable place Señína (the same town which a few days before had
been attacked by the enemy) on our left, situated on a small hilly
chain. Here we entered a tract of country at present desolate, and
thickly covered with underwood, and greatly infested by the independent
inhabitants of Kebbi; but it was only of small extent, and, about four
miles beyond Señína, we entered, by a steep rocky descent, the fine
valley of Sála, which is intersected by a considerable sheet of water.
We took up our quarters in the walled town of Sála, the dwellings of
which were almost lost in the most splendid vegetation, among which one
of the finest tamarind trees I have ever seen was greatly distinguished,
attracting to its dense foliage countless flights of birds, which were
gathering from all sides to pass the night here in cheerful communion.
The wider-spreading foliage of the tamarind and monkey-bread trees was
very picturesquely diversified by a large number of gónda trees, or
_Carica Papaya_, while in front of the principal gate a most splendid
rími or bentang tree, was starting forth as a proud landmark, pointing
out to the traveller the site of the gate. The camels, who suffered
greatly from thirst, immediately on our arrival were sent off to the
brook of living water, which is formed at the foot of the rocky cliff a
little to the north of the place where we had descended from the higher
ground.
[Sidenote: Tuesday, May 17th.]
We reached Gando, the residence of another powerful Púllo prince (as
powerful as that of Sókoto), after a march of six hours, through a
country richly provided by nature, and partly, at least, well inhabited.
Hill and dale alternated, the depressions and cavities offering suitable
grounds for the cultivation of yams. The vegetable kingdom also
displayed its larger members in great variety. In the village Babanídi,
which we passed about two miles from Sála, we observed the three species
of palms which are common to Negroland, in the same locality—viz., the
dúm, the date, and the deléb palm, while, near a swampy sheet of water
before we came to Masáma, I caught sight of the first banána or áyaba
tree that I had seen since I had left Ádamáwa, with the exception of
those young offshoots which I had observed in Bamúrna. Near this latter
place, which was situated at the border of a deep valley, a large swamp
spread out covered with rank reed-grass; and beyond the town of Masáma
we had to cross another large and irregular valley or fáddama, where,
even at this season of the year, a large sheet of water was formed,
which, according to the statement of the natives, was full of
alligators.
The towns also exhibited a considerable degree of industry in their
dyeing-places; and a short distance from our halting-place we even
passed large hollows about two fathoms in depth, and one in particular
where iron had been dug out. Small marketing stalls in some places lined
the road, and the town of Masáma, with its straggling suburbs, presented
an animated spectacle; but cattle were greatly wanting, nothing but
sheep being seen, as all the horned cattle had been carried away by the
predatory bands of Argúngo.
[Illustration]
As we approached the town of Gando, I could not help wondering how the
people had been led to choose this locality as the seat of a large
empire, commanded as it was by hilly chains all around, in the manner
shown in the accompanying woodcut, while the rising ground would have
offered a far more suitable locality. But the situation of the town is
on a par with the character of its dominion—without commanding strength,
and quite incapable of keeping together that large agglomeration of
provinces which have gathered around it. However, for a provincial town,
the interior is very pleasant and animated, being adorned with a variety
of trees, among which the banana is prominent.
Having sent a messenger in advance, I soon obtained quarters in the
house of El Khassa, the chief eunuch of the court; but they were
extremely narrow and unpleasant, although I had a very good clay house
for myself.
Thus I had entered the residence of another very important Púllo chief,
whose dominion extended several hundred miles over the country which I
had to traverse, and whose friendship it was of the utmost importance
for me to secure, as his provinces inclose both banks of the Niger,
while the dominion of the sultan of Sókoto does not reach the principal
branch at all. It was the more unfavourable that the present ruler of
this very extensive kingdom should be a man without energy, and most
inaccessible to a European and a Christian. His name is Khalílu, and he
is the son of ʿAbd Alláhi[58], the brother of the great Reformer
ʿOthmán, to whom that remarkable man, at his death, gave the western
part of his vast domains, while he installed the celebrated Sultan Bello
over the eastern portion. Khalílu succeeded to his brother Mohammed Wáni
about seventeen years ago, and has since lived in a state of the
greatest seclusion, well fitted for a monk, but by no means suited to
the ruler of a vast empire, employing one of his brothers in order to
keep up a certain show of imperial dignity where it was absolutely
necessary. Thus, during the first few years of his reign, he had
employed ʿAbd el Kádiri, and was now employing Halíru, or, as the name
is written, Hadhíru. Even by Mohammedans he is scarcely ever to be seen
except on Fridays. It appeared, from my first arrival, extremely
doubtful whether he would allow me to see his holy face; and after a
vain struggle, merely in order that, by an untimely obstinacy in matters
of form, I might not frustrate all my schemes of discovery, I agreed at
length to deliver my present to the messengers of the sultan, in his
palace, without seeing him. This present consisted of almost the same
number of articles as I had given to the emír of Sókoto, with the
exception of the silver-mounted pistols. I gave him three bernúses—one
of yellow, one of red cloth, and the third of the kind called heláli; a
háík or jeríd of the finest quality, a Stambúli carpet, two entire
pieces of muslin, a red cap, four loaves of sugar, three phials of rose
oil, a pair of razors, five looking-glasses, a pound of cloves, and
another of benzoin.
It was very unfortunate that a foreigner and an adventurer, who had no
other interest than his own selfishness, became the go-between with me
and the sultan, and found ample opportunities, owing to the monkish
character of the latter, for advancing his own interests, in the
thousand embarrassments which he caused me. This was El Bakáy, a person
who made me hate his very name, though it afterwards became so dear to
me on account of my protector in Timbúktu being called by the same.
However, he also was an Arab from the west, and from the tribe of the
Kunta, but not connected in any way with the family of the sheikh. After
having tried his fortune in several other places along the Niger,
especially in Zágha and Yélu, he had at length settled down here,
constituting himself a sort of consul of the Arabs, and, in the
miserable state into which affairs were plunged in this court, soon
exercising a great influence over the principal and the secondary
rulers; for, besides Khalílu, his several brothers enjoyed a large share
of authority, to all of whom I had, in consequence, to make suitable
presents besides. The most remarkable amongst them were the above-
mentioned Halíru and Bú-Bakr Maiguña, the latter an aspiring and
restless man, who occasionally distinguished himself by acts of great
violence, and to whom, in consequence, I had to make a more respectable
present, in order to ensure myself against any predatory proceedings on
his part.
My present to the sultan himself seemed at first to have given great
satisfaction; but after a few days, matters assumed a different aspect,
and I was told that the pistols which I had given to ʿAlíyu were of more
value than the whole of the presents which Khalílu had received from me,
while the empire of the latter extended over a larger tract of country
than that of the former; and I was clearly given to understand that it
was not in my power either to proceed or even to retrace my steps,
unless I gave much larger presents. After a protracted and serious
dispute with El Bakáy and my broker ʿAlí el Ágeren, I came at length to
the determination of sacrificing the second handsome pair of silver-
mounted pistols which I possessed, and then at length I had some
prospect of being allowed to proceed on my journey, although the state
of the country before me was really such as to make progress appear very
difficult, and it was certainly very doubtful whether I should be able
to reach the river. After much trouble and a great number of presents,
however, which I had to give to the crafty Arab, I managed even to
obtain a letter of franchise from Khalílu written with his own hand, but
in so general a style that it had not much the character externally of
an official document, although its contents were altogether very
satisfactory, guaranteeing full security to any Englishmen visiting his
territories, and commanding the officers of the various provinces to
respect their property and to facilitate their proceedings.
Besides the presents to be given to all these people, I had also to make
a fresh sacrifice to my Arab ʿAlí el Ágeren; for, notwithstanding the
arrangement which I had previously made with him, when he saw the
difficulties I was in, and being aware that the easy part of my journey
was now over, he threatened to leave me if I did not accept the
conditions which he prescribed to me. I had also the misfortune to lose,
during my stay here, my best camel, which I had bought from the governor
of Kátsena for 60,000 shells; so that I was obliged to purchase another
animal from Bú Bakr Maiguña at the price he demanded, camels here being
very scarce.
Notwithstanding all this disagreeable business, which occasionally cost
me much bitter reflection, greatly enhanced by the advance of the
season, the month of May being at an end, and that of June having set in
with violent rains, I passed the time during my residence in this place
not quite uselessly, especially as I was so fortunate as to obtain here
from a learned man of the name of Bokhári, a son of the late Mohammed
Wáni, a copy of that most valuable historical work of Áhmed Bábá, to
which my friend ʿAbd el Káder, in Sókoto, had first called my attention,
but without being able to satisfy my curiosity; and I spent three or
four days most pleasantly in extracting the more important historical
data of this work, which opened to me quite a new insight into the
history of the regions on the middle course of the Niger, whither I was
bending my steps, exciting in me a far more lively interest than I had
previously felt in a kingdom the great power of which, in former times,
I here found set forth in very clear and distinct outlines, and I only
lamented that I had not time enough to copy the whole.
As for the town of Gando itself, there was not much to be seen; and the
situation of the place, hemmed in as it is in a narrow valley, did not
admit of long excursions; moreover, the insecurity of the neighbourhood
was so great that it was not possible, at least in a northerly
direction, to proceed many yards from the wall. Several times during my
stay the alarm was given that the enemy was approaching; and the whole
political state of the place was plunged into the most terrible
disorder, the enemy being established in several strong places at
scarcely half a day’s journey distance, Argúngo being the residence of
Dáúd the rebellious chief of the independent Kábáwa. A numerous foray
(“yáki,” or, as the Fúlbe say, “konno”) left early in the morning of the
29th of May, but returned the same evening amid the noisy manifestations
of the inhabitants. They had however only given an additional proof of
their cowardly disposition, inasmuch as they had not even dared to
attack the enemy, who had just succeeded in ransacking the town of Yára,
and were carrying all the unfortunate inhabitants into slavery.
The interior of the place was not quite without its charms, the whole of
the town being intersected, from north to south, by the broad and
shallow bed of a torrent, which exhibited fine pasture-grounds of fresh
succulent herbage, while it was skirted on both sides by a dense border
of exuberant vegetation, which altogether is much richer in this place
than either in Sókoto or Wurno, being surpassed only by the fine
vegetable ornament of Kanó. The rains are extremely plentiful in Gando,
causing here quite an exceptional state in the productive power of the
soil; and to this circumstance we have partly to ascribe the fact that
very fine bananas are grown here in considerable quantity: and the fruit
being just ripe at the time, formed a very pleasant variation to my
usual food. The onion of Gando is remarkable for its size and quality,
compared with that of all the neighbouring districts; and it is well for
the traveller, in whatever direction he may intend to go, to lay in a
supply of this wholesome article. But the place is extremely dull, and
the market very insignificant—a fact easily to be explained by the
desperate state of the provinces around, although the situation of the
capital, as a central place for commerce, is rather favourable. But the
town of Jéga has not yet lost, in this respect, the whole of its former
importance, and is still the great entrepôt for that coarse kind of
coloured silk which is imported from the north, and which,
notwithstanding its very inferior character, is nevertheless so greatly
sought after by the natives for adorning their leatherwork. It is,
perhaps, in consequence of the little trade which is carried on, that
the people of Gando have applied themselves with more industry to
supplying their own want of cotton cloth—and no one can deny that their
cotton strips are of first-rate quality: their dyeing, on the contrary,
is very coarse, and they seem quite unable to give to the dyed cloth
that lustre which so eminently distinguishes the manufactures of Núpe
and Kanó; but nevertheless this cloth of Gando is in great demand as far
as Libtáko.
The kingdom or empire of Gando, according to its titles, comprises a
number of wealthy provinces, all lying along that great West-African
river which opens such an easy access into this continent, or on its
branches; although nobody who stays in the capital for any length of
time would suppose that it holds such a preeminent rank. I shall give
some further details respecting these provinces in the Appendix[59];
here I will only enumerate them by name. They are, the western half of
Kebbi, Maúri or Árewá, Zabérma, Déndina (comprising Kénga-koy and
Zágha), a great part of Gurma (comprising the provinces of Galaijo,
Toróde, Yágha, and Libtáko), with a small portion of Borgu or Barba, a
large portion of Yóruba with the capital Alóri or Ilórin, and, on the
east side of the river, the provinces of Yaúri and Núpe or Nyffi. But at
that time most of these provinces were plunged into an abyss of anarchy,
which could not fail to impart to the capital a more sombre aspect than
it may possess in general.
[Footnote 58: ʿAbd Alláhi died 20th of Moharrem 1245; and Mohammed died
4th of Ramadhán 1250. The children of ʿAbd Alláhi were the following:
Mohammed Wáni, Khalílu, ʿAbd el Kádiri Inneháwa, Halíru or Hadhíru and
ʿAlíyu (masuyáki)[a], ʿAbd el Kádiri Ay, Hassan, ʿAbd e’ Rahmáni, Ábú
Bakr Maiguña, Is-háko, Mamman Sambo (maiyáki).[a]]
[Footnote a: Maiyáki (_pl._ masuyáki) means commander-in-chief.]
[Footnote 59: See Appendix VI.]
CHAP. LIX.
THE PROVINCE OF KEBBI AND ITS RIVER. — THE SALT VALLEY OF FÓGHA. — REACH
THE NIGER.
[Sidenote: Saturday, June 4th.]
At length I was allowed to proceed on my journey, which now soon
promised to become of overwhelming interest, as I was approaching that
great African river which has been the object of so much discussion and
individual ambition for so long a period. There had been a very heavy
thunderstorm during the night, accompanied by a great abundance of rain,
which lasted till late in the morning, and delayed my setting out for
a considerable time. It was almost eleven o’clock when we at length
left the western gate of the town, or the kófa-n-Jéga, and entered the
open fields, where the crop was already shooting forth. Keeping along
the rocky ground bordering the valley on the north side, we soon had a
specimen of the swamps which during the rainy season are formed in
these deep valleys of Kebbi, while we beheld here also extensive
rice-grounds, the first which I saw under actual cultivation. But the
guide, who was to accompany me to the very western extremity of the
territory of Khalílu, having not yet arrived, we made only a short
march of about six miles, and took up our quarters in a comfortable
hut lying outside the walls of Kámbasa, which, by a separate wall, is
divided into two distinct quarters.
This town lies on the north side of a large swamp, which fills the
bottom of the fáddama, and affords excellent grounds for the cultivation
of rice. The governor treated me hospitably, sending me everything that
was wanted for a good African dinner, from a sheep down to a bit of salt
and a few cakes of dodówa; and I made him a suitable present in return.
During the night we suffered greatly from mosquitoes, giving us a fair
idea of what we were to expect on our journey through these swampy
valleys.
[Sidenote: Sunday, June 5th.]
Another storm again delayed our departure this morning; and being now in
the middle of the rainy season, I had a fair sample of what I should
have to endure on my long journey to Timbúktu. In consequence of the
rain, it was again eleven o’clock before we could start. The principal
road leads along the northern bank of the fáddama, by way of Zóro, the
residence of Cháfo a son of Khalílu; but it was deemed too unsafe in the
present unsettled state of the country,—that very town of Zóro, although
situated on the north side of the fáddama, at present being only
accessible from the south; and it was decided, therefore, to cross the
swamp close to Kámbasa, in order that it might afford us protection, in
our further progress through this unsafe region, against any sudden
attack from the rebels in the northern part of the province. Thus
proceeding along the south side of the sheet of water, here about 200
yards broad and thickly overgrown with tall reeds of different species,
including a large proportion of papyrus, we reached, after a little less
than two miles, another walled town, likewise called Kámbasa,—a civil
war having broken out among the inhabitants of the former town, and a
portion of them having separated from the original tribe, and settled in
this place. We then continued along the southern side of the valley,
till, after a march of about four miles, we had to cross a small branch
which joins the chief trunk of the valley from the south, and opened a
view of Mount Bóbye, over the saddle of which the road leads from
Támbawel to Jéga, the great marketplace of this quarter of the country,
while the fáddama, here spreading out in a large sheet of water, receded
behind a walled town called Badda-badda. A track frequented by the
elephant, of which for a long time I had seen no traces, led through the
rich pasture-ground, to the edge of the water. Almost the whole
cultivation along this fertile but swampy valley consisted of rice. It
was about 1200 yards broad, and even at the present season, before the
rains had set in, was full of water. A couple of months later it
inundates its low borders, and almost precludes any passage, so that, on
my home journey from the west, I was obliged to pursue another path. The
crops of Negro corn were here already three inches high, numbers of
people being busily employed in the labours of the fields, while an
isolated deléb palm gave a peculiar character to the landscape. The
prevailing representatives of the vegetable kingdom were the dorówa and
the useful kadeña tree. The pasture-grounds were full of cattle; and
everything testified to the rich nature of the district, which is still
very populous. After passing another walled town perched on the high
border of the swampy valley, three miles and a half beyond Badda-badda,
we reached Gaúmaché, at present reduced to a small hamlet, or rather
“rúmde,” inhabited exclusively by slaves, and adorned by a few specimens
of the butter tree and the dorówa. It was once a large walled town; but
in the sanguinary war between the native Kábáwa and the conquering tribe
of the Fúlbe, it was destroyed by the former.
Having crossed here a considerable stream of running water, which
testified to the quantity of rain which had fallen in this district, we
passed, on our left, the large walled town of Talba, where the beating
of drums gave proof of warlike preparation. The fields around were
adorned with numbers of deléb palms.
At a short distance from Talba lies Dáube. The whole of this district
had attained a high degree of power and prosperity under the dominion of
the Kanta, and had only recently begun, in consequence of the war of
independence, to lose many of its former centres of human industry.
An obvious illustration of this desolation was afforded by the little
town of Yára, which we reached after another three miles. We had left
the fáddama at some distance on our right, and kept along rocky ground
occasionally broken by patches of fine sandy soil. But we were urgently
warned, by people whom we met on our road, of the danger of an
approaching ghazzia.
This place, which a short time ago was the seat of human wellbeing, had
been destroyed by the enemy on the 29th of the preceding month, and all
the inhabitants carried into slavery, notwithstanding the presence of
the expedition which, as I have mentioned above, marched out from Gando
to the succour of their countrymen. The aspect of the place was doleful
and melancholy in the extreme, corresponding well with the dangerous
situation in which we found ourselves; and while traversing the half-
ruined village, which from a bustling little place had become the abode
of death, I almost involuntarily snatched my gun, and held it steadily
in my hand. But life and death in these regions are closely allied; and
we had scarcely left the ruined village behind us, when, in a widening
of the fáddama, which again opened on our right, we were greeted by a
most luxuriant rice-field, where the crops were already almost three
feet high, and girt by the finest border of a rich variety of shady
trees, such as the dorówa, kadé, and kágim, overtopped by a number of
tall deléb palms, the golden fruit of which, half ripe, was starting
forth from under the feathery foliage. But our attention was soon
diverted from the enjoyment of this scenery, to a point of greater
interest to ourselves. We here observed a solitary individual, in spite
of the unsafe state of the country, sitting quietly at the foot of one
of the palm trees, and seemingly enjoying its fruit. Now, coupling the
present state of the country with the news we had just received, we
could not help greatly suspecting this man to be a spy, posted here by
the enemy in order to give them information of the passers by; and I had
the greatest difficulty in preventing my Méjebrí Arab, who, when there
was no danger for himself, always mustered a great amount of courage,
from shooting this suspicious-looking character.
Proceeding then through a very rich country, we reached, after a march
of about two miles, the town of Gúlumbé, situated close to the southern
border of the valley, and exhibiting extensive fields cultivated with
yams and cotton. The banana constituted the chief ornament of the narrow
border inclosed between the fáddama on one side, and the wall of the
town on the other, and the gónda or _Erica Papaya_, raising its feathery
foliage on its slender, virginlike stem, towered proudly over the wall,
as shown in the woodcut on the next page. The town was walled, of
considerable size, and densely inhabited; but nevertheless the people
were in such dread of the enemy, that they kept up a continual beating
of drums; and although, on account of the smallness of the gate, we
encamped outside, in a courtyard situated between the wall and the
border of the fáddama, we thought it prudent to fire a few shots, in
order to apprize the people around that we were well prepared to receive
them, to the great relief of the inhabitants of the town, who, delighted
at the unexpected addition to their strength, treated us in a very
hospitable manner. The only disturbance to our night’s rest was caused
by the mosquitoes, which harassed us greatly and drove most of my people
into the rúdu, that kind of raised hut which I have described on a
former occasion, and which forms the most essential part of even the
poorest dwelling in the province of Kebbi.
[Illustration]
[Sidenote: Monday, June 6th.]
After a thunder-storm accompanied by a few drops of rain, the night was
succeeded by a beautiful morning; and I felt great pleasure in surveying
the interesting landscape, only regretting that the insecure state of
the country did not allow the natives to enjoy it in tranquillity, the
war having driven thousands of people from their homes, and as many more
into captivity. The fields on this side of the town, as well as on the
other, where we had approached it the day before, were fenced with great
care, while horses and asses were grazing on the rich pasture-grounds.
After a little more than a mile and a half, we passed, on our left, a
farming-village called Ígené, after its master, a cheerful Púllo of
advanced age, who was just inspecting the labour of his slaves in the
fields. The crops hereabouts were already more than a foot above the
ground; and a little further on they reached a height of two feet.
Besides sorghum, yams were cultivated to a great extent; but
nevertheless, on account of the insecurity of the country, dearth and
famine everywhere prevailed.
A little further on we passed, on our left, a considerable sheet of
water, with plenty of dorówa, large kadé, and sycamores. The deléb palms
had ceased just beyond Ígené. A broad flat-topped mountain, called
Hamári, at the eastern foot of which lies the town of Zóro, broke the
uniform surface of the country.
Proceeding through this rich but distracted and unsafe district, I was
greatly delighted when, near the walled town of Kardi, I fell in with a
solitary and courageous pilgrim, a Jolof, from the shores of the
Atlantic, carrying his little luggage on his head, and seemingly well
prepared to defend it with his double-barrelled gun which he carried on
his shoulder, and a short sword hanging at his side, while his shirt was
tossed gallantly up, and tied over the shoulder, behind the neck. In my
joy at the sight of this enterprising native traveller, I could not
forbear making him a small present, in order to assist him in his
arduous undertaking.
The walls of the town of Kardi, which is chiefly inhabited by the slaves
of Khalílu, and which is of great importance for the supply of corn in
this province, were strengthened by a thick fence of thorny bushes,
which, in these regions, afford an immense advantage in the defence of
any town, by furnishing a secure place of retreat to the archers.
The green bottom of the wide fáddama had receded to a greater distance
on our right; but we joined it again seven miles from Gúlumbé, and had
here to cross it beyond a couple of hamlets which, lying close together
and called, the one Háusáwa, and the other Kábáwa, gave us a slight
indication as to the history of this country, where the Háusa element,
as the more civilized, gradually gained the upper hand and drove the
native element as well as the Songhay, which advanced from the west,
into the background. Perhaps, if we knew more of the history of this
country, the annals of these two villages might open to us a view of an
interesting national struggle. The fáddama was here at present dry; and
besides yams a great deal of tobacco was cultivated. We then traversed a
wooded tract adorned with a violet _liliacea_ and with the bush tsáda or
bidér, the delicious cherrylike fruit of which I have mentioned
repeatedly, and, slightly ascending, reached, a little before eleven
o’clock, the beautiful site of the former more extensive wall of the
large town of Bírni-n-Kebbi. It was founded in this commanding position
by the dynasty of the Kanta, at the time when the rival Songhay empire
was dashed to pieces and became the prey of foreigners and of a number
of small tribes, who had once been kept in a state of insignificance and
subjection.
Under such circumstances Kebbi, besides being the seat of a powerful
kingdom, became also the centre of a considerable trade even in gold,
till it was destroyed by the Fúlbe under ʿAbd Alláhi, in the year of the
Hejra 1221, when a great deal of gold and silver is said to have been
found among the ruins. The royal palace, however (the ruins of which I
visited), does not seem to have been very extensive; but this in part
may be attributed to the fact that a great portion of the residence
consisted of straw huts for the female department and the followers.[60]
The walls of the present town are almost a mile distant from those of
the old one, lying close to the steep slope which, with a descent of
about 250 feet, goes down here into the large green valley or fáddama
which intersects the whole of Kebbi from E.N.E. to W.S.W., and is at
this part almost three miles in breadth, affording the richest ground
for cultivation, but at present plunged in a state of the utmost
insecurity. Even then it was full of cattle, at least its southerly
part; but they had to be carefully watched by the natives from above the
slope, for the whole of the country on the other side, the hilly chains
and cones of which are clearly seen, is in the hands of the Ázena, that
is to say, those native inhabitants of Kebbi who, since the death of the
more energetic ʿAtíku, are successfully struggling for their religious
and political independence. On the very brink of the slope a market was
held, where we bought some necessaries before entering the town; and I
willingly lingered a few moments, as the whole presented a very novel
sight, increased by a picturesque spur or promontory which juts out into
the valley a few miles to the west, and is a remarkable feature in the
landscape. We then entered the town, which is rather thickly inhabited,
but is far from presenting that cheerful aspect which is peculiar to
most of the towns in these regions, as it is almost bare of trees. I
myself was quartered in an excellent hut, belonging to a newly-married
couple, and possessing all the comforts of which these simple dwellings
are capable,—the floor and walls of the hut being neatly polished, and
the background or “nanne” being newly sprinkled with snow-white sand;
but the whole of the courtyard was extremely narrow, and scarcely
afforded space for my horses and camels.
There are two great men in the town, ʿOthmán Lowel and ʿOthmán Záki; but
the former is the real governor of the place, bearing the pompous but
rather precarious title of serkí-n-Kebbi—for even he, at the present
time, possesses such limited authority, that it was rather out of my
respect for historical connections than for his real power[61], that I
made him a considerable present. He is a man of simple manners, without
pretensions, and almost blind. His residence was distinguished by its
neatness. The other great man, ʿOthmán Záki, who was many years ago
governor of Núpe, and knew Clapperton, although I did not pay him a
visit, showed his friendship for me by very hospitable treatment. He has
since returned to Núpe, and is rebuilding Rabba. We had a long
conversation in the afternoon with the more respectable inhabitants, on
the subject of our journey, and most of the people thought that I should
not succeed in reaching the Niger, the country being in such a turbulent
state; but they advised me to address myself to the governor of Zogírma,
who was the only man, they said, able to assist me in my endeavours to
traverse that part of the country with some degree of security.
[Sidenote: Tuesday, June 7th.]
In the morning, we left the town in the company of a son of ʿOthmán, a
person of manly bearing and a rather European expression of countenance;
and traversing the fields, which were quite dry and as yet without any
preparation for cultivation, we directed our march straight for a pass
in the mountain-spur which I have mentioned above, and which is called
Dúko; but we found it too narrow for our heavily-laden camels to pass
through, the path being cut into the sandstone like a gutter, so that I
was obliged to send my train round the southern slope of the promontory.
We thus descended almost to the level of the fáddama; but having
traversed a richly-wooded vale with a variety of trees, such as dynnia,
mádachi, and fresh kadé, we had another mountain-spur on our left, while
on the right the exuberant savanna of the valley became visible. The
place was enlivened by cattle, and occasionally by a sheet of water at
times fringed with a rich border of vegetation, amongst which also
isolated specimens of the deléb palm, besides dorówa, were not wanting.
Thus we reached the foot of a rocky eminence, on the top of which the
walled town of Kóla is situated in a very strong position, commanding
the whole passage of the valley. It is the seat of a governor who bears
the title of serkí-n-Záromé, and who is said to have as many as seventy
musketeers under his command; so that, as he was an officer of much
importance in this turbulent country, it did not seem advisable to pass
him unnoticed, and we therefore determined to take up our quarters here,
although it was still early in the morning. He has a large house or
palace, but it is somewhat in decay. Having made him a small present, I
was hospitably treated both by himself and his sister, who sent me an
excellent goose, which afforded a very pleasant change in my diet. He
accompanied me the following morning to the boundary of his little
territory.
Our road lay through fine corn-fields, shaded by beautiful dorówa trees,
along the border of this fertile valley, which was formerly surrounded
on both sides by an uninterrupted line of large walled towns. But most
of them are now deserted and destroyed, such as the towns of Kúka (which
lies about three hours north-west) and Ambúrsa; and both factions are
continually harassing each other by predatory expeditions. In fact the
state of the country is such, that the whole of the tribute which the
province of Núpe has to pay to Gando is obliged to take the roundabout
way through Zágha and Bunza, the latter of which is situated about eight
miles south from Zogírma, on the river Gíndi, which is said to be
navigable as far as this place, and sometimes even as far as Jéga. A
considerable number of horses were grazing on the fine pasture-grounds
at the border of the valley, under the protection of a couple of hamlets
well defended by a stockade; but the herbage was full of small venomous
snakes, which repeatedly crossed our path in such numbers as I never saw
before. When we reached the border of the territory of Júggurú, my
companion returned to his residence.
Leaving the walled town of Júggurú (surrounded by a good many monkey-
bread trees) on the hills to our left, we reached, after a march of
about five miles along the border of the valley, and only once crossing
a romantic rocky defile, the considerable town of Diggi; and here I had
the satisfaction of being officially received by three sons of the
governor of Zogírma, who quite unexpectedly came galloping up to the
front and saluted me, wishing me all possible success on my dangerous
undertaking, and bidding me welcome to the province of their father. The
eldest of the three was a very handsome young man, and splendidly
mounted upon a tall grey horse. Pursuing then our march in their
company, we immediately entered the wide fáddama which separated us from
Zogírma; and it took us more than three hours to cross this shallow
swampy valley, the whole of which at the end of the rainy season is
filled with water, but which at present was only intersected by two
broken sheets of stagnant water, while I endeavoured in vain to make
out, at this spot, an uninterrupted channel of the gulbi: and yet, in
the month of September, the whole valley is flooded by a river of
considerable breadth.
The town, which was surrounded by a clay wall in good repair, impressed
me as being more considerable than I had supposed it to be. We were led
immediately to our quarters, and were here treated with very good
tíggera, or prepared millet and sour milk; after which a large calabash
full of rice, and, a short time after, a heifer, were brought me as a
present. Later in the afternoon I went to pay my respects to the
governor, Hámed Búrtu, and found him a very decent-looking man of from
fifty to sixty years of age, with almost European features, but with
rather a melancholy expression of countenance. His residence had a very
stately appearance, and surprised me not a little by its style of
architecture, which approached to the Gothic, although the fine and
well-ornamented clay walls were only loosely held together by a
framework of boards and branches. Presenting to him a red bernús of
middling quality, a piece of muslin, a pair of razors, and some other
trifles, I delivered to him the letter with which Khalílu had furnished
me, and explained to him how the ruler of Gando had given me hopes of
his being able to conduct me safe to Fógha; for the two horsemen whom I
had with me, one from Gando and the other from Sókoto, were only of
service as long as there was anything to eat and while there was no
great danger. He received my address in the most cheerful manner, and
informed me that there were two roads, one of them leading straight on
through the midst of the forest from Zogírma to the town of Kallíul.
This he said was the safest, though it was probably too difficult for my
heavily-laden camels. The other, he added, was more convenient but very
unsafe. He promised, however, that he would find trustworthy men to
escort me.
Zogírma may contain from 7000 to 8000 inhabitants; but at that time it
was suffering greatly from famine, on account of the war which had been
raging for the last two years, between the Fúlbe conquerors of the
country and the native inhabitants the Dendi, who, favoured by the
weakness of the government of their oppressors, had risen to assert
their independence; and I could scarcely feel dissatisfied with my host
when, after the first signs of hospitality which he had shown me, he
left us to provide for our own wants, although we had some difficulty in
procuring a sufficient supply of corn. I was very sorry that, owing to
the unfavourable circumstances of the whole country, I was prevented
from visiting the town of Bunza (which is situated south from Zogírma),
on account of its interesting and important situation as regards the
intercourse with Núpe on the lower part of the gulbi, where it is still
navigable, and the number of deléb palms which are said to adorn it.
There was also residing in this place a man whom I should like to have
visited, inasmuch as he is reported to possess a great knowledge of the
history of the Kanta, and of the relations of the province of Kebbi to
the neighbouring countries. His name is Mʿallem Mahamúdu.
[Sidenote: Thursday, June 9th.]
We were to start the following day, in order to allow our camels some
rest before entering the unsafe wilderness; but in the course of the
morning the news suddenly arrived that a party of Tawárek, with about
forty camels besides bullocks and asses, had arrived at the neighbouring
town of Tilli on their way to Fógha, thus affording us the opportunity
of traversing the wilderness with some degree of security. It was
therefore decided that we should start in the afternoon by way of Tilli,
which certainly lay greatly out of our road, in order to join this
party, while my young friend Ábú Bakr, the eldest son of the governor,
rode immediately to the neighbouring town to induce those people to wait
for us. It was thus deemed sufficient to give me for companions only two
horsemen; but fortunately they were of such a character that I preferred
them to at least a dozen other people, both of them being experienced
old warriors and most respectable men, one of them having been till
lately the governor of the town of Débe, which was now deserted, and the
site of which we had to pass on our road. I was heartily glad to get rid
of my two former effeminate companions, Lowel, the servant of the
governor of Gando, and Beshír, an attendant of the ghaladíma in Sókoto,
as they had been of scarcely any use to me on my way hither, except,
perhaps, in procuring me a better reception from the governors of the
towns and villages; and I gladly complied with the demands of my new
companions, by giving to each of them a new black “lithám” or “ráwani
bakí” for themselves, a flask of rose oil for their wives, and one
thousand shells for the expenses of their households during their
absence.
Returning then in a north-easterly direction along the western border of
the broad fáddama, we reached after a march of about four miles, when
the sun had already gone down, the town of Tilli, which, coming from
Diggi, we had had just opposite us on the other side of the valley. Here
the danger from the enemy was already considered so great, that the
gates of the town on this side had been walled up, only a very narrow
passage having been left, which could only be used by way of a
drawbridge or kadárku. Having here learned that our new companions were
already gone on in advance, and had encamped at the very border of the
forest, we changed our direction from north-east to north-west, and,
after a march of about a mile, encamped close to them. A large herd of
cattle had its resting-place in the neighbourhood.
[Sidenote: Friday, June 10th.]
When we started, at an early hour in the morning, we soon left the
cultivated grounds and entered a dense forest, which at the present
season had a very pleasant appearance, all the trees being in blossom,
and spreading a delightful fragrance around. We were also agreeably
surprised when, after proceeding about five miles, we passed two
extensive ponds, which supplied us with delicious water. But on our
return journey, in August 1854, the water of these same ponds had
acquired such a pernicious character, that it almost poisoned the whole
of my troop. A little beyond these ponds, we had a considerable rocky
declivity, of about one hundred feet, from the top of which we surveyed
the extensive forest before us. To our disappointment, we encamped at a
very early hour, a little after noon; but a short distance further on,
the danger would have become so imminent that it would have been unwise
to pass the night there. Having, therefore, pitched my tent in the midst
of the forest, I indulged with great delight in the pleasure of an open
encampment, such as I had not enjoyed since leaving Gáwasú, the dirty
huts in which I had lately taken up my quarters having literally turned
my stomach. But I had to enjoy this wild encampment rather longer than
was pleasant; for we had to remain in it the whole of the following day,
in consequence of my friends the Ásbenáwa losing, in the course of the
night, one of their camels, which they did not choose to abandon. This
involuntary feat of mine procured me a name in the whole neighbourhood,
so that when I safely returned the following year from my journey to
Timbúktu, the people of the neighbourhood designated me only as the man
who had spent a day in the unsafe wilderness.
But it almost seemed as if we were to stay here a third day; for when we
were getting ready our luggage early in the morning of the 12th, a very
violent thunder-storm broke out, with torrents of rain, which made our
open encampment rather uncomfortable, and did not allow us to start
until a late hour. After a march of about four miles through a very
dense forest with low ridges on our right, we reached the site of Bírni-
n-Débe, a beautiful open spot adorned with a rich abundance of dorówa
besides a tolerable number of deléb palms, while beyond the rich mass of
vegetation a hilly chain approached from the north-east. Footprints of
elephants were here observed in every direction. The rich character of
the country scarcely allows the traveller to suspect that a few miles to
the north lies the province of Máuri or Árewá, which all my authorities
represent as a country approaching closely to the nature of the desert.
Having then entered again thick forest, which occasionally became so
dense that it scarcely allowed us to pass, and caused repeated delays,
we reached, after a march of about nine miles, a large depression or
shallow vale coming from the north-east from the province of Máuri, and
therefore called Dallul or Ráfi-n-Máuri (the Vale of Máuri), richly clad
with a profusion of the most succulent herbage and with numerous deléb
palms, besides a few specimens of the dúm palm; and having halted here
for a few minutes near a well and the site of a former Púllo settlement
of the name of Bána, we crossed the path which leads from Máuri to Yélu,
the capital of the province of Déndina. This is the most dangerous part
of the whole route, on account of the two provinces, that of Máuri and
Déndina, having rebelled, and there being constant intercourse between
the enemy in these two quarters along this track, so that our companions
were not a little alarmed when fresh footprints of horses were here
discovered. However we could move on but slowly on account of the dense
thicket, and the anxiety of the people to collect the fruit of the deléb
palm, corn being extremely scanty and scarcely to be got in this region
at the time. Here the camel, which I had received from Khalílu in a
present, and which I had given up to my Méjebrí companion, went raving
mad, making the most ludicrous leaps, and kicking in every direction,
till it fell to the ground.
At length we emerged from the dense vegetation of the fertile but
neglected vale, and ascended higher ground, which separates the dallul
Máuri from the dallul Fógha[62], and after a while obtained a sight of
the hilly chain bordering the east side of the latter valley, which runs
from N. 20° E. to S. 20° W., being at the broadest part about 1000 yards
across. These valleys certainly form a very remarkable feature in this
quarter, and, by their shallow character and the total want of a current
in the water here collected, evidently prove the little inclination
which the country has towards the Niger, as well as the limited extent
of ground which they drain; and it seems extremely doubtful whether,
even after the plentiful rains which occasionally fall in the
mountainous country of Ásben, the watercourses of that region have even
the slightest connection with these shallow vales which join the Niger.
It was half-past four in the afternoon when, greatly fatigued by our
long and slow march, we gradually descended the shelving ground into the
valley of Fógha, the beautifully sloping banks of which are adorned with
a profusion of dúm palms, but are entirely wanting in deléb palms.
Crossing then the green vale, which was clothed with rank grass, and
only presented here and there a broken sheet of water, we reached the
first salt-manufacturing hamlet, which is situated on a mound of rubbish
of almost regularly quadrangular shape, and of about thirty feet
elevation, not unlike the ancient towns of Assyria, while at its foot a
shallow dirty pond of brackish water of almost black colour spread
out,—the whole scenery forming a very remarkable _ensemble_, of which an
attempt has been made to give a fair representation in the plate
opposite.
[Illustration: Drawn by J. M. Bernatz, from a Sketch by Dr. Barth.
M. & N. Hanhart, lith. et impt.
RÁFIN FÓGHA.]
A few cattle were grazing here and there, but they looked very sickly
and emaciated, and skeletons of others were lying about in all
directions, proving the ravages that disease had made among them: for,
besides the fact that general epidemic diseases visit the cattle in
these regions as well as in the countries to the south of the equator at
certain periods, the conquering tribe settled in this quarter having had
to sustain a long siege against the enemy, most of their cattle, being
cooped up in the town, had perished for want of pasture. Notwithstanding
all these disasters, the inhabitants of Kallíul stood their ground; for
the Fúlbe hereabouts are a very warlike race, and are excellent archers.
Several of them, attracted by the news of the arrival of a caravan with
corn, of which they stood so much in need, rushed past us on horseback
as we were looking out for a place where we might take up our quarters
with some degree of safety. Leaving two other salt-manufacturing hamlets
on our left side equally jutting out into the bottom of the vale, we
descended at length from a higher slope crowned by a cluster of well-
built but at present deserted huts; and being informed that the town of
Kallíul, or Káura, was still some distance off, and far out of our road,
we turned into one of these salt-hamlets, which was the fourth on this
side. Here we were quartered in a very excellent hut, but suffered
greatly from mosquitoes during the following night.
We remained in this poor hamlet the following day, and, being aware of
the great distress which prevailed in the whole of this tract of
country, I had no more urgent business than to despatch two of my men
early in the morning to our companions the Ásbenáwa, who had encamped on
the other side of the valley, in order to endeavour to buy from them as
much corn as they were able to spare; but my servants soon returned with
the news that the distressed inhabitants had taken from the fatáki or
native traders all their corn by force. I was therefore rather badly
off, but nevertheless was prevented from pursuing my route at once, as
the camels wanted some repose. The site of our hamlet was highly
interesting to me; and I soon set out for a stroll around this
artificial mound of rubbish. It was of considerable size, measuring
about 200 yards in length, and the same in breadth, with an elevation of
50 feet towards the bottom of the valley, and about 20 towards the edge
of the bank,—the whole of this mound bearing evident proof of its
artificial character, consisting as it did of nothing but the soil of
the valley itself, from which the saline particles had been extracted.
The salt is here prepared in the following manner. The earth is taken
from the bottom of the vale, and put into large funnels made of straw
and reeds, when water is poured upon the earth, and strained through the
funnels, after which it is caught in vessels placed underneath, and then
boiled, and the sediment formed into the shape of a small loaf.
That it is the earth which contains the saline particles, and not the
rank grass which grows here, I am quite sure, although in other places
there is no doubt that salt is extracted from the grass growing in such
localities: but this can only be done by burning, the salt being
extracted from the ashes; and no such process is pursued here. The salt
is of a greyish-yellow colour, and quite fit for cooking purposes; it is
of a much better quality than the bitter salt of Bílma, although, no
doubt, far inferior to the beautiful crystal salt of Taödénni, of which
I here saw the first specimen with some Songhay pilgrims, who had left
Hómbori four months previously on their way to Mekka. However, such a
mode of proceeding is only practicable in the dry, or towards the
beginning of the rainy season; for at the end of the latter the valley
is quite full of water, which then is fresh, and is said to contain
plenty of fish, the saltish properties of the soil being too scanty and
inconsiderable to impregnate so large body of water. Even at present a
considerable quantity of the aqueous element had already collected,
filling, in some places, the whole width of the valley between the two
banks, to the depth of a foot or two, so that the people could not make
use of the soil from the valley itself; but they had stored up a
sufficient provision to enable them to carry on their labours for a
month or two longer.
The Fúlbe call these places síle-chólli. It is only the salt which
induces the inhabitants to remain in this locality; for they have been
harassed extremely by their energetic enemy the Déndi. The town of
Kallíul had had to sustain, during a very short period, no fewer than
five attacks from the latter, whose chief seat, Yélu, closely borders
upon their territory; and, in addition to the sad circumstance of all
their cattle having died, these people had also lost the whole of their
slaves, who, under such circumstances, had run away in a body. The
neighbourhood, even at the present moment, was so unsafe, that the
people of the town would not allow me to stay in the open hamlet where I
was, and wanted me to come to them behind their wall; but fearing longer
delay I declined, and fixed my departure for the following day.
Yélu[63], the principal place of Déndina the country of the Déndi (a
branch of the Songhay about whom I shall say more on another occasion),
is situated only about seven or eight miles lower down this same valley,
which joins the Great River at the town of Dóle, and which is especially
inhabited by Songhay people. Their well-known and renowned chief,
Gójida, had recently died, and had been succeeded by a younger brother
of his, of the name of Gódu, who kept up the struggle against the
conquering tribe with considerable energy, and probably, if he had been
better provided with cavalry, would have long ago established the
independence of his countrymen, by driving away the Fúlbe from the
valley of Fógha, and thus opening a free intercourse with the countries
to the north. But the inhabitants of Kallíul, as I assured myself
especially on my return journey, when I entered the town, are hardy
warriors, and keep well together, although that little community is
ruled by four petty chiefs,—Señína, Mámma Yídi, and two brothers called
Mámma Gúnga and Ámedu Gúnga. Even on the present occasion of my journey
westward, these petty chiefs paid me a visit, and I made each of them a
small present; but none of them was able to supply me with even the
smallest provision of corn, although they all evinced their benevolent
disposition, and Señína (who, by wearing a miserable sort of bernús of
the poorest description, seemed to vindicate his superiority over his
brother chiefs) made me a present of 100 Kóla nuts, which luxury he
could more easily spare than a few grains of corn. Mámma Yídi, on the
other hand, an elderly gentleman, was distinguished by his amiable
conduct, and understood even a little Háusa. Generally speaking, none of
the Fúlbe here speak a single word of that language, the valley of Fógha
forming the boundary between the Háusa and the Songhay languages. I
likewise received a visit from two sons of the kádhi or alkáli, one of
whom, of the name of ʿAbd el Wahábi, was a remarkably handsome man, of
very gentlemanlike bearing, more like a European in his countenance than
a native of Negroland, and of a melancholy turn of mind, which awakened
my interest in him.
[Sidenote: Tuesday, June 14th.]
My two warlike companions from Zogírma, who, by their experience and
energetic conduct, had inspired me with almost unbounded confidence, and
whom I should have liked to have attached to me for a much longer
period, had returned home the moment I reached the border of the valley,
finding their only safety in speed and secrecy, and cutting straight
across the thickest part of the forest; and, in consequence, I had used
all my endeavours to obtain here another escort, but all in vain.
However, Mámma Yídi having promised that a guide should overtake me on
the road, I started tolerably early the next morning, in order to pursue
my journey through this unsafe wilderness, being anxious not to cause
more delay, and thus to increase the danger of my situation in
consequence of the news of my proceedings having spread through the
neighbourhood; but instead of making right across the country, I was
first obliged to retrace my steps northwards, to the very place where I
had crossed the valley two days previously, for, Kallíul being anything
but a place of trade and commerce, all the little intercourse which is
still going on in this region is carried on along the direct road,
without touching at this place.
A few hundred yards higher up from this spot, a rich source of excellent
fresh water gushes out from the rocky ground, and forms a large sheet in
the bottom of the valley, affording a remarkable contrast to the black
muddy water which covers the remainder of the surface. Having taken in
here a supply of water, we then passed several other salt-hamlets or
síle-chólli, and emerging from the valley ascended the higher ground,
which presented open pastures with only a little underwood scattered in
bushes here and there, principally the gónda bush and the poisonous
plant, damankádda, which I have already mentioned repeatedly as forming
an ornament of the landscape, at the same time that it endangers the
life of the camel.
It was a beautiful morning, and the view over the valley from this
undulating ground was highly interesting. We had just entered denser
forest, when my friend Yídi overtook me, accompanied by two horsemen,
and handing me, to my great surprise, besides a good provision of salt,
2000 kurdí, or shells, which I only reluctantly accepted for the sake of
my servants. He also brought me a guide, who was to accompany me as far
as Gárbo. We therefore pursued our march cheerfully, but experienced
repeated delays in the thick covert of the forest. The trees were rather
dry, and not very luxuriant, no rain having fallen in this part of the
country for some time. A little further on we passed a small pond, where
we fell in with a party of Tawárek half-castes from Zaberma or
Chéggazar, who were carrying the salt of Fógha to their home, on a small
number of oxen and asses. We encamped at a quarter past three o’clock in
the afternoon, near another small pond, on an open spot, where I again
enjoyed an open encampment, which is the greatest charm of a travelling
life.
[Sidenote: Wednesday, June 15th.]
Soon after starting, we had to descend a rocky passage, and we were glad
to find the road, from time to time, enlivened by small parties of
travellers. First we fell in with a man of the name of Mohammed el Amín,
from Hámed-Alláhi, the capital of the western empire of the Fúlbe, who
had come by way of Júnju, and who, having cherished the good intention
of performing the pilgrimage to Mekka, had been frightened by the
difficulties of the road; and further on we met another party of
travellers, among whom was a Limtúni, that is to say, a Moor, a man of
mixed Arab and Berber blood, of the ancient tribe of the Limtúna—who,
having once formed the chief portion of the powerful confederation of
the Merábetín (Almoravides), are at present scattered and settled, in
small fragments, on the very shores of the Atlantic. He was a stout and
active little fellow, with an open countenance, and, being on his way to
Mekka, rushed immediately towards me to salute me, asking me whether I
was a Turk or a Christian. I presented him with a dollar, requesting him
to give a short note (which I wrote on the spot) to my friend Háj
Beshír, in Kúkawa, wherein I informed him of my whereabouts.
Having then passed several ponds, among which the tebki Sugíndo was the
most important, and made another rocky descent, from the top of which we
overlooked the large valley or dallul of Bóso, and having turned round a
small rocky ridge, we reached the village of Gárbo about two o’clock in
the afternoon. Gárbo is a small place, half deserted, and greatly
harassed by the enemy,—the Déndi of Tanda having made a foray against
this place only two days previously, and carried away almost all the
cattle belonging to the inhabitants. But it is of importance, as being
the last Háusa place in this direction, the regions to the west
belonging exclusively to the Songhay and Fúlbe. A clay wall, which was
to afford some protection to the town, had just been begun but left half
finished. Numbers of corn-stacks inspired us with the hope that we might
be able here to supply ourselves with corn; but not a grain was to be
obtained. There was therefore no staying in this place, although our
heavily laden camels were rather fatigued after the forced march through
the wilderness.
[Sidenote: Thursday, June 16th.]
At a tolerably early hour we were again on the march through the fields,
where the fresh crops were just shooting up; but a little further on
they had attained already to a greater height, and were just being
cleared of weeds. Cattle also were not entirely wanting, and gave
sufficient proof that, under a strong government, there were elements
enough for the welfare of the people. The ground here is broken by
several cavities or hollows, where ponds are formed, which of course
vary in size according to the season. Some of them, although of
considerable circumference, contained salt water of a blackish colour.
Thus, having passed a fresh swampy depression, where dúm and deléb palms
also were not unfrequent, we reached, after a march of about seven
miles, a farming village called Lanadéji, where the peculiar structure
of the corn-stacks attracted my attention; but, although built of clay,
they are not pretty, and neither similar to the nobler style of those
which we have found in the Músgu country, nor to those which we are to
meet with further on, in the country of Másina. The whole cultivation
consists here of Negro millet, to the exclusion of rice and sorghum.
Last year’s crop had here also been very scanty; and we endeavoured in
vain to procure a supply. We had then to cross the bottom of the valley
or ráfi, which at present exhibited only separate sheets of water, while
on my return journey the following year, later in the season, it was
almost entirely inundated. But at a short distance beyond the hamlet,
even at present, we crossed with some difficulty an extensive swamp
covered with rank grass.
We took up our quarters, after a march of about nine miles, in an open
village situated on a rising ground, and overhanging a large sheet of
water which is overgrown with reeds; it is called Songho-sáre, meaning
probably “the town of the Songhay,” but nevertheless a very remarkable
name, as “sáre” is not a Songhay, but a Mandingo word. Besides Songhay
and Fúlbe, it was inhabited by serfs belonging to the people of Támkala;
and, being a farming village, it was full of corn-stacks. All the huts
in these Songhay villages consist merely of reeds; and while they are
less solid than the dwellings of Kebbi, which throughout are built with
clay walls, they are better ventilated and have a less offensive smell.
There was here a jovial old Púllo farmer, with a cheerful countenance
and pleasing manners, of the name of Mámmaga, who behaved very
hospitably towards me, and, besides milk and corn, even made me a
present of a sheep.
[Sidenote: Friday, June 17th.]
There had been a thunder-storm in the night; but it was not accompanied
with much rain, and the sky, not having been lightened by a discharge,
was thickly overcast when we set out. An extensive tract of country
consisting of sandy soil was here under cultivation, while the trees at
first were very scanty; but gradually the country became more wooded,
while considerable herds of cattle gave life to the landscape. After we
had passed another pond of water, we halted for a few minutes to refresh
ourselves near a herd of cattle, which was the property of a clan of
Fúlbe, called Dánan-koye, the original inhabitants belonging to that
part of the Songhay nation which are called Germábe; and proceeding
through a more woody country with an undulating surface, we took up our
quarters, at a very early hour, in another farming-village, called
Tigóre: for my camels were in want of rest, and I was too weak myself to
resist the wishes of my servants. This village is exclusively inhabited
by independent farmers, although belonging to the native Songhay stock.
The architecture of the place was entirely different from that of
Songho-sáre (which is more of a slave-village), consisting of very large
courtyards, which evidently appeared intended for a rich supply of
cattle, although at the present moment no cattle were to be seen in the
neighbourhood; and the huts themselves, although consisting entirely of
reeds, were large and spacious. We had some difficulty in obtaining
quarters, as the mayor of the hamlet was by no means of a jovial or
hospitable disposition, besides that the Songhay in general are among
the most inhospitable people I ever met, and, in their present degraded
political situation, are of a rather sullen character. Moreover, the
inhabitants of this hamlet, just at that moment, were in a state of
great excitement, as they had received the news that Dáúdu, the young
rebellious chieftain of Zaberma, or Zerma, was about to attack Ábú ’l
Hassan, the governor of Támkala, with a strong force; and this ray of
hope, of once more making themselves independent of those foreign
intruders who had conquered their country, could not fail at once to
rouse the national spirit of these people, who had formerly offered a
long resistance to the Fúlbe, and to render them indisposed to honour a
stranger who was paying his court to those foreign rulers, and at
present was under the protection of the chief of Gando. This report was
the reason of my giving up my intended visit to the town of Támkala,
which lay a short distance out of our direct road to Say, towards the
north, where we expected to find a supply of corn.
[Sidenote: Saturday, June 18th.]
On leaving Tigóre, we passed by the well, which presented a busy scene,
numbers of women being engaged in drawing water. Although situated in a
depression, it was twelve fathoms in depth. Further on we passed another
well, which had even been surrounded by a strong fence, to prevent
strangers from using it; and in the village of Tihóre, which we reached
after a march of about eight miles, the well, although situated at the
foot of the hill, measured as much as twenty-five fathoms in depth.
Owing to the weak condition of my camels, I was induced by my people to
take up my quarters in this village; but I was heartily tired of these
short marches, for the hut where I was lodged was in very bad condition,
being extremely small and dirty, with no trees to afford a little shade
during the hot hours of the day. Provisions also were here very scanty;
and it was with great difficulty that I obtained a small supply of corn
for our horses. But I was so fortunate as to procure a little sour milk,
there being a tolerably large herd of cattle belonging to Fúlbe cattle-
breeders, who inhabit a sort of suburb at the north-western end of the
village. The whole neighbourhood was suffering from drought, as there
had been no rain for the last eight days; nor did a thunder-storm, which
in the afternoon gathered from the east, bring us a single drop.
[Sidenote: Sunday, June 19th.]
The district also, through which lay the first part of this day’s march,
was extremely parched and suffering from want of rain, and in
consequence of this drought, notwithstanding the advanced season, the
ground hereabout had not yet been brought under cultivation; but after a
march of a little more than three miles, through a country partly laid
out in fields, partly covered with underwood, we entered a district
which had been more favoured with rain, and where the labours of the
field had begun. The people here make use of a hoe with a long handle,
of a different shape from what I observed in other quarters.
Forest and cultivated ground then again succeeded each other
alternately; and having passed a farming-village of some extent called
Tanna, we took up our quarters about four miles beyond, in a village
called Tóndifú, but were obliged to use force to obtain a hut for our
use, as the head man of the village was too lazy, or too obstinate, to
leave his cool shed in the heat of the day: probably here also the news
of the proceedings of their countrymen in Zaberma kept the minds of the
people in a state of excitement. The hamlet, which is rather a miserable
one, has received its name from lying at the commencement of a rocky
district, which extends from here to the river, a hill or mound being
called “tóndi” in the Songhay language. We were now close to the Niger;
and I was justified in indulging in the hope that I might the next day
behold with my own eyes that great river of Western Africa, which has
caused such intense curiosity in Europe, and the upper part of the large
eastern branch of which I had myself discovered.
[Sidenote: Monday, June 20th.]
Elated with such feelings, I set out the next morning, at an early hour;
and after a march of a little less than two hours, through a rocky
wilderness covered with dense bushes, I obtained the first sight of the
river, and in less than an hour more, during which I was in constant
sight of this noble spectacle, I reached the place of embarkation,
opposite the town of Say.
[Illustration: Drawn by J. M. Bernatz, from a Sketch by Dr. Barth.
M. & N. Hanhart, lith. et impt.
THE ÍSA (NIGER) AT SAY.
June 20th. 1853.]
In a noble unbroken stream, though here, where it has become contracted,
only about 700 yards broad, hemmed in on this side by a rocky bank of
from twenty to thirty feet in elevation, the great river of Western
Africa (whose name, under whatever form it may appear, whether Dhiúlibá,
Máyo, Eghírrëu, Ísa, Kwára, or Báki-n-rúwa, means nothing but “the
river,” and which therefore may well continue to be called the Niger)
was gliding along, in a N.N.E. and S.S.W. direction, with a moderate
current of about three miles an hour. On the flatter shore opposite, a
large town was spreading out, the low rampart and huts of which were
picturesquely overtopped by numbers of slender dúm palms.
This is the river-town, or “ford,” the name Say meaning, in this eastern
dialect, “the river.” The Fúlbe call it Ghútil, which name may
originally have been applied to the ford at the island of Oitilli. The
banks at present were not high; but the river, as it rises, approaches
the very border of the rocky slope.
I had sent a messenger in advance, the preceding day, in order to have
some large boats ready for me to cross the river. But no boat having
arrived, I had plenty of leisure for contemplating the river scenery,
which is represented in the plate opposite. There were a good number of
passengers, Fúlbe and Songhay, with asses and pack-oxen, and there were
some smaller boats in readiness suitable to their wants; but at length
the boats, or rather canoes, which were to carry me and my effects
across, made their appearance. They were of good size, about forty feet
in length, and from four to five feet in width in the middle, consisting
of two trunks of trees hollowed out, and sewn together in the centre.
These boats are chiefly employed for conveying the corn from the town of
Sínder, which lies higher up the river, to the town of Say; and they had
been expressly sent for by the “king of the waters,” or the inspector of
the harbour, the “serkí-n-jirgí,” or “lámido-lála,” as he is called by
the Fúlbe, or “híyokoy,” according to his title in the Songhay language.
The largest of them was able to carry three of my camels; and the water
was kept out much better than I had ever yet found to be the case with
the native craft of the inhabitants of Negroland.
My camels, horses, people, and luggage having crossed over without an
accident, I myself followed, about one o’clock in the afternoon, filled
with delight when floating on the waters of this celebrated stream the
exploration of which had cost the sacrifice of so many noble lives. A
little nearer the western bank, a short distance below the spot where
the river is generally crossed, an isolated rock starts forth from the
river, rising at this season from twelve to fifteen feet above the
surface; and beyond there is a smaller one, which, as the river rises a
little higher, becomes covered by the water. The sight of the river was
the more momentous to me, as I was soon again to take leave of it; for
my former notion, that I should be able to reach Timbúktu only by way of
Libtáko, had been confirmed in Gando, and I only entertained a slight
hope that perhaps on a future occasion I might visit that part of the
river between Timbúktu and Say. From the very beginning I entertained
strong doubts whether I should be able to reach the western coast; and
it seemed to me more interesting to survey the course of the Niger
between the point where it has become tolerably well known by the
labours of Mungo Park and Réné Caillié and the lower portion explored by
the Landers, than to cross the whole extent of Central Africa.
Having presented myself at the governor’s house, I soon obtained
quarters; but they were not at all according to my fancy, being small
and narrow. The town, in its very low position, is not refreshed by a
single current of air, and altogether has a very oppressive atmosphere.
The huts in these Songhay places are made rather for women than for men,
the greater part of each hut being occupied by the female apartment or
the alkilla, and the bedstead or serír, made of the branches of trees,
being inclosed in a separate chamber of mats, and thus leaving only a
very small entrance, and obstructing the whole interior of the dwelling.
I have already had occasion, in describing the town of Ágades, to point
out the care which the Songhay people bestow upon their matrimonial
couches; and I was obliged first of all to take down one of these small
matting bed-rooms in order to obtain some little ventilation in my hut.
At length I had made myself somewhat comfortable, when the governor sent
two calabashes of rice in the husk, and two others of millet, but no
refreshment for the moment, though I stood very much in need of it,
having been exposed to the sun during the hottest part of the day. To
the master of the harbour, who had so opportunely supplied me with the
large boats, I made a present of 1000 shells. Very little rain had
fallen as yet in this neighbourhood; and a thunder-storm which broke out
in the afternoon did not reach us. Indeed the air in this low valley,
which is probably at a level of about 350 ft., was so oppressive, that I
felt at times almost suffocated, and unable to breathe.
The following morning I took a ride round the place and its
neighbourhood. The shape of the town is tolerably quadrangular, being
encompassed on three sides by a low rampart of earth, the side towards
the river being unprotected. It is of considerable size, each side
measuring about 1400 yards; but the town is only thinly inhabited, the
dwellings (all of which except the house of the governor, consist of
matting and reeds) lying scattered about like so many separate hamlets.
It is intersected from north to south by a wide shallow depression or
vale encompassed by dúm palms, which are almost the only trees either
inside or outside the town; and at the end of the rainy season it
becomes filled with water, causing great inconvenience to the business
of the town and the intercourse between the various quarters, and
greatly contributing to its unhealthiness. There can be no doubt that,
in seasons when the river reaches an unusual height, the whole town is
under water, the inhabitants being obliged to seek safety beyond the
borders of the valley.
There is a market held every day in the eastern part, not far from the
bank of the river. Poor as it is, it is of some importance in the
present state of the country: and hence the town has a great name as a
market-place among the inhabitants of Western Súdán, a great many of
whom here supply their want of native manufactures, especially of the
common clothing for males and females, as the art of weaving and dyeing
is greatly neglected in this quarter, cotton being cultivated only to a
very small extent. But the place was most miserably supplied with
provisions, there being no store of grain whatever. Everything necessary
was brought day by day from the town called Sínder—the same place which
I have mentioned as being situated about eighty miles higher up the
river. I was greatly surprised at not finding here even a vestige of the
cultivation of rice, although a large tract of ground on this low
island, which, towards the rainy season becomes partly inundated, is
particularly suited to that branch of cultivation. Not even onions are
grown in the place; but, fortunately, I had been informed of the
circumstance beforehand, and had provided myself with a large supply of
this useful article in Gando, where the onions are excellent.
Being detained in this place longer than I wished, and feeling a little
better, on the Thursday following I took a ride along the river to some
distance below, where it takes a westerly bend, and I was astonished at
the dry and barren aspect which this island bore, even here neither rice
crops nor vegetables, as might be expected along the banks of so noble a
river, being seen. The island, which during the highest level the river
attains becomes almost inundated, bore the aspect of a scorched treeless
prairie; and disappointed in my expectation of finding a cool shade, I
returned into the town, being cheerfully saluted by all the people whom
I met, the name of a módibo or learned man, which preceded me, gaining
me the favour of the inhabitants. While passing along the streets, I was
delighted to observe a certain degree of industry displayed in small
handicrafts and in the character of the interior of the households.
Everything was very dear, but particularly butter, which was scarcely to
be procured at all. All the currency of the market consists of shells;
but I found the most profitable merchandise to be the black cloth for
female apparel from Gando, which realized a profit of eighty per cent.,
while the Kanó manufactures did not find a ready sale. The black Núpe
tobe, of common manufacture, bought in Gando for 3300 shells, here
fetched 5000, while the black zenne, manufactured in Gando itself, and
bought there for 1050, sold here for 2000. Of course all depends, in
this respect, upon the momentary state of the intercourse of this
quarter with Háusa; and, at the present time almost all communication
with that manufacturing province being interrupted, it is easy to
explain how an article produced in Gando could realize such a per-
centage in a town at so short a distance from that place—a state of
things which cannot form the general rule. At any rate for the English,
or Europeans in general, Say is the most important place in all this
tract of the river, if they ever succeed in crossing the rapids which
obstruct the river above Rabba and especially between Búsa and Yaúri,
and reaching this fine open sheet of water, the great highroad of
Western Central Africa. The traffic of the natives along the river is
not inconsiderable, although even this branch of industry has naturally
suffered greatly from the rebellious state of the adjacent provinces,
more especially those of Zabérma and Déndina; so that, at present, boats
did not go further down the river than Kirotáshi, an important place
situated about fifteen miles lower down, on the western bank, while in
the opposite direction, up the river, there was constant intercourse as
far as Kindáji, with which place I made myself sufficiently acquainted
on my return journey.
About noon the second day of my stay here, I paid a visit to the
governor of the town. His name is Ábú Bakr, the son of the far-famed
mʿallem Mohammed Jébbo. I found him a tolerably cheerful person,
although he is wanting in that manliness of character which makes a
lasting impression, and he bore evident signs of having been born of a
female slave, while his manners appeared to me to possess something
approaching to a Jewish character. He, however, was delighted to see me,
as I was not only the first Christian who had ever visited this place,
which Mungo Park, on his ever-memorable journey, seems to have passed by
entirely unnoticed, but especially as I had come at a time when the
whole intercourse of the country had been interrupted, and Arabs as well
as natives were all afraid of visiting it. Having heard of the great
superiority of Europeans over the Arabs, both in point of intelligence
and industry, he entertained an earnest wish, if it could be
accomplished without detriment to the welfare of his province, that a
vessel or steamer belonging to them might come and fill his poor market
with luxuries; and it was with the utmost surprise that he learned that
I did not trade. But, on the other hand, this led the governor to think
that, in exposing myself to such great dangers, I could not but have a
very mysterious object in view; and he soon became alarmed, and asked
repeatedly why I did not proceed on my journey.
I had already been informed in Gando, that Ábú Bakr, two years
previously, had navigated the river with a small flotilla of boats,
upwards as far as Gágho or Gógó, the ancient capital of Songhay, and
collected tribute from the Fúlbe or Féllani settled near that place, but
that he had been prevented by the threatening attitude of the Tawárek
from penetrating any further. In consequence of this expedition on the
river, made in open boats which were continually filling with water, the
governor was suffering very severely from rheumatism, and was scarcely
able to move.
Having so many petty chiefs before me, and seeing that this officer did
not possess much power, I did not choose to give him a large present;
but on my return the following year, when I still had something left, I
made him a more considerable present of a bernús.
Having entered a new country, where a language was spoken (the Songhay)
with which neither I nor any of my servants was acquainted, and not
being able to give much time to its study, as I had to apply myself to
the Fulfúlde, the language of the conquering tribe, I was extremely
anxious to take into my service a native of the country, or to liberate
a Songhay slave; but I did not succeed at this time, and, in
consequence, felt not so much at home in my intercourse with the
inhabitants of the country through which I had next to pass, as I had
done formerly. For Gurma, although originally inhabited by quite a
distinct race, has been conquered and peopled by the Songhay to a great
extent.
[Footnote 60: Kálgo, at the northern foot of the mountain, lies south-
west from here, and the town of Gurma, at present destroyed, north-east
beyond the valley.]
[Footnote 61: For a statement of the few facts which have come to my
knowledge, with regard to the history of this kingdom, see Appendix.]
[Footnote 62: Dallul Fógha joins the Niger at Bírni-n-Dóle, one day and
a half from Gáya.]
[Footnote 63: For the other places of Déndina, see Appendix V. Here I
will only enumerate a few villages belonging to the districts which we
passed on our road from Zogírma, and lying just in the border district
of the Songhay and Háusa territories. Close to Júnju lie the following
places, or rather hamlets, at present greatly reduced: Karákará, ʿAbd el
ʿAzi, Jabóre, Bébé, Dámana, Gangánge. The following places are said to
lie along the dallul Fógha; but I am not able to indicate their
situation more distinctly: Rúma, Béngu, Baná Harukári, Nyánsamé, Kúduru,
Gergánga and Lúdu. There is no such town as “Bírni-n-Fógha,” Fógha being
only the name of the valley; but not far from Kallíul there is another
town called Báura. Most of the villages mentioned are inhabited by
pagans.]
[Illustration: DR. BARTH’S TRAVELS IN NORTH AND CENTRAL AFRICA Sheet No.
13.
MAP OF THE ROUTES between SAY AND TIMBÚKTU 24 June 1853-30 July 1854.
INCLUDING THE SURVEY OF THE NIGER.
Constructed and drawn by A. Petermann.
Engraved by E. Weller, _Duke Strt. Bloomsbury._
_London, Longman & Co._]
CHAP. LX.
THE HILLY COUNTRY OF GURMA.
[Sidenote: Friday, June 24th.]
I now left the Great River behind me, which formed the limit between
the tolerably known regions of Central Negroland and the totally
unexplored countries on the south-western side of its course; and
with intense interest my thoughts were concentrated on the new region
before me. However, this very day we had a sufficient specimen of
what awaited us on our march during the rainy season; for we had
scarcely left the low island behind us, on which the town of Say, this
hotbed of fever, is situated (with its dry prairie ground almost
destitute of verdure, and covered only with a few scattered specimens of
the _Asclepiadeæ_), and had ascended the steep rocky bank which borders
the west side of the narrow, shallow, and irregular western branch of
the river, which, being encompassed by granite boulders, was at present
dry, when a dark array of thunder-clouds came, as it were, marching upon
us from the south-east, and we had scarcely time to prepare for the
serious assault, when a terrible thunder-storm broke out, beginning with
a most fearful sand-wind, which enveloped the whole district in the
darkness of night, and made progress, for a moment, quite impossible.
After a while it was followed by a violent rain, which relieved the
sand-storm, but lasted for nearly three hours, filling our path with
water to the depth of several inches, and soaking us through to the
skin, so that our march could not fail to be very uncomfortable.
It was on this account that we took up our quarters about half an hour
before noon in a farming-hamlet called Sanchérgu, where the people were
busily employed in sowing; the plentiful rain of to-day, which was the
first of the season, having rendered the fields fit for cultivation.
After some search, we obtained two huts of round shape, which were
situated near a sheep-pen in front of the dwelling of the proprietor.
This was a cheerful and wealthy old man, who both lodged us comfortably,
and treated us hospitably. While my people were drying their clothes and
luggage, I roved about a little, and observed, at a short distance west
from the hamlet, a small rocky watercourse with pools of stagnant water,
where the women were washing their clothes, while the slaves were busy
in the labours of the field.
[Sidenote: Saturday, June 25th.]
Having rewarded our hospitable host, we started at an early hour to
pursue our march, in order to reach in time the residence of Galaijo, a
distinguished chief, of whom I had heard a great many flattering
reports. It was a fine morning after yesterday’s storm, and the country
through which our march lay was hilly, and at times presented very
pleasant vales, or glens, but in general it was destitute of trees, and
was only insufficiently inhabited and cultivated. The view which
presented itself to us of the country before us, when, after a march of
about three miles and a half, we reached the highest point, was that of
an extensive wilderness, the few cultivated spots being entirely hidden
in the midst of the forest. Red sandstone was apparently the chief
component of this hilly country, with occasionally a black tint,
received from exposure to the air, and rich in oxide of iron—in fact, of
the same geological feature as the border country between Kebbi and
Góber. Short herbage was springing up here and there, affording but
scanty food to the cattle that were grazing hereabouts.
A steep rocky declivity brought us from the higher level, which was
covered with small stones, into a deep valley. But we had soon to ascend
again, traversing a district which belonged to the village of Ndobúra
and bore some signs of cultivation; and a dell, which we passed a little
further on, was extremely picturesque. But the country hereabouts does
not in general seem to be very fertile, and, besides, the exceptional
drought of the present year had destroyed a large proportion of the
crops; and it was this very unproductiveness that had induced the chief
to leave his former place of residence, Shirgu, which lay a little more
to the east, and to found a new dwelling-place further west.
This place, which is called Champagóre, we reached at noon, but
preferred taking up our quarters on a hill opposite the town, to the
north, which was bounded on that side by a well-wooded dell, and
overlooked the whole neighbourhood. The town itself is inclosed by a
small hilly chain towards the south, at the foot of which are the wells,
seven fathoms in depth. It was to have been surrounded by a clay wall;
but, only provisionally, the four gates had been finished with clay,
while the rest of the town was still inclosed by a stockade. The
interior of the place looks very peculiar, and quite different from the
style usual in Kebbi, which is chiefly owing to the remarkable character
of the magazines of corn, which consist of towers or quadrangular
buildings, raised a few feet above the ground, in order to protect them
from the ants. They are from ten to fifteen feet in height, and about
six feet in diameter, the walls gradually sloping inwards towards the
top, as shown in the accompanying woodcut. They have no opening at the
bottom, but only a windowlike aperture near the top, through which the
corn is taken in and out; and on the whole they are not unlike the dove-
cots of Egypt. In every courtyard there were one or more of these
magazines; and they far surpassed, in their whole appearance, the
dwellings themselves, which, with a few exceptions, consisted of low
huts, the whole of the courtyards being only surrounded by a frail
fence, made of the stalks of the native corn, while, in many yards, one
half of the circumference of the huts themselves, of which there were
rarely more than two, formed part of the fence.
[Illustration]
I went in the afternoon to pay my compliments to the chief. The portal
of his residence has quite a stately appearance, as shown in the
accompanying woodcut, bearing evident testimony to an attempt at
architectural decoration; but the spacious courtyard inside, which was
inclosed by a low clay wall, full of rubbish and poor mean-looking huts,
did not correspond with the stately character of the entrance. However,
the dwelling itself, although simple, is not so mean, and, besides two
spacious clay halls, includes some very airy and cool corridors built
entirely of wood. Having been first received by Galaijo in one of the
clay halls, I was conducted afterwards to a more private audience in one
of these corridors; and here, while delivering my present[64], I had a
fair opportunity of surveying the exterior of this interesting man.
[Illustration]
Mohammed Galaijo, at the time of my visit, was a man of about seventy
years of age, of an extremely pleasant and almost European expression of
countenance, and of middle stature. He was dressed very simply, in a
light-blue tobe, with a white shawl wound round his face. Galaijo, son
of Hambodéjo, son of Páte, son of Hámed Yella, succeeded his
father—probably the very chief who treated Mungo Park so hospitably
during his stay in Másina—in the year of the Hejra, 1231. He was then
the most powerful chief of Másina, or Melle, which, since the overthrow
of the Songhay empire by Múlay Hámed el Dhéhebí the emperor of Morocco,
had been left to itself, and was consequently split into several petty
kingdoms, the three other powerful chiefs of that country being the Árdo
Másina, the Árdo Fíttogel, and Gél Hamma Mána. But just at the time when
Galaijo became ruler, the great religious movement of the Fúlbe of Góber
began, under the Reformer ʿOthmán, and, instigated by their example, and
fired with religious zeal, a chief went forth from them, in order to
spread Islám among that section of the Fúlbe which was established along
the upper course of the Niger. This man was Mohammed or Hámed Lebbo,
who, arriving in the country of Másina in the beginning of the year 1233
of the Hejra, at the head of a small band, formed first an alliance with
Galaijo, who himself had embraced Islám; and, thus closely allied, they
spread their conquests over the neighbouring country. But, after having
succeeded in establishing a strong power, Mohammed Lebbo demanded homage
and allegiance from his ally Galaijo, under the pretext of his having
brought the ensign, or túta, of Islám from Sifáwa, the place mentioned
on a former occasion, where the Reformer ʿOthmán dan Fódiye resided at
the time, together with his brother ʿAbd Alláhi. Upon this, Galaijo,
feeling little inclined to cede the dominion of the country over which
his claims had been established from ancient times, entered into a
violent struggle with the new comer; but after an unsuccessful
resistance, carried on for three years, he was obliged to give up his
former residence, Konári, and, with the rest of his partisans, to seek a
new home further eastward. Here he was received with open arms by the
ruler of Gando, who was not at all pleased with the independent bearing
of Lebbo and his son Áhmedu, by whom he was succeeded,—those people,
being borne away by a pure reformatory view of their religion, and
elated by their victory, going so far as to despatch a message to their
kinsmen in Sókoto and Gando, to the effect that, if they would not
reduce the number of their wives to two, and renounce their wide
effeminate dress, they would pay them a hostile visit; and it is on this
account that, even at the present time, there is no amicable relation
whatever subsisting between the courts of Sókoto and Gando, on the one
hand, and that of Hamda-Alláhi on the other.
The chief of Gando, therefore, granted Galaijo an extensive although not
very fertile district in his territories, where he has now been settled
for almost thirty years. Thus we find, in this region, a small court of
its own, and a whole community bearing no resemblance whatever to the
customs of the people around them, but having faithfully preserved the
manners and institutions of their native country, Másina; for, while all
the neighbouring Fúlbe are rather a slender race of men, with expressive
and sharply-cut features, who make it a rule to dress in white colours,
we find here quite the reverse—a set of sturdy men, with round open
countenances, and long black curly hair, all uniformly clad in light-
blue tobes, and almost all of them armed with muskets. I was utterly
surprised at the noble bearing of several of the courtiers, but
especially that of the vizier and the commander-in-chief or lámido
konno, both of whom reminded me of Europeans. The old chief, even at the
present time, keeps up a continual intercourse with Timbúktu, where his
eldest son was at the time studying, and which place he did not leave
until some time after my arrival. Indeed the town of Konári is still
said to belong to Galaijo.
Taking into consideration the peculiar character of this little colony,
and the benevolent disposition and venerable character of the chief in
particular, I thought it worth my while to enter into more intimate
relations with him, and in consequence, the following day, presented him
with a heláli bernús, which he admired very much, and was as grateful
for as his reduced fortune allowed him to be; for, besides giving me a
present of a heifer and a great number of fowls, he provided me also
with corn, of which there was a great dearth in the place. The market
was very small and insignificant, consisting merely of seven stalls, or
shops, where scarcely a single sheep or ox was to be seen. The bitter
species of ground-nuts, or gángala, and salt, formed almost the sole
articles for sale. Butter and sour milk were plentiful.
The whole of this country belongs to Gurma—a name which, however, does
not seem to owe its origin to the native inhabitants, but probably was
given to it by the Songhay, who, while still settled on the north side
of the river, applied this term to the region on the opposite or
southern side, identical with the name Ari-bínda. The country, at least
the northern portions of it, had gradually been conquered and colonised
by the Songhay, who, as we shall see on my home journey, have preserved
in this quarter a portion of their national strength and independence,
while in the recent rising of the Fúlbe the chief places along the high-
road had been occupied by the latter; but after the first impulse of the
religious movement had passed by, the settlements of this conquering
race had greatly decayed, so that the communication along this important
highroad from the west, at the period of my journey, was almost entirely
interrupted, nay, the native independent chief of Bójjo had totally
destroyed the considerable settlement of Martebógo which commanded the
road; for, from the very beginning the conquerors had only succeeded in
establishing themselves along the high-road, leaving the independence of
the chiefs in the interior almost undisturbed. The most powerful of
these native chiefs of Gurma are those of Belánga, Bótu, Bosúgu, Bójjo,
Machakwáli, Nándau, and Mayánga.[65] Of these the chief of Belánga seems
to be at present the most powerful, while next to him ranks that of
Bójjo; but in former times Bótu seems to have been the chief place in
the country, which is the reason why it is still called by the Háusa
people “fáda-n-Gurma,” “the palace or royal residence of Gurma.” The
name Gurma however, as I have said, seems not to be the indigenous name
either of the country or of the people, while the language of the
natives bears a certain affinity to that of the neighbouring tribes, the
Mósi or Móre, and Tombo.
However, the original inhabitants of Gurma are not the only enemies of
the Fúlbe, but, besides the former, there are also the Songhay, who have
emigrated into the country since the time of their predominance along
the Niger; and some of these communities are the most inveterate enemies
of the present conquerors, especially the inhabitants of Lárba, or
Láraba, a place which we had to pass on our further march. Besides the
latter place, the most important settlements of the Songhay in this
district are said to be the following:—Téra (the residence of Hamma-
Kása), Darghol, Garmúwa, Fámbita, close to the river; and not far from
it, to the west, Garú (probably identical with the neighbouring town of
Sínder of that name), Kasáni, Kókoro, and Fóni.[66] We shall come into
contact with some of these Songhay settlements on our return journey
along the Niger, and I shall then say more about them.
It was on account of the Lárba that I was induced to remain a day longer
at Champagóre than had been originally my intention, the chief begging
me most urgently to wait till some other people who were going to Yágha
might join me; and while staying here, we were so fortunate as to have a
tolerable shower of rain, which greatly refreshed this parched country
and again raised the hopes of the inhabitants. The whole depression
between the hill on which we were encamped and the town became filled
with water; and I was greatly delighted at the arrival of the proprietor
of the farm where we had established ourselves, an energetic weather-
beaten Púllo, who came to inspect the labours of the fields, and who was
not a little surprised at finding us quietly established in his homely
dwelling.
[Sidenote: Tuesday, June 28th.]
Our road lay through a hilly country, well wooded and intersected by a
number of small watercourses; and in some favoured localities a good
crop of corn was seen standing in the fields. Cattle also seemed not to
be wanting, which accounted for the circumstance of the residence of
Galaijo being so well provided with milk. We also met a great number of
women on their way to the market of Champagóre with their supplies of
sour milk. But besides the small dry watercourses just mentioned, we had
also to cross a very rapid torrent, which is called Górebi, and is said
to come from the direction of Kulféla, a very important market-place in
the interior of Mósi, and which caused us considerable delay. Before we
entered Champaláwel, also, where we took up our quarters half an hour
before noon, we had to cross a considerable sheet of water, three feet
and a half in depth and about thirty yards broad, about the relation of
which to the neighbouring watercourses I am not quite certain.
Champaláwel is the residence of the governor of the Tórobe; but it was
at that time in the utmost state of decay and almost deserted, the
slight remains of the ramparts being almost hidden in a dense forest;
for since the decease of Moʿazu (a celebrated chieftain mentioned also
in other accounts), who died about twenty years ago, the power of the
Fúlbe in this place has greatly declined. The present governor, a
younger brother of that energetic chieftain, himself tolerably advanced
in years, proved to be a very illiberal and unamiable man, and he would
not even assign me quarters on my arrival; so that I had the greatest
trouble in taking possession of a miserable little hut on my own
account, while good shelter was very essential, as a great quantity of
rain fell in the afternoon. However, all was changed when, towards
evening, a cousin of the present governor, of the name of ʿOthmán,
arrived, and I then received a present of two sheep. I also had the
great and unexpected pleasure of meeting here an Arab, of the name of
Mohammed el Wákhshi, a near relative of my friend Bú-Bakr el Wákhshi,
the Ghadámsi merchant whom I have mentioned repeatedly in the preceding
part of my narrative. This man was then on his return from Gonja, the
northern tributary province of Asanti,—the Gúro caravan having been
induced, by the state of the country, to abandon its direct road from
Yendi to Komba on the Niger, in favour of a northerly and very
circuitous road by way of Yágha.[67] But I was disappointed in the hope
of corresponding with Europe by means of this man. The letter which I
gave to him, and which I had already written in Say, never reached its
destination, for El Wákhshi succumbed to disease in crossing the
province of Núpe in the height of the rainy season, before reaching
Kanó.
[Sidenote: Wednesday, June 29th.]
On leaving this desolate residence of the chief of the Tórobe, reduced
to an entangled thicket, we passed the encampment, or zango, of the Gúro
caravan, which, as is generally the case, consisted of small round huts,
erected for the occasion with branches and rank grass. The caravan
consisted of about one hundred individuals, with a couple of hundred of
asses, which form the usual beasts of burden of these native travellers.
Scarcely a mile beyond the town we had again to cross a river which,
bordered by the richest vegetation, and by abundance of rank grass, runs
at this spot from S.E. to N.W., with a depth of about three feet, and at
times, when a great deal of rain has fallen, forming a far more
considerable volume of water.
The country which we then entered was hilly, tolerably well cultivated,
and thickly inhabited. It was adorned here and there with the baobab
tree, and a fine leafy tree called here “harúna.” But we made only a
short march, being induced, on account of the danger of the road before
us, to take up our quarters in a farming-village, situated in a very
rich tract of country, behind a flat-topped cone, at the distance of a
little more than four miles from Champaláwel. Notwithstanding the
fertility of the district, no corn was to be obtained here at present,
the last year’s harvest having failed entirely, so that the people were
obliged to supply their own wants at Bosebángo. This scarcity is
increased generally in districts where only one species of corn is
grown, all the produce here being reduced to millet; while where various
grains are raised, which ripen at different seasons, even in these
countries, dearth cannot prevail to such an extent and for so long a
time. All the inhabitants, including even the head man, belonged to the
native Gurma race. All the cattle-breeding is in the hands of the Fúlbe,
who regard “the cow as the most useful animal in creation,”—“negge
ngombúri déya fó náfa;” and, there being no such people in the
neighbourhood, no milk was to be obtained. The dwelling where I was
lodged, with its numerous compartments and courtyards, presented quite a
labyrinth of itself. Three servants of Galaijo, all armed with muskets,
had attached themselves to my troop; and I supplied each of them here
with ball cartridges, in case of any attack on the road.
[Sidenote: Thursday, June 30th.]
We had a long day’s march before us, through the unsafe wilderness which
separates the reduced dominion of the chief of the Tórobe from the
territory of Yágha. It was a fine morning, and tolerably clear. Corn-
fields now and then interrupted the dense growth of talha trees and
prickly underwood, while occasionally a baobab or a tamarind tree gave
greater variety to the scenery. About four miles and a half from our
starting-point we passed, on the right of the path, some peculiarly
constructed smelting-furnaces, about six feet high and a foot and a half
in diameter at the base. The proceeding is very simple and
unsophisticated. On the ironstone is placed a large quantity of wood-
ashes, till the metal begins to melt, and is then, by means of three
channels at the bottom of the furnace, received in a basin.
[Illustration]
Close behind these smelting-furnaces, which happened to be the first I
had seen in Negroland, though there are plenty of them in some
districts, we passed the site of a former encampment, or zango, of
native traders, or fatáki, in a spot clothed with the finest _Poa_, and
adorned with large wide-spreading trees. Ascending then a little, we
passed the village of Bangapélle on our left, situated at the eastern
foot of an eminence, and then kept along the northern base of the
latter, while on our right a dense forest spread out, broken by a rocky
ridge. The whole wilderness through which our way led was in general
very dry, and did not possess any fresh pasture-grounds, although about
two miles beyond Bangapélle we passed a considerable pond of water, with
numerous traces of the elephant; but gradually the country became more
rocky, granite prevailing. We encamped, at length, on the site of a
former hamlet, called Kófe, situated on a rising rocky ground, close to
a depression, with water, and clothed with fine pasture interspersed
with flowers, in whose sweet blossom numerous butterflies were
indulging. Here again the footprints of the elephant were extremely
numerous; but by far more interesting, and of much higher importance to
me, were the traces of the rhinoceros, an animal which at present seems
to be wanting entirely in the regions between the Niger on the west and
the Shárí towards the east. Our rest at this place was greatly
disturbed; for after an alarm in the evening, which, fortunately for us,
proved to be false, we were kept awake the whole night by a terrible
thunder-storm, which broke out with great violence, and rendered our
situation in the midst of a low swampy ground very uncomfortable indeed.
[Sidenote: Friday, July 1st.]
In consequence of the storm, we started rather late. Close behind our
encampment we had to cross a very swampy ground, which we might have
passed more easily the day before. We were therefore greatly cheered
when the boggy ground was succeeded by sandy soil, which became
intersected by several small watercourses, affording a channel to the
watery element; but after a march of about six miles, it was again
succeeded by a considerable pond, which we had to avoid by a long
circuitous road. Here, also, the ground was marked by numerous
footprints of the elephant, while monkey-bread or baobab trees were in
great abundance.
In the afternoon, the whole aspect of the country changed, the surface
becoming rugged, and broken by small rocky ridges; and here the danger
increased, on account of the vicinity of the town of Lárba, the
inhabitants of which, as I have mentioned before, are the inveterate
enemies of the Fúlbe. Only a few days before, they had robbed and
murdered some people of the governor of the Tórobe. But well-armed as we
were, all the people round about being aware that an attack upon us
would not be an easy affair, we proceeded without any accident; and
having twice made a considerable descent, we reached, a little after
three o’clock, the village of Bosebángo, which is surrounded by a strong
stockade. It is inhabited by the Karábe, who, although kinsmen of the
inhabitants of Lárba, fear and respect in some degree the authority of
the Fúlbe: however, we soon convinced ourselves that the character of
their allegiance is very precarious. The mayor of the village, being a
man of advanced age, dressed in a ragged shirt, lodged me in his own
quarters, which seemed to contain a very remarkable household, the most
interesting objects being his two wives, very stout females, richly
ornamented with copper rings on their arms and legs, and with strings of
beads round their necks, but having, besides, another ornament, at which
I was more surprised, viz. a thin plate of tin in the under lip, like
that worn by the Marghí; but I was astonished at not finding the nose-
ring, which, from what I had heard, I had concluded that all the Songhay
were in the habit of wearing. Altogether, these fashionably dressed
women, with their dirty old partner, would have formed a highly
interesting subject for illustrating the customs of these people.
Having rested awhile, for I felt greatly exhausted after my sickly state
in Say, I roved a little about the place (which lies at the foot of a
well-wooded eminence), and collected several specimens of minerals,
which, in the course of my journey, were thrown away by my people.
Gneiss and mica slate were predominant, and beautiful varieties of
granite occasionally appeared.
Having observed from this point that the river Sírba runs only at a
short distance from the place, we endeavoured in the evening to arrange
with the inhabitants to assist us in crossing this sheet of water, where
there are no boats. While speaking with the natives about this river, I
was surprised to hear from them that they consider the water
unwholesome, and more particularly so for horses, while even the herbage
which grows close to the border is regarded as extremely deleterious to
the cattle; but the people themselves supply their own wants entirely
from the river. They do not carry the water in single pitchers on their
heads, which is the general custom in Negroland, but use a simple pair
of yokes, from which a couple of nets are suspended, in each of which a
pitcher is carried, in much the same way as in Germany.
The chief treated my party very hospitably. While in the neighbourhood
of Bangapélle there seemed to be great scarcity of corn, here it
appeared to be in abundance. We spent our evening comfortably, although
it was necessary to take great care of the horses, as a number of horse-
stealers were hovering about the place.
[Sidenote: Saturday, July 2nd.]
A few hundred yards beyond the village we came to the river Sírba, which
here forms a bend from N.W. to N.E., between banks about twenty feet
high, and caused us not a little anxiety, as it was nearly seventy yards
wide, and not less than twelve feet in depth in the middle. We had,
moreover, to cross it merely on bundles of reeds, which we had to tie
together ourselves. At length, after much controversy, we succeeded in
arranging with the natives, for 2000 shells, to assist us in crossing.
While the large bundles which were to constitute our frail ferry were
being tied together, the head man of the village and a great number of
the natives were sitting on the high banks of the river, which form a
sort of amphitheatre, in order to enjoy the spectacle. There was
something very peculiar about the inhabitants of this place. The men
were formed into interesting groups, with features full of expression,
but approaching somewhat to effeminacy, their hair being plaited in long
tresses, which hung down over their cheeks, and in some cases reached
their shoulders. Their dress consisted of short blue shirts, and long
wide trowsers of the same colour. Almost all of them had small pipes in
their mouths, which they smoked incessantly. The women were of rather
short stature, and of not very symmetrical forms, with naked legs and
breasts. Their necks and ears were richly ornamented with strings of
beads; but they also were destitute of the nose-ring, which I had
supposed common to this tribe.
The men were expert swimmers, and carried the small articles across the
river in large calabashes; but we ourselves and the heavier luggage had
to cross on the rafts of reeds, and in about two hours we succeeded in
getting safely over the water with our whole troop. A little after
twelve o’clock we left the opposite bank, being joined by two horsemen
of the Sýllebáwa, who at no great distance from this spot have a large
settlement called Dútuwel; but we had great difficulty in making our way
through the swampy plain, intersected by several small watercourses,
which descended in deep ravines from a small rocky chain towards the
north. After a march of about eight miles, we pitched our tents a little
beyond the site of a former encampment of the native traders, where the
ground was tolerably free from trees; and I enjoyed our resting-place
extremely, for, having been exposed to the sun during the heat of the
day, I felt greatly fatigued.
[Sidenote: Sunday, July 3rd.]
We continued our march through the forest, which here had a very fresh
appearance, and soon passed a cone on our right, on the offshoots of
which, as would appear from the quantities of stones scattered about, a
hamlet appears to have been situated in former times. Besides gneiss,
large pieces of a fine species of marble were lying about in every
direction. Rank grass, now and then adorned with blue _Cruciferæ_,
filled up the intervals between the dense growth of trees (but there
were none of large size, and less of the bush called “tsáda” than I had
seen the previous day), besides a few isolated monkey-bread trees. I
observed, also, that the people were here digging up the same root which
I had noticed on my journey to Ádamáwa. The footprints of the elephant
and the buffalo were very numerous; and a little further on we fell in
with a large herd of the latter species indulging in the luxuriant
herbage of the pasture-grounds, which here grows without any use to man.
Having then gone round a considerable pond of water in the midst of the
forest, we entered upon more undulating ground adorned with larger
trees, where, besides the monkey-bread tree, the dorówa was predominant;
and a little beyond an eminence, at the foot of which the village of
Bundóre had been situated in former times, we reached the modern village
of that name, which is surrounded with a stockade. A dyeing-place,
containing from eight to ten pits, besides a large basin for making up
the mixture, presented some signs of industry and civilisation; at a
short distance from our quarters, also, a blacksmith was living. This
village belongs to the territory of Yágha, and the huts presented a
peculiar style of architecture, being built almost entirely of stalks
and matting. The latter, which constitutes the walls, is plastered with
clay, and reaches an altitude of nine feet. The roof is not formed of
slender boughs and branches, but of large poles.
Not being able to obtain any corn that evening, I was obliged to stay
here the following day. No millet is cultivated in this place, all the
corn consisting of sorghum. The people would not take anything but
shells, and refused cotton strips. Sixty of the former bought a full
measure of a common drinking-bowl, or “gerra,” of corn; and for 1500
shells we procured a lean sheep.
[Sidenote: Tuesday, July 5th.]
The country which we traversed on leaving Bundóre, was well adorned with
trees, especially the tamarind, and bore evident signs of extensive
cultivation, even indigo and cotton being observed by the side of a
pond; but the forest soon became so dense, that our progress was very
difficult, and the ʿamúda, a _Liliacea_ which I have mentioned before,
was so plentiful in some places, that it formed, as it were, a rich
carpet, exhibiting quite an unwonted and cheerful aspect, for in general
this quarter of Africa is rather poor in flowers. We had just passed a
very dense jungle of tall reed-grass interspersed with blue and yellow
flowers, when a thunder-storm which had hovered over us all the morning
broke out, and soon changed the whole forest into one mighty sheet of
water, when we had to cross three powerful torrents, all running towards
the south-east, and probably discharging themselves into the Sirba.
Completely drenched, and almost swamped by the water, we reached the
village of Denga, but had the greatest difficulty in entering it, on
account of the dense forest with which it was surrounded. At length we
succeeded in penetrating this mass of thorny bushes, and, having
obtained quarters, were able to dry our clothes; but the damp was
excessive, and the second-best of my servants, the young Shúwa lad ʿAbd
Alláhi, was this very day attacked by the Guinea worm, which laid him up
during the whole of the remainder of my journey, and at times rendered
him the most disagreeable person in the world.
The hut which was assigned to myself was well built; but it was so
completely obstructed by numbers of corn jars of clay, that scarcely any
room was left for my own use. Our diet, however, was not so bad, and
besides sour milk, which constitutes one of the most wholesome articles
of food for a European traveller in these regions during the rainy
season, we obtained also a couple of fowls.
[Sidenote: Wednesday, July 6th.]
Our road, on leaving Denga, led through underwood, which was gradually
succeeded by dense forest, the view being bounded towards the right by
heights. Among the trees of the forest, there was soon conspicuous that
large beautiful tree, a species of acacia, which the inhabitants of
Sháwi and Mákari call korgam, and from which they build most of their
boats, while a kind of vegetable butter is made from its core. It grew
here to an altitude of certainly not less than eighty feet, with a wide-
spreading crown, but not very dense foliage. It is here called “mur,” at
least by the Arabs; its native Songhay name I did not learn till some
time subsequently.
Amongst the underwood, the most distinguished was the bush here called
“kírche,” with its small, white, edible fruit, which is extremely
pleasant when taken in small quantities, but, from its very sweet taste,
soon becomes unpalatable; there was, besides, the “mekhét,” as it is
called by the Arabs, the fruit of which is much liked by the natives,
but it was not yet ripe. The wilderness was interrupted by a village of
considerable size, called Gongúngo, surrounded by a living fence of
bushes, and exhibiting a good deal of cultivation, principally _Zea
Maïs_, while a single dúm palm attracted our attention. Here the sun
broke through the clouds, spreading life over, and enhancing the
cheerful aspect of, the landscape.
Forest again succeeded, intersected by a small rivulet which had
inundated the district to some extent; and about two miles beyond
Gongúngo we had to cross swampy meadow grounds, where my Háusa Púllo, a
native of Zabérma, whom I had taken into my service in Champagóre,
called my attention to a plant named here “yángara-bubíki,” which is
said to keep flies from open wounds, especially from those of the camel;
it probably contains a sort of slight poison. Having crossed a short
tract of rugged ground, where granite, gneiss, and sandstone protruded
through the surface, we entered a more populous district, with several
villages right and left, but presenting great difficulties to the
passage of the camels, as it consisted of red clay, soaked with water,
which formed several large ponds, and, being recently traversed by a
numerous herd of cattle, was extremely muddy.
Thus leaving two villages on one side, we reached, a little before noon,
the clay wall of the town of Sebba, which, though the residence of the
lord of Yágha, has nothing in its appearance to indicate the capital of
even a small province. The governor was sitting in front of his house,
close to the mosque, in the midst of a large congregation of people, and
was reading and interpreting to them some passages from the Kurán.
Having sent two of my servants in advance, I soon obtained quarters, and
was lodged in an excellent hut, which I shall here describe.
The hut measured about twenty feet in diameter, the walls being ten feet
high to the beginning of the roof, but consisting merely of matting,
which was coated with clay. The roof was supported by a pole in the
middle. The hut was full of larger or smaller vessels of clay, and was
apparently intended for a considerable household. The woodcut below will
give a full idea of the comfort which an African household in this
region possesses.
[Illustration:
1. Jodórde, a clay seat of semicircular shape, raised about a foot, on
each side of the door.
2. Lýggere, two round shallow holes in the floor, measuring about
eight inches in diameter, to place the dishes during dinner, in order
to prevent them from being upset.
3. Kosóndi, a half-oval-shaped place, surrounded by a slight clay
rampart, about two and a half feet high, for containing luggage, &c.
4. Hurgal, a sort of clay bank, about six feet in length, and about a
foot in height, and rather narrow.
5. Three “benbel,” or large-sized clay jars, for containing corn.
6. Six smaller “benbel,” called “mabbirgel benbel.”
7. Hobinírde, the cooking-place, consisting of four stones, or rather
clay mounds, protected against any gust of wind by a slight wall
towards the side of the door, while its privacy is already
sufficiently guaranteed by the large clay jars.
8. Two movable seats, or jodórde, one of round, the other of an oblong
shape, both made of wood.
9. Kekimákka, or middle pole, for supporting the roof of the hut.]
Besides the immovable articles, if we exclude the two smaller seats of
wood which were movable, only very few utensils had been left in the hut
by the industrious landlady, the couch and even the dishes having been
taken away. But suspended from the roof was the “pílgure,” or basket for
smaller luggage, which contained at the time, besides the komcha, the
pittórke, or small stick for weaving, and the fabáru, a small leather
portfolio for writing. The accompanying view, though it exhibits the hut
rather in an inverted manner, will give the reader a fair idea of its
character.
[Illustration]
The clay being excellently polished, and the hut of recent construction,
left a very pleasant impression; but, as is so often the case in human
life, all this finery covered nothing but misery, and I discovered the
next day, to my utter amazement, that this beautiful hut was one entire
nest of ants, which had in one day made great havoc with the whole of my
luggage.
In the afternoon I went to pay my respects to the governor, who is not
without power, so that I thought it better to sacrifice to him a bernús
of inferior quality, besides some smaller articles. He was a fine-grown
man, with large features, which at once indicated his origin from the
black stock of the Fúlbe or the Tórobe. Sitting at the door of his
palace, he received me kindly, and promised me that I should have no
difficulty in my further progress. Considering the scarcity of
provisions, he treated me hospitably on the whole, sending me the next
day a young heifer, besides a great many dishes of prepared food.
The name of the principality is Yágha[68], dating from the time which
preceded the conquest of the Fúlbe; but the governor’s private name is
Sájo ben Ibrahíma.
Notwithstanding the power of the ruler, the place is in a miserable
condition, and resembles rather a wilderness than a town; but it is
extremely picturesque, having a thick covert of beautiful trees
nourished by a large sheet of water. The place contains scarcely 200
huts, and nothing like a market is to be found. The difficulty of our
obtaining supplies was the greater, as, contrary to our expectation and
the information we had received, nothing but shells had currency in the
place; and it was with a great deal of trouble that, by means of the
cotton strips with which we had provided ourselves, we obtained a small
supply of butter and corn, four drʿa being reckoned here the same as in
Gando, while in the town of Say there was thirty per cent profit upon
the cotton strips. The most abundant article I found here was milk,
which was the best I had ever yet tasted in Negroland; and it gave me a
fair but rather exaggerated idea of what I might expect to find amongst
the Fúlbe further west. We also bought a small quantity of corn from the
women, in exchange for some looking-glasses and cloves. All the corn
here consists of sorghum; and seventy shells, at the time, would just
buy sufficient corn for a horse for one day, which is a very high price
indeed for Negroland.
Notwithstanding the poor character of the place, I was obliged to stay
here two whole days, exclusive of the day of my arrival, in order to
give the camels some rest, as they were suffering greatly from the
effects of the rainy season, and on account of the holiday of the
“fotr,” which fell on the 8th. If I had known the character of the
province of Libtáko better, I should have deemed it prudent to make even
a longer stay here: and I would advise any future traveller to do so,
taking care, however, to have a sufficient supply of shells with him,
which will enable him to make himself quite comfortable in Yágha.
Music having announced the arrival of the important and joyful day, soon
after midnight, almost the whole of the men went out in the morning in
order to say their prayers at about a mile’s distance from the town. All
the Fúlbe were dressed in snow-white shirts, as a symbol of the purity
of their creed; but some of them wore dark-blue trousers. There were
about forty horses with the party, which probably was all that the
townspeople could muster.
Having had to sustain here a slight religious attack from the kádhi, who
wanted to represent me as a sorcerer, I thought it prudent to make a
small present to each of the holiday people, as a kind of séddega, or
alms. The holiday also disturbed me in compiling a small vocabulary of
the Gurma language, called by the Fúlbe Gurman-kóbe, which I had begun,
but was obliged to leave unfinished.
[Footnote 64: The present consisted of a red cap, half a piece of
muslin, and some smaller articles.]
[Footnote 65: For a list of the other places in Gurma, and some
itineraries establishing their position, as well as the more important
places in Mósi, see Appendix V.]
[Footnote 66: As smaller places of the Songhay in this district, the
following were mentioned to me: Fonekówa, Díbbilo, Léde, Dúmba, and
Bási.]
[Footnote 67: The principal stations of this interesting route, at a
very slow rate, are the following, starting from Yendi:—
1 day. Kaña, still on the great high-road to Komba.
5 days. Natóngo, a village inhabited by Dagómba.
5 „ Wólawóla, a large place inhabited partly by pagans, partly by
Mohammedans, and dependent on Yendi.
10 „ Béri, a large place belonging to Mósi.
3 „ Another Mósi place, the residence of a powerful officer of the chief
of Wóghodoghó, to whom these native travellers give the title of Yeríma.
1 day. Sálugu, a market-place, residence of a governor.
1 „ Belússa, a large place of Mósi, to be mentioned also in other
itineraries.
7 days. Libtúgu, a small Gurma village.
1 day. Yágha.]
[Footnote 68: The places belonging to the province of Yágha are the
following: Denga, Gongúngo, Gesángu, Sínsirga, Nótu, Dóri (surnamed
Dembíni, in order to distinguish it from Dóri or Dóre in Libtáko),
Sebba, Namantúgu, Kankanfógu, Hóga, Humóre, Kábo.]
CHAP. LXI.
PROVINCE OF LIBTÁKO. — SOUTH-EASTERN LIMIT OF THE RANGE OF THE COMMERCE
OF TIMBÚKTU.
[Sidenote: Saturday, July 9th.]
We left Sebba the capital of the wilderness—bírni-n-dáji, as I called
it,—passing through a district where forest and cultivated ground
alternated. The slaves were busy in the fields rooting up the weeds
from among the crops; but, after a march of about four miles, we had
to cross a very considerable water, which is here called Yáli, and
about whose course I am not able to give distinct information. It is
said to come from Mósi, and to join the river Sirba not far from
Bosebángo; but the latter statement is incredible. The water being not
less than four feet and a half in depth, with a breadth of at least
four hundred yards, most of our luggage became wetted.
The country then assumed a more rocky appearance—mica slate, granite,
and gneiss alternating, the granite sometimes appearing in large
boulders. The vegetation also assumed here a more varied aspect, besides
tamarind trees, mádachi and kadé predominating; and altogether the
forest exhibited a fresh and pleasant character, especially as the sun
had at length broken through the clouds which had obscured its rays
during the first part of the day. After a march altogether of about
eleven miles, we reached the village of Namantúgu, which still belongs
to the province of Yágha, the mayor of which we had met a short time
before, on the road, as he was going to look after his cattle.
The village is of some importance, and consists of several groups which
cover an extensive tract of ground, lying straggling about in the
fields; but the huts themselves are very narrow, and the one which was
assigned to myself was so small that there was scarcely room to breathe.
Nothing is more unhealthy for a European than these abodes of stench and
filth; but during the rainy season he is often obliged to seek shelter
in these dirty dwellings, especially if he has valuable property in his
possession.
Namantúgu, which seems to have been of considerable importance in the
history of the Songhay empire[69], was a rather eventful place for my
whole subsequent proceedings, as I here met an Arab from the west, in
whose company I was safely to enter the town of Timbúktu. He called
himself Sheikho, though this was not originally his proper name; and, in
order not to cause any mistake, I will in future call him (from his
father and the name of his birthplace) Weled Ámmer Waláti. He was
certainly a very remarkable fellow; and I shall have frequent occasion,
in the further course of my journey, to advert to his doings. Being
originally a native of Waláta, he had emigrated to Timbúktu, whence he
had roved about a great deal among the Tawárek as well as among the
Fúlbe, and was at present on his way from Belánga, the residence of one
of the principal chiefs of Gurma. He had a good quantity of the broad
gábagá, or cotton strips, of Mósi with him, which form the staple
currency in the whole tract of country from Libtáko to Timbúktu, ten
drʿa being reckoned equal to one hundred shells. Besides Arabic, he
spoke Fulfúlde, Songhay, Mósi, and Bámbara fluently, and Temáshight, or
the language of the Tawárek, almost as well, and altogether was one of
the cleverest men whom I met on my journey, in spite of the trouble he
caused me and the tricks he played me. He was a handsome man, of middle
size and of rather slender growth, and with very fine expressive
features. His dress consisted of a long black gown, with a black shawl
wound round his head; and his whole appearance, as he was moving along
at a solemn thoughtful pace, frequently reminded me of the servants of
the Inquisition. However, his real character at the time of our first
meeting was, of course, unknown to me, and I was delighted at having
found such a man, as he held out to me the fairest prospects of reaching
Timbúktu. But although I convinced myself that this man would be of
great service to me, yet I did not make a bargain with him immediately,
but we agreed that I should arrange with him in Dóre, when he would be
able to settle his own business.
The village of Namantúgu is almost exclusively inhabited by Fúlbe, all
of whom were clad in the purest white, even the little children wearing
round their heads a large turban of white cotton strips; but this was,
perhaps, in consequence of their festival having been held the previous
day. A great deal of rain had fallen hereabouts; and cotton appeared to
be cultivated to a considerable extent.
[Sidenote: Sunday, July 10th.]
Our road, on leaving Namantúgu, led through a deep clayey soil covered
with rank vegetation, which was only now and then interrupted by a
little cultivation. A wealthy family of Fúlbe, father, mother, son, and
daughter, all mounted on horseback, and accompanied by servants and by a
numerous herd of cattle, were pursuing the same path; and their company
was rather agreeable to us, as, after a march of about five miles, we
had to cross a large sheet of water in the midst of the forest, through
which they showed us the way. It is delightful for a traveller to meet
with these nomadic settlers, after the disgust he has felt at the
degraded character of their countrymen in Wurno. We had here entered a
region full of water, the soil presenting very little inclination to
afford it the means of flowing off. Further on also, where we passed the
site of a former dwelling-place, we had to cross several channels of
running water, and encamped at length, after a march of about seventeen
miles, in the midst of the forest, close beyond another watercourse; for
we were not aware that about two miles further on there was a far more
favourable place for encamping, viz. the site of the former town of
Tumpénga.
The site of this place we passed early the next morning. Before the time
of the rising of the Jihádi, the town had been inhabited by Fúlbe and
pagans indiscriminately, when, owing to the religious ferment caused by
that reformer, a bloody feud broke out between the Mohammedan and pagan
inhabitants. The latter were vanquished, and fled to Nába, the powerful
Gurma domain at some distance towards the south, while the former
founded the town of Dóre. Two dyeing-places bore testimony to the fact
that a certain degree of industry had formerly prevailed in this place,
which, like so many other human abodes in Christian and Mohammedan
countries, has been reduced to desolation in consequence of religious
disputes.
Beyond this place granite protruded in large boulders, while monkey-
bread trees were in great abundance; but gradually the country became
more open, the trees being scanty and the soil hard and barren. This did
not, however, last long, and further on we had to cross a considerable
sheet of water surrounded by fine pasture-grounds; then followed another
very barren and open tract, till, after a march of almost twenty miles,
we reached the village of Kória, situated beyond a broad sandy
watercourse at present dry. The scarcity of herbage was here so great
that I was obliged to send two of my people back to a considerable
distance in order to procure a little grass for the horses. The head man
of the village received us very inhospitably, refusing us quarters in
such a peremptory manner, that it was only by force I could procure an
open yard where to pitch my tent. However, he soon changed his behaviour
entirely. It so happened that a thunder-storm, with the blackest clouds,
which in the opinion of every one portended a heavy fall of rain, twice
passed over our heads without bringing these famished people a single
drop; whereupon all of them assured the inhospitable mayor that it was a
divine punishment for his niggardly and unrighteous conduct towards me.
Frightened, therefore, by such signs, he carried his hospitality so far
as even to make me a present of a young heifer. But the first advances
towards a friendly intercourse were made by an old woman, the mistress
of the piece of ground where we had encamped,—she bringing me, as a
token of goodwill, a dish of well-cooked paste, which probably
constituted her whole supper.
Considering the parched character of the whole neighbourhood, I was
surprised to find a few dúm palms at the border of the channel, while
the whole neighbourhood was almost destitute of trees.
[Sidenote: Tuesday, July 12th.]
A short march of a little less than six miles, in company with the son
of the old governor, brought us from here to Dóre. The country through
which we passed bore at the time the character of extreme drought and
barrenness; and numerous flocks of gazelles (quite an unusual aspect to
me in the populous districts of Negroland through which I had passed)
were roving about over this immense plain, which was scarcely broken by
a single tree, with the exception of a few stunted monkey-bread trees.
In the distance, towards the south, two small eminences bounded the
horizon.
The remnant of a large herd of cattle, in a most emaciated condition,
was scattered in the barren fields, licking the soil, which is here full
of natron. The seed had already been sown, but the crops had scarcely
started forth from the ground, and were languishing for want of rain.
Huts were occasionally seen for the first mile or two, but being exposed
to the full force of the sun, without affording the least shade, they
presented rather a dismal aspect. But this immense plain, which at the
present season was only very slightly broken, about halfway, by a
shallow strip of green bordered by projecting granite boulders, supplies
abundant food for a fine breed of horses, for which Libtáko is
remarkable.
Dóre is the chief place of the province of Libtáko; but its appearance
caused us the utmost disappointment, presenting, as it did, unmistakable
signs of misery and decay, the wall by which it had been formerly
surrounded being nothing but a disgusting heap of rubbish, while the
whole place exhibited the utmost neglect. But, through the kind
interference of a messenger of Galaijo, who was most opportunely here at
the time, I was lodged in an excellent and spacious hut, measuring
probably not less than thirty-five feet in diameter, and presenting a
remarkable contrast to the little dirty nook which formed my quarters in
Namantúgu. The place is said to abound in thieves, which is not
astonishing, as it is not only the rendezvous for all the natives from
the different tribes which dwell in the immediate neighbourhood, but
even several Bórnu people have settled here since the inroad of Wádáy.
Dóre is principally a great place of resort for the Arabs of Ázawád, the
district to the north of Timbúktu, who bring to this market the salt of
Taödénni in great quantities, and occasionally even reside here for a
long time; but they generally come direct from Ázawád without touching
at Timbúktu, proceeding by way of Gágho (the ancient capital of the
Songhay empire, and once the great gold-market of the western part of
Negroland), or, still more direct, by Tósaye, the point where the river
greatly contracts, before it changes from an easterly to a south-
easterly course. Some of them are very wealthy people,—one individual
having as many as forty camels with him. Among other important
information, I received from them the news that Hámed Weled Habíb, the
sheikh of Árawán, who, from the account of Caillié[70], is generally
regarded in Europe as the chief murderer of Major Laing, had died a
short time before, after a reign of nearly forty years; and I regarded
this piece of news as a very auspicious omen for the success of my
undertaking.
These Arabs left on the 17th,—a circumstance not quite indifferent to
me, as I was led to expect that they might carry the news of my arrival,
not only into the heart of the desert, but also to Timbúktu, and thus
augment the difficulties of my journey. There were, however, also a good
many individuals who wanted to pass themselves off for Arabs without
having any claim to such a descent. Besides the Arabs, the Wángaráwa, or
Eastern Mandingoes, especially from Miniána and Wássulo, the inhabitants
of Mósi, and the people of Gʿaó, Gágho, or Gógó, frequent this market-
place in considerable numbers; and it is principally the Wángaráwa who
impart to this town its importance, supplying it with a small quantity
of white Kóla nuts, for which the consumption here seems not to be very
great, besides wodʿa (shells), or “chéde,” as the Fúlbe call them, which
are evidently imported from the coast of Sierra Leone, or, more
probably, from the river Nuñez[71], but they were entirely wanting at
the time. The people of Mósi bring chiefly their fine donkeys, which are
greatly sought after; and a numerous body of people of the sheikh
Áhmedu, of Hamda-Alláhi, had left a few days before with a number of
asses which they had bought here. Besides asses, the people of Mósi
supply this market with gábagá, or “tári,” as the Arabs near Timbúktu
call them, cotton being extremely cheap in their country, so that in the
great market-places of that country, especially in Kulféla, an indigo-
coloured shirt is not worth more than from 700 to 800 shells.
The inhabitants of the ancient capital of the Songhay empire, and the
people thereabouts, on the banks of the Niger, bring chiefly butter and
corn to market; and it was highly interesting to me to be here brought
into direct communication with that place, which, although once the most
celebrated and renowned in all Negroland, yet has become so completely
obliterated, that its geographical position has given rise to the most
contrary opinions among the learned geographers of our age.
Shells formed the currency of the market, and these it was very
difficult to obtain. In order to supply my wants I was obliged to sell
my túrkedís for 2500 to 3000 shells each, while in the town of Say they
had realised 4000, and, as I afterwards found, fetched the same price in
Timbúktu. Sometimes I was not able to dispose either of my túrkedís or
my tobes, even at the lowest price; while others, that I had at length
succeeded in selling, were returned to me as defective. I was at
considerable expense for my large household, my three horses alone (ʿAlí
providing for the other two) costing me every day 400 shells for the
corn with which I was forced to feed them exclusively.
Almost all the corn which is brought into the market consists of Negro
millet, or _Pennisetum typhoïdeum_, while Indian millet, or sorghum, is
found only in very small quantities; and I was repeatedly prevented from
buying, because I was not possessed of what the people wanted. Thus
when, on the 13th, a caravan of Tawárek serfs, with oxen, arrived
bringing corn from Gógó, they refused to accept anything I could offer
them, viz. shirts, zenne, and gábagá; and the day before I started there
was no corn at all to be got, as no Tárki had arrived. Not the smallest
particle of rice was to be obtained; and I could not but deem myself
fortunate in being able to procure a small supply of vegetable paste of
dodówa, which made my food of millet a little more endurable. This
formed my usual supper. In the morning I usually breakfasted on tíggera,
or cold paste, with sour milk; the latter being excellent and very
cheap, and almost the only article which was to be found in abundance.
But, besides the great difficulty I had in supplying my wants during my
residence in the place, I had still more trouble in obtaining the
currency of the country through which I had to pass on my journey to
Timbúktu; this is the “faráwel,” or “feruwál,” as it is called by the
Arabs, a long narrow strip of cotton cloth sewn together from a number
of pieces, and supposed to measure thirty-two drʿa, though in reality
the measure does not exceed thirty. The price of each feruwál is
generally three hundred shells; but during my stay it rose to four
hundred.
The market is held on the border of the village, on the bleak open
ground which extends to the south; but there were very rarely more than
500 people, and in general scarcely as many as two hundred, assembled.
But it is not to be denied that, taking into account the manner of
living in these regions, a good deal of business is transacted in this
place; and, on account of the many strangers who visit it, ready-cooked
pudding, tíggera, and sour milk are offered for sale throughout the
whole day. Besides salt, cotton strips, dyed cloth, Kóla nuts, corn, and
asses, some copper manufactured chiefly into large drinking-vessels is
also brought into the market by the people of Mósi. However, I do not
think they manufacture the copper vessels themselves, but bring them
from Asanti. Copper is worn by the inhabitants, by way of ornament, to a
large extent; and I was greatly amused on observing that some of the
young girls wore in the long plaits of their hair a very remarkable
ornament made of that metal, representing a warrior on horseback with a
drawn sword in his hand and a pipe in his mouth; for, with the Songhay
people, smoking, although forbidden by the present ruler of the western
part of the former territory of their empire, the fanatical prince of
Hamda-Alláhi, is, next to dancing, the chief enjoyment of their
existence. Whether these small horsemen worn in the hair of the young
damsels form an ornament without meaning, or are intended as auspicious
omens as to their future husbands, I cannot say; and I must apologise to
the reader for not being able, in this part of my journey, which was
more beset by dangers, to enter fully into the private life of the
people.
Altogether, Dóre, or as it is generally called, by the name of the whole
province, Libtáko, appeared to me an extremely dry and uncomfortable
place. However, this seemed to be rather exceptional, owing to the
extraordinary drought prevailing that year; and it was not until the
evening of the 17th of this month (July), that we had a moderate fall of
rain, when nature as well as man appeared a little refreshed. The name
which the Tawárek, as well as the Arabs of Ázawád, give to this place,
namely Wéndu, or Wínde, seems to imply quite another character, as the
word means pond or lake; but, in reality, a very extensive sheet of
water is annually formed close to the western side of the town, although
during my stay the extensive depression was dry; and I even have ground
to suppose that this sheet of water is very often, through a very
considerable backwater, directly connected with the Niger.
The political state of the country, however, was at the present moment
worse than its material condition. The disorder and anarchy were such as
to make it appear as if there were no government at all. There were so
many different factions that one paralysed the other, and there is no
doubt that the present misery was the immediate consequence of such a
state of anarchy. There was a titular governor of the place called
Íbrahíma; but his mild disposition and his advanced age had left him
scarcely any power at all, and I had to make my peace with all parties
as well as I could. The most energetic and influential amongst the
aspirants to power seemed to be a relative of the governor, of the name
of Hámed ʿAísa. Then there was an elder but weaker brother of his, of
the name of Bélko, and, further, a man of the name of El Jeládi, who
troubled me greatly, begging me to write him a charm, by the secret
influence of which I might procure him the government of the place.
Libtáko is situated between many different tribes, with the seats of the
Tawárek close to the north, from whence these restless people are
continually pushing on; and this situation necessarily imbues the
inhabitants with a warlike spirit. In former times, especially, they
were renowned for their valour, and distinguished, moreover, by the
breed of their horses, but at the present moment, owing to the severe
drought which had prevailed for so long a time, all the horses had been
sent to a great distance, where they were likely to find better
pastures. At present, there being so many factions and no strong
government whatever, and the supremacy exercised by their liege lord in
Gando being a perfect nullity, no certain line of policy can be pursued,
and they are one day on good terms with the Tawárek, while the next day
some serious fighting takes place; and thus it happened that on the 16th
a party of these people, who supplied the market with the article which
all the people were in want of, were plundered of the whole of their
property. Even with the inhabitants of the province of Yágha, so nearly
related to themselves by origin and interest, there were serious
dissensions; and during my stay in the place, the latter drove away all
the cattle belonging to the village of Kória. The province comprises a
considerable number of villages[72], and, if well governed, would be of
great importance, especially as forming the western province of the
empire of Gando where it borders upon that of Másina, or Hamda-Alláhi.
I was peculiarly situated with regard to my new companion El Waláti, who
was the sole reason of my making so long a stay in this place, while my
exhausted camels, instead of having, as it was asserted, a fair
opportunity of recruiting their strength for the remainder of the
journey, were growing weaker every day from want of good feeding. The
clever Arab, who represented himself as a very important person in
Timbúktu, and as an intimate friend of the sheikh El Bakáy, under whose
especial protection I intended to place myself, at times had the power
of raising my spirits by the interesting information which he was able
to give me. Now and then, for instance, he described the great
mercantile importance of Sansándi, or dwelt upon the great authority
enjoyed by the chief, whose fame had inspired me with so much confidence
in my undertaking this journey to the west, and through whose influence
the former mercantile importance of Timbúktu had not only been entirely
restored, but a new interest had accrued to it as being the seat of a
religious chief of high authority, who exercised an influence, not very
unlike that of the pope of Rome, over a very large tract of country, and
extending even over the pagan tribes around, into the very heart of
Mósi, that country which, as we shall see more distinctly further on,
from a remote age has been the champion of paganism against Islám. But
on other occasions the conduct of my companion was so little
straightforward, as to fill me with serious fears. Nevertheless, I here
entered into an agreement with him, giving him a fine black tobe and a
black shawl, and stipulating to reward him, on my safe arrival in
Timbúktu, with a present of twenty dollars and a white heláli bernús,
besides buying him here a horse for the price of another tobe, three
túrkedí, and a black shawl. On the whole, at that time, I was too much
imposed upon by his fascinating manners to become fully aware of his
intriguing character; and perhaps it was well that it was so, or I might
not have trusted myself into his hands. However, by degrees, I became
heartily tired of the long delay which he, together with ʿAlí el Ágeren,
forced upon me. I had long prepared everything for my outset, and on the
20th I finished a letter, which I addressed to Her Majesty’s consul at
Tripoli, and inclosed it under cover to my friend ʿAbd el Káder dan
Taffa, in Sókoto, and decided on intrusting it to the care of Dahóme,
the man who had accompanied me from Gando, and who was to return home
from this place, beyond which he enjoyed no authority; but unfortunately
he took so little care of the parcel on his journey, when he had to
cross a great many swollen rivers, that the outer envelope was destroyed
entirely, so that the learned Púllo, not knowing what to make of a
letter in a writing which he did not understand, left it with the
bearer, with whom I found it on my return to Gando, in the middle of the
following year. He had worn it as a sort of charm in his cap, while I
expected that it had long reached Europe and informed my friends of my
latest proceedings.
[Footnote 69: See the Chronological Tables at the end of this volume.]
[Footnote 70: Caillié, “Travels to Timbuctoo,” vol. ii. p. 82. (Engl.
version.)]
[Footnote 71: I may as well state in this place, that, both in Dóre and
in Timbúktu, bargains are made according to the full hundred, or the
míye sala-míye, while in all the markets of Bámbara a fictitious
hundred, the míye ʿajemíye, being in reality eighty, forms the
standard.]
[Footnote 72: The names of the small towns and villages forming this
province are as follows: Dóre, Kória, Katínga, Wéndu, Dáni, Dángadé,
Sélgo, Jámga, Mámmashé, Báfadé, Pékul, Bámde, Babírke, Toródi, Pulé,
Gámbetí, Bedíngel, three villages of the name of Debére, Bámura,
Fadambáka, Gébu, Kóla, Bombúfa, Kácheré, Kénde, Lérbu, Buré,
Benbenjángo, Kollangel-páttidé, Nélba, Beresángo, Fúlgu, Bílli,
Chompángu (probably identical with Kampángu), Úregáudi, Gurmáre,
Úrelangáwu, Táka, Kilínke, Yákutá, Úriltáso, Úro-Bellábe, Bangatáke,
Tobijágha, Dankándi, Begontígi, Kúri.]
CHAP. LXII.
UNSETTLED PROVINCES OBSTRUCTED BY NATURE AND INFESTED BY MAN. —
ARIBÍNDA. — HÓMBORI.
[Sidenote: Thursday, July 21st.]
At length I set out on the last and most dangerous stage of my journey
to Timbúktu, thinking at the time that I should be able to reach that
celebrated place in about twenty days. But I underrated the distance,
such a very different position having been assigned to that mysterious
place by geographers; and I had no idea of the difficulties which
attended this journey, at least for a Christian, and the delays which
would be caused me by the character of the new companion whom I had
attached to me.
On leaving the turbulent town of Dóre, a great many armed people
accompanied me, much against my inclination; and their conduct was so
suspicious that we were obliged to make a halt and send them about their
business: for the inhabitants of this place, not long before, had robbed
and killed, in a similar manner, a wealthy sheríf, whom they pretended
to escort, on his way from Sansándi. Just in crossing the shallow
concavity where every year a very extensive sheet of water is formed,
which often assumes the dimensions of an immense lake, and even now was
covered with fine fresh turf, we met a large caravan of Mósi traders
from Bússumo, their asses heavily laden with immense bundles of tári, or
cotton strips, and with Kóla nuts. Further on, where a little
cultivation of cotton appeared, the monkey-bread or baobab tree became
predominant. Altogether the whole province seemed to be in a miserable
state; and the village Dánandé, which we passed after a march of about
seven miles, bore evident traces of having suffered from the effects of
war. The monotony of the country was pleasingly broken by a small
rivulet, which we crossed a few yards beyond the village, and which was
bordered by some very fine trees of the “mur” kind, which I have
mentioned on a former occasion as affording excellent timber for boat-
building. The baobab trees, also, were here greatly distinguished, both
by their size and their fine foliage.
We took up our quarters this day in Wúlu, a village situated beyond a
large sheet of water, or, as it is here called, “wéndu,” overgrown by
the finest trees. The place is inhabited by Tawárek slaves, who are
_trilingues_, speaking Temáshight as well as Songhay and Fulfúlde; but
their huts were very miserable indeed, and of mosquitoes there was no
end, and we had likewise great difficulty in finding a supply of corn.
The hut in which I took up my quarters had been recently built, and on
the whole was not so bad, but so choke-full of simple furniture, such as
large jars, pots, dishes, saddles, provision-bags, and numerous other
articles, that I could scarcely find room for myself, while the
proprietor, when he returned from the fields and found a stranger
quartered in the midst of all his treasures, felt so anxious, that he
did not stir from the door. However, the west side of the village being
bordered by a large sheet of water, or tebki, richly adorned with trees
and herbage, I did not remain long in my close quarters, but hastened
towards this green open spot, which was delicious in the extreme, but
gave birth to a legion of mosquitoes.
We felt the inconvenience of this little hamlet the more, as we were
obliged to stay here the following day; for we received a credible
report that El Khatír, the most powerful of the neighbouring Tawárek
chiefs, intended making a foray against this place, and the inhabitants
were in a state of the utmost alarm. But a thunder-storm which broke out
the next morning, accompanied with a considerable quantity of rain,
relieved us, most providentially, of all danger from this quarter,
swelling the many watercourses which intersect this region, to such a
degree that they became impassable to the enemy. On the west side of the
hamlet where we were encamped there is a considerable suburb of Fúlbe
cattle-breeders; and in the evening a great many of them paid me a
visit.
[Sidenote: Saturday, July 23rd.]
We had here entered a district which was very different from that which
we had hitherto traversed in the province of Libtáko; and the nature of
which caused us great delay, and very serious difficulties, on account
of the many rivers and swamps which we had to cross. During the first
part of our day’s march, we had the wéndu of Wúlu for a long time on our
right, but, having crossed without much difficulty one considerable
branch of it, we came to another water with a strong current, which
caused us a long delay, as it was at the time about 400 yards across,
and not less than four and a half feet deep in the channel. The water at
this spot has a southerly course; but it is difficult to say what
greater river it joins.[73] For several miles the upper course of this
same water, as it seemed, was seen at a short distance on our right.
Large wide-spreading “mur,” tamarind, and monkey-bread trees everywhere
appeared, and we could see the footsteps of a great number of elephants.
The country on our left was undulating, and consisted of sandy soil
clothed almost exclusively with the kálgo, with its ash-coloured leaves
and its long red pods; but, as soon as the river receded, the character
of the landscape also changed, the surface becoming rather level, and
exhibiting more small brushwood, while numerous water-pools spread out,
overgrown with kréb, or the edible _Poa_, and with molukhía. The
district was full of buffaloes; but it was also much infested by a
dangerous species of fly, which greatly tormented our animals, and which
is very rarely met with in the eastern part of Negroland. We encamped,
after a march of about sixteen miles, in the midst of the forest, near
the site of the former encampment of a Tawárek horde, where kréb was
springing up in the most luxuriant abundance, affording the richest
pasture to the horses, and a cheerful sight to ourselves; but we had
here to sustain a very heavy rain, which lasted for several hours.
Fortunately, it was not accompanied by much wind, so that my frail tent
offered sufficient resistance; but the encampment was far from
comfortable.
The rain had at length ceased; but we had scarcely resigned ourselves to
sleep, when a troop of pilgrims, passing by at this unusual hour of the
night, roused us at once. Fortunately, the ground which we had to
traverse further on was of a rocky nature, else it would have been
almost impossible to proceed after the last night’s rain; but, after a
march of about fourteen miles, we came to a very considerable sheet of
water, which we crossed with extreme difficulty, and encamped close
beyond in a state of entire exhaustion. The channel of the torrent
itself, which had spread its inundation to a great distance, was so
considerable, being at the deepest spot five feet and a half, that it
almost swamped me on my horse, besides wetting all my luggage. The place
where we had encamped was a narrow open spot in the forest; but the
ground was full of ants, and we were also greatly troubled by
innumerable swarms of small flies which penetrated into all our clothes.
Fortunately we had no rain, so that I was able to stay outside, as the
heat in the tent was scarcely endurable. This day, also, we observed
numerous footprints of elephants.
[Sidenote: Monday, July 25th.]
We rose with the hope that we might arrive at an early hour in Aribínda,
or rather the chief place of that district, although we were aware that
we should have to cross another considerable sheet of water; but we were
sadly disappointed, for, after a march of about three miles through a
more rugged district with black and red granite and a great quantity of
gneiss, we reached the wide inundations of a river called Búggoma by my
companions, which we endeavoured in vain to cross. Seeing that we should
not succeed here, we struck off into the forest in a south-westerly
direction, in order to ford it higher up, when suddenly we fell in with
two men who were pasturing a couple of asses; but, although we made
signs to them that we were their friends, they would not hear us, and,
beating their shields, cried out lustily to their companions, who all on
a sudden rushed out in every direction from behind the bushes, and in a
moment surrounded us. There were from 150 to 200 people, all tall
slender men, half-naked, with nothing but a poor ragged cloth round
their loins, and another rag still poorer round their heads, and each
armed with a couple of spears and a ragged shield, which they brandished
over their heads with warlike gesticulations. The affair seemed rather
serious, and here it was fortunate that I had such a clever companion as
the Waláti with me; for, while I was pointing my gun, he begged me to
ride quietly in advance straight upon those people, and at the same time
cried out to them that I was a sheríf, and a friend of the sheikh El
Bakáy, to whom I was carrying a number of books from the east. All of a
sudden they dropped their spears and thronged round me, requesting me to
give them my blessing; and the circumstances under which I was placed
obliged me to comply with this slight request, although it was by no
means a pleasant matter to lay my hands on all these dirty heads.
On the whole it was very fortunate that we met with these people; for
without their aid and information we should scarcely have been able to
cross the water which intersected our track, at least without a most
serious loss to our luggage. People in Europe have no idea what it is to
travel during the rainy season in these regions; else they would not
wonder that poor Dr. Vogel, in going at that time of the year from
Yákoba to Záriya, lost most of his instruments, and all his collections,
in crossing the rivers.
They were poor people from Gʿaó, or Gógó, and the neighbourhood, a
mixture, as I thought at the time, of Songhay and Tawárek, but speaking
only the language of the former; but I found afterwards that they
belonged to the tribe of the Gabéro, of whom I shall speak in the
following volume. They had visited the market of Aribínda, and were at
present on their way to Dóre and Libtáko, carrying as merchandise, on a
couple of asses and bull oxen, nothing but cotton strips, or “tári,”
rice, and a few mats, of which latter article they brought me three as a
present. Having received my blessing, and the tumult having quieted
down, they conducted us to a place where they declared the water to be
fordable. But the boggy ground inspired us with but little confidence;
and it really caused us an immense deal of trouble. My people were
obliged to carry all the luggage, even the heaviest, across the swamp,
which was half a mile in breadth, the camels being scarcely able to make
their way, even unloaded; and I myself had the misfortune to fall under
my horse, in the midst of the swamp, almost as badly as had happened to
me on a former occasion, on my journey to Kánem. I was firmly convinced
that my horse would not be able to carry me over, and that it would be
the safest way to cross the bog on foot; but I allowed myself to be
swayed by the Waláti, who thought that my dignity, in presence of those
native travellers, absolutely required me to remain on horseback. It was
on this occasion that all my journals got wet through in a most
miserable way, and we had the greatest difficulty in extricating my
horse from the bog, in which it was lying for some minutes as if dead.
It was almost three o’clock in the afternoon when we again set out from
the opposite side of the swamp; but we had first to return, along the
water, in a north-easterly direction, in order to regain the direct
track. We then proceeded at an expeditious rate, in order to arrive at
Aribínda before nightfall. A short distance before we reached our
destination, the whole character of the country changed, granite mounds
rising on our right and left to considerable altitude, and leaving only
a narrow passage through which to proceed,—the beautifully sweeping
slope of the eminence on our right being pleasantly adorned with bushes,
and enlivened by goats.
Having left another village at the foot of the granite range, we took up
our quarters in the lamórde or residence of the chief of Aribínda, which
is likewise situated at the foot of the granitic ridge, part of the huts
being built on the slope, and part in the plain,—the latter forming a
group by itself, which, with its projecting and receding walls, formed a
sort of defence, as represented in the accompanying woodcut. Here we
obtained quarters without delay, two of my people having gone in
advance; but they were narrow, dirty, and uncomfortable, and appeared to
us the more miserable as a great deal of rain fell during our stay here.
The inhabitants belong chiefly to the Songhay race; but there are also a
great many Tawárek, or rather Tawárek half-castes, who live here
peaceably, though in general the Tawárek and the inhabitants of these
districts are engaged in almost uninterrupted warfare with each
other,—the former always pushing more and more in advance, and
threatening to overrun the whole of this region of Negroland. The people
supply themselves with water from the holes in the rocks, where it
collects,—their supply for the dry season being deposited in a cistern
of large size. The soil in the valley, which here widens into a
considerable plain, is very fertile, and does not require much rain; and
the corn was here a little cheaper than in Libtáko, one hundred shells,
or rather the equivalent of that sum, for shells had no currency in the
place, being sufficient for the daily allowance of one horse. I also
observed with pleasure a very fine herd of cattle. Aribínda[74] seems
formerly to have been an important place, or rather province, and the
most considerable, at one time, of all the districts on the south side
of the river, so that the Songhay of Gógó designated it Hári-bínda, “the
place beyond the water,” which name, in a wider sense, is given to the
whole country on the south of the Ísa, or so-called Niger, as an
equivalent to Gurma.
[Illustration]
I had been very anxious to conceal the more valuable articles of my
property from the prying eyes of my clever but greedy Arab companion;
but the following day, as I was obliged to dry some of my luggage, which
had been completely soaked, he got a peep at some fine bernúses which I
had with me; and, in order to satisfy his covetousness, I thought it
prudent to make him here a handsome present. Altogether my luggage
suffered severely from the many watercourses which we had to cross at
this stage of my journey, as well as from the excessive dampness of the
weather. I also made some presents to the governor, but was rather
astonished when, on setting out, he begged from me the very tobe which I
was then wearing.
[Sidenote: Wednesday, July 27th.]
The country which we had to traverse was diversified by small granitic
ranges and detached cones; but it also afforded many localities for
swampy grounds, very difficult to be crossed. In some places beans were
cultivated besides millet. We encamped at length, after a march of about
fifteen miles, in the midst of the forest, on the site of a former
village, which was richly overgrown with the most succulent herbage,
very grateful both to horse and camel.
[Sidenote: Thursday, July 28th.]
We had had some summer lightning in the evening, followed by slight rain
during the night; but about half-past six o’clock in the morning, a very
heavy thunder-storm broke out, accompanied by violent rain, which lasted
till noon, and rendered us extremely uncomfortable. My friend El Waláti,
being of a weak and nervous temperament, was, as usual on such
occasions, laid up with fever. In consequence of the state of the
weather, it was not till past three o’clock in the afternoon that we at
length set out on our watery march, and after a stretch of about ten
miles, having passed a very extensive and deep water, reached the
Songhay village of Fíliyo, and with extreme difficulty obtained most
indifferent and damp quarters in the dark. The whole village is built of
clay, with elevated towerlike entrances not unlike the granaries in
Champagóre. It consists of several detached groups, which are separated
by corn-fields, where the crops were standing moderately high. The
inhabitants belong exclusively to the Songhay race, with the exception
of a few Fúlbe, who, however, have themselves almost changed their
national character; and although the village is externally subjected to
the Púllo governor of Gilgóji, or Jilgódi, nevertheless the people have
a very independent demeanour, and hold in detestation the conquering
tribe of the Fúlbe: even their carriage bears evident testimony to a
certain feeling of liberty; and there is no end of smoking. The women
wear a profusion of ornaments, while all of them are, besides,
distinguished by a copper ring round the wrist.
Having arrived so late the preceding evening that the horses had even
remained without food, I was obliged to stay here the next day in order
to purchase a supply of corn, which I effected with the farráwel I had
obtained in Libtáko, consisting of eight pieces called “kória,” or
“farda,” sewn together. All the grain hereabouts consists of Negro
millet, or, as the Songhay call it, “héni.” The governor of the place,
who had treated me inhospitably the first evening, on being remonstrated
with for his miserly conduct, gave me very generous treatment.
[Sidenote: Saturday, July 30th.]
On leaving the place, I was exceedingly struck with its castlelike
appearance, as well as with the fine crops of corn which surrounded it
on all sides, while a rich growth of trees embellished the district to
the south. It was a fine morning, and, a heavy dew having fallen, the
drops of wet slipping down from the corn glistened in the rays of the
morning sun, while the monkey-bread trees being just in full blossom,
the white bell-like flowers hanging down from the colossal branches gave
a remarkable relief to the scenery. It was through such a country that
our path kept along, on a rising ground, when, after a march of about
fourteen miles, and leaving a couple of hamlets built of matting, like
the dwellings of the inhabitants of Gógó, on one side, we reached the
Songhay town of Tínge, built likewise in the shape of a “kasr,” and
situated on the summit of a small hill.
[Illustration]
The houses in this village have not an elevated towerlike shape like
those of Fíliyo, nor do they contain an upper story. They have flat
roofs. The walls consist of sun-dried clay, which is formed in regular
lumps, like stones, and is placed in uniform layers, with loose clay
between. Such being the mode of construction, the whole of the houses
have rather a miserable appearance from without, and more particularly
so at the time of our arrival, in the hot hour of noon, when the
destructive effect of the rainy season became more apparent in the
midday sun. But the interior of the dwellings is not so bad, and some of
them are very large and spacious, as the accompanying ground-plan of the
quarters where I was lodged will serve to show. These consisted of a
very spacious antechamber, or segífa, forty feet long by ten feet wide,
and as many in height,—I myself taking up the part to the right of the
entrance, and my people that on the left, a sort of light wall being
formed with matting. From this antechamber we could pass into an
irregular courtyard, which gave access to a number of apartments where
several families were living.
The inhabitants of this place are Songhay who have vindicated their
liberty, up to the present time, successfully against the restless and
steadily advancing Fúlbe, although in independence they are far behind
their noble brethren in Dárgol and those other places lower down the
Niger. The indigenous name of their family is Beleéde, or, as they are
called by the Fúlbe, Kurminkóbe; and they are said to have come from
Zíshia, near Téra. The nobler among them do not disfigure their features
at all by tattooing, or “kórto,” while some of them make an incision
under the left eye, from the nose towards the cheek-bone, and the common
people, three separate incisions—three cuts on the temple, three in the
middle of the cheek, and three at the lower part of the face. All of
them wear clothing, the greater part of them being dressed in indigo-
dyed shirts. Their weapons consist almost entirely of spears. Swords are
very rare; nor are the bow and arrow, which constitute the principal
weapons of the people of Dárgol, usual among them. The exertions of the
natives of these places in defending their independence are greatly
favoured by the discord and dissensions which prevail amongst the
Fúlbe,—Mahamúdu, one of the Fúlbe chiefs of Dalla, having, in
consequence of his disputes with the sheikh Áhmedu, taken refuge with
the pagan natives of Mósi, from whence he makes continual predatory
expeditions against the territory of his countrymen the Fúlbe. The
inhabitants of Tínge, therefore, males as well as females, enjoy their
liberty and independence in smoking the whole day long, and dancing
every evening when it is not raining,—an amusement which already, in the
eleventh century, the Andalusian geographer El Bekri did not fail to
remark as characteristic of these people[75], while their less happy
brethren in Timbúktu and Jimbálla have been deprived of these their
favourite and innocent amusements by the austere laws of their fanatical
oppressors.
The natives are industrious, both in cultivating the ground and in
weaving; and these habits seemed to be favoured by Providence, so that
while all the neighbouring districts were suffering from dearth and
famine, in this village corn was plentiful, especially Negro millet, or
“héni.” Indian millet, “sába” or “háme,” was rather scarce. But the corn
was still in seed and not pounded, so that we were obliged to stay here
again a day in order to have a supply prepared for us. We bought our
corn, in the beginning, for the farráwel which we had brought from
Libtáko; but after a little while the inhabitants refused to accept of
this cotton, which is not so good as their own manufacture. The cotton
which I had brought from Gando was much better than theirs; but it did
not please them, on account of the narrowness of the strips. My English
darning-needles were, however, very acceptable, as being exceedingly
well adapted for the coarse texture of their woollen shawls and
blankets. Fifty of them fetched here a price equal to the value of a
Spanish dollar; but the small common needles were regarded by them with
the utmost contempt.
I employed my time, as far as the rainy weather would allow me, in
taking a walk through the country; and I was not a little surprised when
I found that the ground hereabouts, particularly towards the west, was
very rocky, the corn being sown in the intervening patches of arable
soil. On a rising spot, a few hundred yards from the village, there was
a group of matting huts, which constituted a small weaving manufactory.
At the foot of the hill on which the village was situated, there was a
deep pond covered with _Pistia Stratiotes_, like the ponds in the
interior of Kanó; and it was from here that I was particularly struck by
the fortlike appearance of the village, with its receding and projecting
angles, and its half-circular, bastionlike walls in other places, as
represented in the accompanying woodcut; while in the distance the
mountain groups formed an interesting background. However, we had here
such a heavy fall of rain that I was obliged to sacrifice another day,
as the roads were rendered totally impassable. The rain which fell in
the afternoon of the last day of July was of such violence that a fourth
part of the houses in the town suffered more or less; and in one
dwelling, which was totally destroyed, eleven goats were killed, while
the inmates themselves had only just time to escape. It was discovered
that just life enough remained in these poor animals in order to enable
their owners to perform the essential ceremony of cutting their throats;
for they also have a touch of Islám.
[Illustration]
In the beginning of this my journey to the west, I had been very anxious
to move on as fast as possible, in order to avoid the worst part of the
rainy season; but seeing that all was in vain, I had become, in a
certain degree, indifferent to the loss of time; but when the first of
August broke upon me in this village, I became deeply concerned, and
wrote in my journal: “May the Almighty bless this month, and lighten the
difficulties which stand in my way, that before its close I may safely
reach the place of my destination!”
It was most interesting to observe from the top of the hill the
uninterrupted sheet of water, which, after the immense quantity of rain
that had fallen, was spreading out over the low grounds in the plain;
and the people themselves whose dwellings had suffered so much, and
which were just about to undergo the necessary repairs, were standing
gazing with delight upon the deluge which promised to them a very rich
crop. My clever Arab from the west lay almost dead with fever; but the
head man of the town, whose name was Ábu-Bakr, a man of very stately
appearance, was of rather a communicative disposition, so that with his
assistance I was able to make considerable progress in my knowledge of
the Songhay language; and, if I had been able to go on in this way, I
might soon have mastered the language; but unfortunately my situation
became too unsettled in the sequel to allow of a quiet course of study;
to say nothing of the fact, that the extremely poor character of the
language itself completely damped my enthusiasm.
I here first discovered the error of Caillié in giving to the people of
Timbúktu the name of “Kissúr,” or, as he writes, “Kissour,” which is
evidently nothing but a mistake, “ki-sóʿri,” or rather “ki-songhi,” “ki-
songhay,” meaning the language of the Songhay. I here also became aware
of the fact that this idiom is originally monosyllabic, while I observed
likewise that the language spoken in Ágades, of which I had made a
vocabulary, though evidently a dialect of the same idiom, had been
affected to a great extent by the influence of the Temáshight, or
Berber.
[Sidenote: Tuesday, August 2nd.]
We at length set out to pursue our journey, which now became full of
danger, as we had to traverse the province of Dalla, which is ruled by a
governor in direct subjection to the fanatical chief of Másina residing
in Hamda-Alláhi, who would never allow a Christian to visit his
territory. I was therefore obliged to assume the character of an Arab.
Just at that time a change in the government of this district had taken
place,—a young inexperienced lad having succeeded to the former ruler.
Fortunately there had been no rain the afternoon of the preceding day,
so that the country had dried up a little from the inundation of the
last of July, and the weather was fine and genial. Thus cheerfully
proceeding on our road, we met several people on their way to the town
with fowls and milk; for during our stay in Tínge the communication with
the neighbouring places had been entirely interrupted by the heavy
rains. Ábu-Bakr escorted me to some distance, when he left me with a
hearty wish for the success of my undertaking, and begged me urgently to
be on my guard. In taking here quite a northerly direction, we now
entered a province where the population of the Fúlbe entirely prevails,
and this day we had passed several encampments of Fúlbe cattle-breeders
on our route, consisting of oblong oval-shaped huts, constructed of
matting. Cattle seemed to abound; but the cultivation of the ground was
rather scanty, and the character of the country uniform, and without any
interesting features, the trees consisting almost exclusively of talha
and homéd. We had also to cross a river, at present about 200 yards wide
and two feet deep, which the preceding day had evidently been impassable
and had carried away several head of cattle, a fact we learned from a
Púllo neatherd whom we passed on our road, as he was cheerfully stalking
before his cattle, and leading them along merely by the sound of his
voice.
Thus, after a march of about thirteen miles, having crossed a swamp and
left a larger sheet of water on our left, we reached a miserable hamlet
called Déshi, belonging still to the district of Kséne (which comprises
Fíliyo), and consisting of several groups of half-decayed clay dwellings
inhabited by poor Songhay people, who appeared to be greatly oppressed.
It was with some difficulty that we here obtained quarters; and we had
the misfortune of falling into a dispute with the landlord, on account
of the many dogs which beset his house, and would not cede their place
to us. This was a certain proof that the natives were not far advanced
in Islám, as the Mohammedans in general are averse to the company of
this unclean animal, and the Fúlbe very rarely make use of dogs even for
watching their numerous herds of cattle. Most of these dogs were of
black colour, and almost all the fowls were of black and white colour. I
here also observed that the native women carried the water in a pair of
buckets slung across the shoulder, as I had remarked already in other
Songhay places; but here, also, they did not wear nose-rings.
The country around was well cultivated, and produced especially sorghum;
but the harvest of the preceding year had not been a favourable one, as
was the case almost all over the country, so that dearth was prevailing.
We here met with a party of native traders from Hómbori, with oxen laden
with salt, who gave us some useful information with regard to the road
before us. It had been a point of great dispute with us whether or not
we should visit that town, one of the most ancient settlements in
Negroland, probably already mentioned as an independent place by El
Bekrí[76], and forming the seat of a governor in the palmy days of the
Songhay empire, the Hómbori-koy, and where even now a considerable
market is held; but after mature consideration we had thought it better
to leave it on one side, as on account of the considerable intercourse
of people in that place, and the many Arabs who frequent it, the danger
of my true character being there discovered was the greater.
Notwithstanding our determination not to touch at Hómbori, on setting
out the following day, after an almost sleepless night, owing to the
number of mosquitoes, we preserved an entirely northerly direction.
There was a good deal of cultivation round the village, consisting of
Indian and Negro millet, the crops being almost ripe. But I here met
again that great annoyance to the husbandman, the black worm “hálowes,”
my old acquaintance in Bagírmi, which I had not seen in the whole
intervening country, and which causes an immense deal of damage to the
crops. The ground was rocky in many places; but this did not prevent the
growth of the monkey-bread tree, which is often seen shooting forth from
between the very rocks. Further on I also observed a little cultivation
of beans, while the black worm was succeeded by large heaps of the small
red worm, which I had first observed on the banks of the river Sírba,
and which seems to be a terrible nuisance to many of these districts.
Gradually the road became more swampy, while we obtained a distant view
of the detached mountains of Hómbori.
About three o’clock in the afternoon, five of our party, riding a little
in advance of the camels, approached the town of Kúbo, when, being
observed by some of the inhabitants, our appearance created a great
alarm in the place, the people thinking that a hostile troop was
approaching; but, as soon as they beheld our laden camels, their fears
ceased, and they gave us quarters. Kúbo is the first place of the
district called Tóndi, or el Hajri (meaning, the mountainous or stony
district), while Fíliyo and Déshi belong to the district called Kséne;
but in a political respect Kúbo belongs now to the province of Dalla,
which at present is governed by a son of Módi Bóle; it is two days and a
half distant from the town of Hómbori[77], and is a place of some
importance. The houses are usually well built, and consist of clay, the
greater part of them including a tolerably large courtyard. Our house
also was spacious; but, on account of my heavy luggage, I was obliged to
take up my quarters in the open segífa, or antechamber, which was
greatly exposed to mosquitoes. In front of my quarters there was a
handsome square of tolerably regular shape; and towards the north a
considerable tank spread out, along which led the path into the fields:
for, the whole place being situated in a depression of the ground, all
the moisture of the neighbourhood collects here.
The village is surrounded by a light stockade of two rows of bushes; and
round about the place there are several ponds of water. Turtles are very
common here, and the soil swarms with ants. The place was tolerably well
provided with corn, and I bought here twenty mudd for one hundred drʿa
of Gando cotton strips, equal in reality to nine hundred shells, but the
mudd of Kúbo is smaller than that of Tínge, being about two thirds of
its size, and in the form of a round dish, while that of Tínge is like a
pitcher. The daily allowance of corn for a horse cost about one hundred
shells.
A very heavy thunder-storm, accompanied with violent rain, broke out in
the evening; and the clayey soil of the country which we had to traverse
obliged me to stay here the following day. The delay caused me great
disappointment, as the spreading of the news of my journey could not
fail to increase its difficulties, and the more so as we heard here the
unpleasant tidings that the governor of Dalla himself was near, and that
most probably we should fall in with him.
Meanwhile I was applied to by our host and a cousin of his, to decide a
dispute between them as to the chieftainship of their village; but, of
course, I referred them to their own liege lord, and they started off to
join him, near the village of Dúna; but their absence did not expose us
to inhospitality, as we were very lavishly treated with numerous dishes
of Indian corn, which, however, were rendered less palatable by the use
of the dodówa-bosso, or the adulterated dodówa; we also received a good
supply of milk. I even bought a few fowls, though they were rather dear,
selling for one hundred shells each, a price here reckoned equal to two
darning-needles.
[Sidenote: Friday, August 5th.]
There had been another heavy rain in the afternoon of the preceding day,
but, fortunately, it had not been of sufficient duration to render the
roads impassable. There was a great deal of indecision with my companion
El Waláti as to the route which we should pursue; and while it almost
seemed from our northerly direction as if up to this moment he had
intended to take me to Hómbori, notwithstanding his former protestations
against such a proceeding, he now pretended it was necessary that we
should go to Dúna, and we accordingly changed our course to the west, or
rather W.S.W., steering about like a vessel with contrary winds. There
can be no doubt that all this time the crafty Arab himself was
hesitating as to the course which he should take, and this was evidently
the reason of his great delay, as he probably thought that he might have
a chance of getting rid of me, and taking possession of my property; but
we did not become aware of this treacherous conduct till we arrived at
the place of our destination, when we learned how providentially we had
escaped all his wiles.
At the western end of the village of Kúbo there is a suburb of Fúlbe
cattle-breeders, consisting of about sixty large huts of reed. As soon
as we had left this place behind us, we were quite horror-struck at
observing all the paths full of those small red worms which I have
mentioned before, marching in unbroken lines towards the village; even
my servants were quite surprised at such a spectacle, having never
before seen any thing like it, and they gave vent to their feelings of
astonishment, and at the same time of commiseration for the natives, in
reiterated exclamations of “Wolla, wolla!” I am not acquainted with the
reason of this curious phenomenon, but it seems peculiar to this region.
Yet the ground was not quite barren, and was even sprinkled with violets
here and there, the surface being undulating, not unlike the sandy downs
of Kánem, the parallel of which country, namely about 15° of northern
latitude, we had here reached.
Proceeding thus, we reached after a march of about four miles a higher
point, from whence we had a view over a wide expanse of underwood,
broken only now and then by a baobab tree, while towards the north some
of the detached cones of the Hómbori range gave to the landscape a very
singular feature, the isolated eminences of the range (if range it can
be called) starting up from the plain in the most peculiar forms, as the
accompanying woodcut will show.
[Illustration]
We passed the site of a former place; but at present there were only
nomadic encampments of Fúlbe cattle-breeders, with herds of cattle and
flocks of sheep, and only little cultivation was to be seen. The
dwellings, in a hamlet which we passed a little further on, were of a
very irregular description, corresponding to the corn-stacks which we
had left on one side a little before, as represented in the accompanying
woodcut. All the children here, even those of the Fúlbe, were quite
naked. My companion El Waláti wanted to obtain quarters in this place;
but fortunately the huts proved too bad, and we moved on, another
hamlet, which we passed a little further on, being of a still worse
description.
[Illustration]
On passing several parties of Fúlbe travellers on our road, I was
surprised at the change in the form of compliments, the mode of saluting
having been, the last few days, “baráijo,” but to-day we met some
parties who saluted us with the well-known compliment “fófo,” a word
which, although probably of western origin, has been even admitted into
the Háusa language, with the meaning of general well-wishing. Thus we
proceeded cheerfully onwards, having crossed a very difficult boggy
ground, where I almost lost one of my camels, till, a little after two
o’clock in the afternoon, we reached the poor village of Dúna,
consisting of three detached groups of huts, one of which, with its high
towerlike granaries with a pointed roof of thatch, presented a very
remarkable spectacle. As for myself, I obtained quarters in an isolated
hut of rather indifferent description.
The first news which I learned here, and which was far from being
agreeable, was, that the governor of Dalla with his camp was at a short
distance, and in the very road which we had to pursue the following day;
and as in consequence it would have been highly imprudent to endeavour
to pass him unnoticed, I determined to send two of my men to him with a
present, while I pursued my journey with the rest of my people. But as
this governor was a vassal of the chief of Hamda-Alláhi, who, if he had
heard that I was a Christian, would probably have thrown great
difficulties in my way, and perhaps not allowed me to proceed at all, I
was not without great anxiety, and passed a sleepless night; and the
crowd of people who had come out from the camp on the news of a
distinguished stranger having arrived, and who completely surrounded me
on my setting out, was far from agreeable. At length we started,
traversing a district of red sandy soil, and overgrown with scanty
herbage, while a considerable extent of ground was under cultivation,
without, however, promising a rich harvest, the crops being rather thin
and of poor quality; and we had only proceeded a short distance, when we
observed such enormous quantities of the red worm as we had never seen
before, not even near Kúbo, forming large heaps, from which long and
unbroken lines were seen moving eastward.
[Illustration]
After a march of two miles, we reached the half-decayed and deserted
village called Nyanga Segga, where the governor of Dalla was encamped.
But, as if he had expected my coming, he and all his people had mounted.
I had sent El Waláti and ʿAlí to present my compliments to him; but when
I was pursuing the right track, all the horsemen came up to me,
requesting me to give them my blessing; and they so urgently entreated
me at the same time to pay my respects personally to their chief, that I
could not resist their request. But it almost seemed as if El Waláti had
in some way or other compromised himself by his ambiguous conduct; and
when I approached the emír, who was very simply dressed, the former
quite forgot the part which he had to play, and, casting a wild look at
me, requested me to withdraw, in such a manner as greatly to increase
the danger of my situation. Deeming it better not to enter into a
dispute with this man under such circumstances, I retreated as soon as I
had complimented the chief, pursuing my track, but I was followed by
several horsemen, who were rather troublesome than otherwise.
The governor of Dalla is said to be more powerful than even that of
Gilgóji, with whom he is in an almost continual state of feud, as is the
case with nearly all these petty chiefs, although they are all the
vassals of one and the same liege lord. This man, however, was to become
of remarkable interest to me; for I was soon to meet him again under
very altered circumstances, when, from being an object of fear to
myself, he was obliged to sue for my protection, as will be seen in the
sequel.
The country hereabout presented a sandy level mostly clad with acacias,
and especially with a kind called érria. About eight miles beyond Nyanga
Segga, the ground became swampy; and after a march of about two miles
more we reached the fields of Mundóro, or rather their site, for, in the
present desolate state of the country, they were not under cultivation
at the time. Here the soil consisted of deep white sand adorned with
large baobab trees, while parallel on our right, at the distance of
about five hundred yards, a range of sandhills stretched along,
overtopped in the distance by an imposing cone belonging to the Hómbori
mountains. Thus reaching, at last, cultivated ground, where the crops,
however, were still very scanty and in a neglected state, we entered, a
little after two o’clock, the deserted village of Mundóro, which till
recently had been a considerable town, consisting of a small kasrlike
place, of dwellings built of clay, and with very pointed thatched roofs,
similar to those represented above, and an open suburb of spacious
cottages, consisting of thatchwork of a very peculiar shape, as
represented in the accompanying woodcut. With the exception of about a
dozen people, the place was quite deserted, the former chief, Mahamúdu,
having fallen into disgrace with the governor of Dalla, and sought
refuge with the inhabitants of Mósi, from whence he carried on a
continual series of expeditions against his kinsmen. Fortunately we were
accompanied by a trooper of the governor of Dalla, who took great care
in supplying us with necessaries. All the huts were very spacious, but
the thatching was not of very accurate workmanship, and the humidity
which entered my hut in the course of the night, when we experienced a
violent thunder-storm with very heavy rain, was considerable; but
keeping up a large fire during the whole of the night, I felt tolerably
comfortable, although the greater part of my hut was under water.
[Illustration]
[Sidenote: Sunday, August 7th.]
Taking now a N.N.W. course, we again approached nearer the mountains of
Hómbori, which for several days we had already observed in the distance
on our right; but after leaving Kúbo, owing to our curious zigzag
travelling, we had again turned off from them entirely; and when we left
the village of Mundóro, it seemed even as if we were almost to retrace
our steps, for we followed a direction a little E. from N. while
ascending through cultivated ground, till, after a march of three miles,
we reached the highest point of this tract, which presented to us a
highly interesting view of the mountains, or rather the detached
eminences, of the Hómbori range (which is represented in the
accompanying woodcut), isolated cones starting forth from the plain in
the most grotesque and fanciful forms.
[Illustration]
Here we began to descend through an undulating sandy tract, where the
acacia predominated, only interrupted now and then by a single baobab
tree. Having passed a pond of stagnant water, we gradually began to turn
a little westward from N., the country improving till we reached the
fields of Ísayé, or Ísé, a place of some importance, consisting, as the
villages in this neighbourhood generally do, of a nucleus of clay houses
remarkable only on account of its peculiar towerlike granaries, and a
suburb of cottages of thatch-work, but of the most varied shape, several
of which are represented in the accompanying woodcut; and here we took
up our quarters. As for myself, I obtained a large, excellent hut, with,
however, this great defect—that the lower part of the thatching was so
thin and frail that a heavy shower would have swamped the whole, but for
a small channel which was carried all round the inner part of the wall.
[Illustration]
I felt greatly exhausted, in consequence of the constant humidity to
which I was exposed, and was neither able to enjoy the hospitable
treatment which was shown me, nor even to get rest at night, although I
changed my couch repeatedly in order to obtain some repose. But as we
remained here the following day, I had sufficient leisure to become
fully acquainted with the distinguishing features of this place; and I
made a sketch (which has been represented in the plate opposite) of the
village, together with an extensive pond from which the natives at this
season of the year get their supply of water, and the picturesque
castellated mountains of Hómbori in the background.
[Illustration: Drawn by J. M. Bernatz, from a Sketch by Dr. Barth.
M. & N. Hanhart, lith. et impt.
SONGHAI VILLAGE.
August 1853.]
The place is populous, and inhabited by Songhay and Fúlbe conjointly,
the latter of whom belong to the tribe called Jéllobe, and are in
possession of large herds of cattle and numerous flocks, while the
native Songhay seem to be poor and rather badly off. As strict
Mohammedans they have the custom of wearing silver rings on their little
finger, which they fancy obtains favour for them when saying their
prayers. A good deal of industry was apparent; but corn was very dear,
although cheaper than it was said to be further on, where no corn was to
be obtained except in Núggera; and I was glad to buy a small quantity of
grain, the mudd for four drʿa of very broad cotton strips, while sixteen
drʿa of Gando cotton strips were esteemed equal to ten drʿa of their
own. Cowries, or “chéde,” had no currency here, except for buying sour
milk, of which there was a good supply. On account of the numerous pools
which surround the place, it was infested by mosquitoes, which deprived
me of what was most valuable to me—a good night’s rest.
[Sidenote: Tuesday, August 9th.]
There were two roads before us through the unsettled country to the
north, where at present there are no towns, but only temporary
encampments of the Tawárek or Imóshagh, who are now in possession of the
country adjacent to the banks of the great river to a considerable
extent,— one road leading in a more northerly direction to Láro, and the
other in a north-westerly one to Bóne; and although the guide whom we
had taken with us from Mundóro assured us that we should not find in
Bóne either quarters or hospitality, my friend El Waláti, for some
reason or other, preferred the latter route, and we had to make rather a
long day’s journey in the weakened state to which we ourselves and our
animals were reduced. But the march was highly interesting, on account
of the peculiar nature and the picturesque shape of the several detached
cones of the Hómbori mountains, through the midst of which our way led.
It would have been impossible, from the information which I had gathered
from the natives, to form a correct idea of the character of the chain,
which I had thought far more elevated and continuous:—the highest
elevation which some of the cones reach does not appear to be more than
800 feet above the plain.
In the beginning the appearance of the country was more uniform, while
the mountains, covered by the rising ground on our right, looked like
mere hills, our track itself lying through a more level country
sometimes covered with underwood, and at others presenting a bleak open
ground, or “néga;” but the interest of this scenery increased
considerably when we reached the western foot of a broader mound which
had already attracted our attention the day before. On a sloping ground,
consisting of rubbish and boulders, there rose a wall of steep cliffs
like an artificial fortification, forming, as it seemed, a spacious
terrace on the top, where there are said to be three hamlets, inhabited
by a spirited race of natives who, in this rocky retreat, vindicate
their independence against the overbearing intrusions of the Fúlbe. We
even observed on the slope under the steep cliffs, where there are
several caverns, some people pasturing their sheep, while fields of
Negro corn and karás, or _Corchorus olitorius_, testified to the fact
that the natives sometimes descend even into the very plain to satisfy
their most necessary wants. After passing this mound, and following a
more north-westerly direction, we approached another mound, rising from
the plain like an isolated cone, and with its steep, narrow, and rugged
crest, looking exactly like the ruin of a castle of the middle ages.
Leaving this mound, together with the path leading to the Songhay town
of Láro on our right, we approached the southern foot of another
castellated mound, which stretched out to a greater length, but offered
in its rugged and precipitous cliffs, exactly the spectacle of
crenellated walls and towers. Where the foot of the mound juts out into
the path on the top of the offshoots, the inhabitants of the mountain
had erected a small chapel, or rather a place for pagan worship, which
presented a very peculiar appearance. Here we entered a sort of broad
defile, formed between this castellated mound and another cone towards
the west, which, although of considerable elevation, was not so rugged,
and exhibited a less picturesque appearance.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
Greatly fatigued by our long march, especially as a cool breeze in the
morning was followed by an oppressive heat in the noonday hours, we
reached, at about five o’clock in the afternoon, the Fúlbe village of
Bóne, situated at the foot of the eastern mound; but although I had sent
two of my people in advance, we were unable to obtain quarters, and
after some unavailing dispute we were obliged to encamp outside in the
open grassy vale between the two mountains; for the inhabitants of this
village, who are exclusively Fúlbe, do not like strangers to enter their
dwellings, at least not for a night’s quarters. They however treated us
in the evening with a good supply of milk, while they also informed us
that a large encampment of that section of the Tawárek which is called
Iregenáten was at a few miles’ distance. El Waláti supposed, or rather
pretended to suppose, that they were the clan of a powerful chief of the
name of Somki, and assured me that it would be necessary to make this
chief a handsome present, in order that under his protection we might
proceed safely from camp to camp till we reached the banks of the Niger;
for although we might have travelled by a more southerly road turning
from this point westward to Núggera, it seemed more prudent to endeavour
to get out of the range of the dominion of the Fúlbe, in order not to be
at the mercy of the chief of Hamda-Alláhi, who certainly could not but
be hostile to my intention of reaching Timbúktu. And it seems not to be
out of place to mention here, that this very Núggera,—a hamlet of some
note, as being the residence of learning and holiness,—was the point
from which the founder of the dynasty of Hamda-Alláhi started.
[Illustration: Drawn by J. M. Bernatz, from a Sketch by Dr. Barth.
M. & N. Hanhart, lith. et impt.
MOUNTAINS OF HÓMBORI.
August 9th. 1853.]
[Footnote 73: I shall reserve a few further observations on this subject
till my return journey along the Niger.]
[Footnote 74: There are only three more villages at present belonging to
the district of Aribínda, their names being as follows: Hóre, Úri, and
Wángaré.]
[Footnote 75: El Bekri, “Description de l’Afrique,” Arabe texte,
published by Macguckin de Slane, p. 183.]
[Footnote 76: El Bekrí, ed. de Slane, 1857, texte arabe, p. 179.; comp.
Cooley, the Negroland of the Arabs, p. 39. n. 73.—There can be but
little doubt that by this مدينة انباره Hómbori is meant; for although El
Bekrí made a gross mistake in stating that this place was situated west
of Ghána, while in reality it was east, yet, on the other hand, it is
very remarkable that the distance of nine days between Ambára and Kúkia,
or Kúgha, agrees exactly with that between Hómbori and the latter
place.]
[Footnote 77: A person starting from Kúbo sleeps the first night in the
forest, halting about ʿaser; the second day, before noon, he reaches
Tónderú, probably so called from being situated on or at the foot of a
mountain; and the third day, about 9 o’clock in the morning, he arrives
at Hómbori.]
CHAP. LXIII.
IMÓSHAGH OR TAWÁREK ENCAMPMENTS SOUTH OF THE NIGER. — LAKES AND
BACKWATERS OF THE GREAT RIVER.
[Sidenote: Wednesday, August 10th.]
In conformity with our project, I myself, with El Waláti and two of my
people on horseback, leaving my luggage behind with the rest of my
servants, started in the morning for the camp of the Tawárek, having
provided a very handsome present, consisting of a large Núpe tobe, a
red cap, a túrkedí, and three fine “háf” or “lithám,” altogether worth
about 20,000 shells. However, we had only proceeded about a mile when
we met a few Tawárek serfs, who informed us that it was not Somki, but
another chief who had moved his encampment to this place; and, from
what I observed, I concluded that El Waláti had been well aware of
this before, but wanted only to extort from me a large present. Once
in the hands of this crafty Arab, I had to use great discretion in
order to prevent him from betraying me altogether, and I was obliged
to bear silently any little trick which he might play me in order to
enrich himself, as long as I proceeded onwards and approached the
object of my arduous undertaking. We therefore moved on, and, soon
leaving the mountains behind us, after a march of about eight miles
through a plain covered with dense underwood, reached the encampment
of the Tawárek.
This was a very important stage of my journey. Having with the greatest
difficulty and danger crossed the wide open country of the other more
easterly tribes of the Tawárek on the setting out of our expedition, and
heartily glad to have got rid of them, I here once more entered their
territory and delivered myself up into their hands without enjoying the
protection of a single powerful chief, and guided solely by the advice
of that crafty man whose only purpose was to get from me as much as
possible. The encampment consisted of leather tents of larger or smaller
size, but it evidently belonged to a chief without great power, as
seemed to be apparent from the total absence of camels and horses.
However, I immediately conceived a favourable impression of the muscular
strength and dexterity of these people; for when we approached the tent
of the chief, who was sitting inside upon his couch of reeds, he with a
single jerk jumped out and suddenly stood upright before us. Of course
the tent was open in front, but nevertheless it appeared to me a great
gymnastic feat, especially taking into account the lowness of the
entrance, as in jumping out he had to stoop at the same time. Without
delay a smaller tent was placed at our disposal, and we made ourselves
comfortable.
The tents, “éhe” (pl. éhénnan), consist of a large round piece of
leather formed of a great number of smaller sheepskins cut in
quadrangular pieces and sewed together, while the borders of the whole
are left purposely very irregular, in order to pass the stalks, which
describe the outward circle of the tent, through the projecting corners.
These skins are spanned over three pairs of poles, the middle pair of
considerable elevation, the remaining two not so high, and one of them,
on the right of the entrance, being forked, as represented in the
accompanying woodcut, although, as far as I have become aware, the
middle poles are not always the same, in some tents both joining at the
top, in others seeming to stand apart. The whole character of these
tents will be still better understood from the plate representing the
Tawárek encampment at Amalélle in the next volume.
[Illustration]
In such a tent there are generally two couches, or divans, called
“teshégit,” made of a fine species of reed, and raised about a foot from
the ground; for these people generally choose the most swampy places for
their encampments, and after a thunder-storm are sometimes to be found
in the midst of a lake. They are also not wanting in comforts; and on
every couch there is a leather pillow, “adafór,” which certainly seems
very essential, as it would be most uncomfortable to rest the elbow on
the uneven and hard surface of these reed couches. Almost all the
furniture of these simple people, besides a few wooden bowls for eating
and drinking, consists of leather bags of excellent workmanship and
sometimes very tastefully ornamented, as will be shown in the following
volume. In these they stow away their clothes as well as their
provisions; and during the night they surround the whole tent with very
neat mattings of a fine species of reed, so that a tent of this
description forms quite a comfortable dwelling.
Although our host was evidently not one of the first-rate chiefs, he, as
well as his kinsfolk and friends who came to visit us, had a very noble
and prepossessing appearance, being rather broad-shouldered, stout, and
well knit, with a pleasing expression of countenance and a fair skin,
though there were a few among them who, with their coarse features and
their dark skin, bore testimony to the deterioration of the Berber
blood. We had scarcely made ourselves comfortable, when we were treated
with large quantities of fresh and sour milk, while a fat sheep was
slaughtered and prepared for our supper, but without any additional
food, these people living almost entirely on meat and milk.
Of course I had to make a handsome present to my new friends, consisting
of a fine black tobe, a túrkedí, and a black harám; but I doubt very
much whether my friend El Waláti gave them these articles as a present
from me, or whether he sold them as his own. However, be this as it may,
I wanted not only their protection, but their assistance too, as my
camels were so weakened by the continual humidity to which they were
exposed, that they were not fit to carry my luggage any further. But
besides, as we had to pass the seats of these lawless tribes, we had to
grope our way, as well as possible, from one encampment to the other, so
that we wanted guides; and it was therefore arranged that, hiring a
couple of pack-oxen at this place, we should join this tribe the
following morning, when they would take us on our way to the chief,
Somki. The mountainous district, in the direction of Núggera, had the
following appearance at its termination.
[Illustration]
On returning from this encampment to Bóne, being misled by a man who
professed to know the district, which for the most part consists of
swampy ground, we fell into a dangerous bog, and made our way with great
difficulty. We were also visited by a very heavy thunder-storm in the
evening, which swamped the whole country, killed one of my camels, and
rendered our night’s rest very uncomfortable. In consequence of this
violent rain our road the next day, on our way to the Tawárek, was very
bad, and we had great difficulty in avoiding the swamps; but I was
rewarded by the picturesque aspect of the scenery, a rich cascade
rushing down over the steep cliffs of the mountain, from a height of
about two hundred feet, and forming at the bottom a powerful torrent,
which swept along through a fine border of vegetation in the direction
of Bóne. The poor independent inhabitants of that mountain had left
their stone cottages and caves on the slope of the steep cliffs, and
were busy, after the fertilising rain, with the labours of the field in
their limited grounds, clearing them of the weeds. The crops promised
well, and had a healthy appearance. When we disturbed these poor people
in their labours, they retired behind the safeguard of their Cyclopean
rocks, and stared at us with great curiosity, the unusual appearance of
our whole train causing them a great deal of dismay; and it was in vain
that we endeavoured by our gestures to persuade them to continue their
labours, as they did not understand us, while we were greatly pleased to
observe that, although pagans, they were decently clad with neat aprons
of cotton round their loins.
Having at length joined our friends of yesterday, we pitched our linen
tents, which greatly attracted their attention, at some distance from
their leather dwellings, and were soon beset by numbers of the fair sex,
some of whom were distinguished by their plumpness, especially by that
peculiar feature called “tebúllodén,” which I mentioned on a former
occasion; but I was forced to frighten these fair visitors away, as, in
consequence of the last day’s thunder-storm, I felt very unwell, and was
obliged to have recourse to an emetic. As for the men, their dress
consisted throughout of a short shirt with short open sleeves, made of a
coarse kind of broad cotton strips, only a few young lads, sons of the
chief, wearing also, here in the encampment, blue-dyed shirts, with a
patch of red cloth to adorn the large breast-pocket. Their head-dress
was likewise very poor, consisting not of a whole shawl, harám or
tesílgemist, but of single cotton strips of various colours, blue, red,
white, and of the mixed kind called “shaharíye,” sewed together, only a
few of them being able to add a strip of red cloth: for, altogether,
these Tawárek are very fond of a variety of colours, a feature already
observed by that most excellent geographer El Bekrí[78], and never leave
the manufactured shirts of Núpe and Háusa as they receive them, with the
exception of a few of the greatest chiefs, who pride themselves in
possessing a whole shirt of that kind. Owing to the swampy character of
the neighbourhood, which produced countless hosts of mosquitoes, and to
the number of hyenas, which frightened the cattle repeatedly, I passed a
restless and sleepless night.
[Sidenote: Friday, August 12th.]
I was now in the hands of the Tawárek, and my crafty Arab companion was
enabled to take full advantage of my dangerous situation. For, on the
one hand, it had become necessary to represent me to these simple people
as a great sheríf, and thus to excite their hospitable feelings, while
at the same time he instigated me to reward their treatment in a
generous manner, but nevertheless sold my presents to them as his own
property. It required a great deal of patience and forbearance on my
part, to bear up against the numerous delays in this part of our
journey, and to endure the many tricks played upon me by the treachery
of my companion, in order to prevent at least his proceeding to open
violence. In this encampment he bartered the horse which I had bought
for him at Libtáko, for seven fat and powerful bulls, which, in
Timbúktu, probably might fetch from 8000 to 10,000 shells each. This
business being at length settled, and the whole encampment breaking up,
we proceeded onwards. The men were mostly mounted on horses of a small
unsightly breed, but well adapted to bear fatigue, while the women were
sitting astride on their household furniture, which was packed on oxen
and asses.
Proceeding thus slowly onward, our friends encamped about a mile from
their former resting-place, or “ámazágh,” close beyond an extensive
meadow-water which caused the young herbage to spring up all around, and
full of holes, thus creating frequent delay.
Continuing, then, our journey alone, and ascending higher ground, where
a little cultivation was being carried on by the slaves of the nomadic
tribe which at present have taken possession of these grounds, and
passing another encampment, we reached, after a march of about eight
miles, the camp where we were to make another halt. It was situated in
an open tract of ground called Imeggélelé, adorned only by a few stunted
talha trees, while at some distance to the south a flat vale spread out,
clothed with a greater profusion of vegetation, and affording rich
pasture to numerous flocks of sheep and goats. The whole tract forms a
sort of irregular valley, bordered towards the north by a hilly chain of
slight elevation, and towards the west by a cluster of flat-topped
cones.
[Illustration]
The camp was governed by three different chiefs, called Sítina, Jáwi,
and Feréferé,—the latter being a man of a very powerful frame. Several
small presents were necessary to satisfy them all. Besides, as the two
pack-oxen which I had hired the day before were to return from this
place, I had to buy here two animals myself; and I had great difficulty,
in the course of the following day, in concluding a bargain: but I at
length succeeded in buying one bull, with a tobe worth here 6000 shells,
and a túrkedí of inferior quality worth 2000; and a second one, with
three háf worth 4000, together with a túrkedí worth 3500. This was not,
however, their real value, but the price fixed by El Waláti, who had
himself a profit of at least fifty per cent. He also was the sole cause
of my being detained here so long, as he wanted to sell the mare which
he had brought with him from Bulánga; for horses constitute the chief
article of trade with these people, and small Fúlbe traders, or rather
Jawámbe or Zoghorán, visit them continually, bringing horses from Sofára
and the country of Búrgu, where the best animal fetches not more than
about 30,000 shells, and bartering them with these people for cattle,
and the first evening of our arrival a numerous troop of these native
traders arrived. It was here that I observed, for the first time, some
of the Tawárek clad entirely in shirts made of leather, which they are
skilful in preparing.
[Sidenote: Sunday, August 14th.]
The bargaining being at length concluded, we got ourselves in readiness
to pursue our journey, when a violent thunder-storm, gathering from the
north, kept us back till nearly noon. We at length set out; but the
recently bought animals were so intractable that we only moved on at a
very slow pace. We had first to retrace our steps a little to the
eastward, in order to cross the hilly chain which separated us from the
sandy downs along the Niger; and had then to descend a very steep sandy
slope, which brought us into an irregular valley, with the mountains of
Dalla forming a conspicuous object towards the west. Having then turned
round a mountain spur which stretched out into the plain on our right,
we reached the encampment of Bélé, a powerful chief of the degraded
tribe of the Haw-n-ádak. His exterior had nothing of that noble
appearance which so eminently distinguishes the higher class of these
wild tribes, as he was of unwieldy corpulency, and of a rather short
figure, resembling the famous South-African chief, Nangóro, visited by
Messrs. Galton and Anderson. He received us, however, very hospitably,
and proved to be rather an intelligent man; but, fortunately, he had not
sufficient cleverness to discover that I was a Christian, although, from
the very first moment when he beheld my luggage, he arrived at the firm
conclusion that I was not what my companions represented me to
be,—namely, a sheríf from the far east; but he had made up his mind, on
account of the little knowledge which I possessed of his language, and
which I had not quite kept back before him, that I was a merchant,
either from Ghadámes or Morocco, and it was quite amusing to me to hear
him argue this point, while he affirmed with the greatest obstinacy, and
with an oath, that I was a Shillúh,—a Berber from the north,—and wanted
to represent myself as a sheríf, in order to pass through his tribe with
less trouble and expense. He, as well as his people, became, by degrees,
rather troublesome; but they treated us well, sending us two prepared
sheep, and large dishes of rice boiled in an abundance of butter, but
without salt. The chief himself is said to consume every day a sheep,
and the supply of milk from seven cows,—in this respect reminding us of
the Emperor Vitellius.
[Sidenote: Monday, August 15th.]
I presented to the chief a first-rate túrkedí, two black shawls, and a
red cap; but as my fine horse excited his cupidity, we had some
difficulty in getting away, and matters appeared for some time rather
serious. But having at length proceeded on our journey, after a little
more than a mile, we ascended from the rich grassy plain, upon an
undulating tract of deep sandy soil, richly clothed with mimosa and
herbage, and broken now and then by a depression or cavity covered with
the richest species of grass, called “banga.” Numerous flocks of sheep
were pasturing here, and a servant of Bélé, who accompanied us, felt no
compunction in seizing the fattest specimen and slaughtering it. After a
march of about eight miles, the poisonous euphorbia became very common;
but we looked in vain for water, as we had taken no supply with us, and
it was not till after a long march over the sandy downs, that we reached
a pool of stagnant and dirty water. A little more than two miles beyond,
we came to another encampment of Tawárek. Here fortunately I found
better rest than at Bélé’s, only a few people being present at the time.
The chief, too, being of rather a subordinate character, raised his
pretensions less high.
On account of their degraded character and their low condition in the
scale of Tawárek society, these people were not even allowed to wear
swords, which is the emblem of the free and noble Amóshagh, but, besides
their spears, they are only armed with a long “télak,” or knife, worn at
the left arm. All the Tawárek hereabouts wear short narrow shirts, and
short and tightly fitting trowsers; and almost all of them wear round
the lower and upper part of their face, a shawl composed of strips of
different colours and materials, as I have stated above; only the chief
himself uses a black tobe, and a shawl of the same colour.
These various tribes pasture their cattle quite differently from each
other. Most of the Tawárek, like the Fúlbe in general, drive them out
early in the morning, and fetch them home when the heat of the day
commences, in order to milk them, after which the cattle are again
driven out till evening; but the people of this as well as of the last
day’s encampment, pasture their cattle during the night, and fetch them
home early in the morning for milking. We had a fine cool breeze in the
evening, which refreshed me extremely while lying in front of my tent;
but in the night a heavy thunder-storm broke out, followed by a moderate
quantity of rain.
[Sidenote: August 16th.]
It was almost noon when we started, for as long as my friend El Waláti
had something to sell, there was no chance of travelling, and in order
to diminish my dissatisfaction, it was pretended that one of my pack-
oxen was lost. Here my companion bartered his young camel for sixty
sheep, and the bargain being at length concluded, we were allowed to
proceed on our journey. But before setting out I had to give my blessing
to the whole population of the encampment, male as well as female. Among
the latter I discovered a few pretty young women, particularly one, who,
together with her baby, formed a most pleasing spectacle, her beauty
being enhanced by her extreme shyness in approaching me; but their dress
was very poor indeed, consisting of coarse cotton stuff, which was
wrapped round the body and brought down over the head. All the boys
under twelve years of age have the left side of their head entirely
shaven, while from the crop on the right side a long curl hangs down.
At length we were again on the road, but our march, through a rather
level tract of country, was only of short duration, and after a little
more than six miles, having crossed a basin where a large sheet of water
had collected, we again took up our quarters in another encampment the
chief of which was stated to possess great authority, so that I had once
more to give presents to the value of nearly 10,000 shells, besides a
túrkedi and “háf” to be given to the man belonging to Bélé, who had
served us as a guide. I had likewise to send a present to a Tárki chief
at some distance, in order to take every precaution recommended to me by
my companion to insure my safety, although I felt certain that he
himself applied the greater portion to his own use. It was thus that my
supplies rapidly disappeared, and I had a fair prospect, if this state
of things should continue for any length of time, of arriving in
Timbúktu greatly lightened. We were however hospitably treated by our
hosts, and were even regaled with the uncommon luxury of a large dish of
“megáta,” a sort of maccaroni, prepared from wheat with a rich seasoning
of butter, and famous since the time of El Bekrí. As a proof that we
were approaching Timbúktu, I may mention that the people of this
encampment were extremely anxious to get a sip of tea, which they called
the water of Simsim, from the celebrated well of that name in Mekka.
Another of my camels being knocked up, I here exchanged it for four
bulls, one of which was fit for carrying burdens, being equal in value
to two or three of the others; but I had afterwards a keen dispute on
account of this bargain, the camel having subsequently died.
[Sidenote: August 17th.]
On setting out from this encampment, we kept at first a little more
westward, thus leaving the district of Banséna, which formerly seems to
have been of some importance, to the north, in order to avoid the
encampment of Íso, a brother of Somki, who had sent a messenger the
preceding day in order to invite us to pay him a visit. The district
through which we passed is called Mínta, and is rich in ironstone, while
ruins of former smelting-places are seen in different localities; but it
was extremely barren, extensive tracts of bleak native soil, called
“néga” or “hamraye,” fatiguing the eye under a hot African sun. Further
on the soil became swampy, and bore frequent footprints of the elephant:
but after a march of a little more than three miles, while we again
returned into a northerly direction, we entered an undulating sandy
tract clothed with bushes, and two miles and a half beyond again
encamped on the site of a Tawárek ámazágh. Here, after having made some
presents, we were well treated, two sheep being slaughtered for us; but
we passed a most uncomfortable night on account of the vast number of
mosquitoes which infested the place.
[Sidenote: Thursday, August 18th.]
We at length made a tolerable day’s march in order to reach the small
town of Bámbara, which forms the southernmost of the fixed settlements
of the Songhay along the creeks and back-waters of the river in this
part of the country. The district through which we passed in the
beginning of our march formed a tolerable level, thickly overgrown with
bushes and the feathery bristle, which gradually attained such a height,
as to reach the rider on horseback. At times also the poisonous
euphorbia predominated, and after a march of about nine miles our old
friend the hájilíj, or _Balanites ægyptiaca_, which I did not remember
to have seen since leaving Fógha, began to appear. But far more cheerful
than the sight of this tree was the view of a large sheet of water,
which appeared on our right about three miles further on, and which
excited in me the first idea of the size and richness of the upper
course of the Niger; it is here called Dó; but in its further course
northwards, where the eye could not reach the border, it bears the
particular name of Siléddu, and at least at certain seasons of the year
is in direct connection with the river.
Having then passed a small tract of cultivated ground and emerged from
the undulating country, we obtained a sight of the town of Bámbara,
situated a little in front of a chain of hills, as represented in the
accompanying woodcut. In an hour more we reached the place, and at the
instigation of our Arab companion fired a salute with our pistols,
whereupon the principal individuals made their appearance, and we
obtained quarters without further delay. The town or village consists
partly of low clay buildings, partly of huts, but the inhabitants appear
to dwell almost exclusively in the latter, using the clay dwellings,
which generally consist of low, oblong, and flat-roofed buildings, as
store-rooms or magazines for depositing their treasures; that is to say,
their long rolls of cotton-strips, “leppi,” or “tári.” The dwelling also
which was assigned to me consisted of a rather low dirty hut, which was
anything but well ventilated, and proved almost insupportable during the
hot hours of the day. But the clay soil in the courtyard was too hard
for pitching my tent, and besides, it was not advisable to expose myself
in this manner to the gaze of inquisitive and curious observers. The
inhabitants of this place, almost all of whom are Fúlbe, and on account
of their large features evidently belong to the section of the Toróde or
Tórobe, are ill-famed as “dhálemín,” or evil-doers. However, they are a
warlike set, and had succeeded a few months before in driving back the
Awelímmiden, who had made a foray on a large scale against the place.
But Bámbara is important in an economical respect, for the inhabitants,
besides possessing numerous cattle, cultivate a large extent of ground;
even many of the people of Timbúktu have fields here, the transport of
the grain being easy and cheap by means of the immense inland navigation
which is formed by the many back-waters and branches of the Niger. But
the neighbourhood of the place is very barren, and at that time
especially, when no rain had fallen for some time, looked extremely dry,
so that the camels had to be driven to a great distance to find
pasturage. Some Tawárek half-castes are also settled in the place, and
they kept up dancing every evening till a very late hour.
[Illustration]
Bámbara is called Hudári by the Tawárek or Imóshagh, and Sukurára by the
people of the kingdom of Bámbara, the Bámanón, or as they are called by
the inhabitants of Timbúktu, Benáber. Why the name Bámbara has attached
to this place in particular I cannot say, but probably the reason was,
that the people of Bámbara, who some seventy years ago conquered all
this country to the south of the river, retained dominion of this town
for a longer time than of any other place in the neighbourhood. There is
no doubt that the Fúlbe, or Fullán, as well as the Songhay and Arabs,
call the place only by the latter name.
I had to stay in Bámbara several days, not at all for my own comfort, as
I continually ran the risk of being recognised and identified, having
been known as a Christian at the short distance of a few days’ journey
from here. Nothing but the scanty intercourse which is kept up in this
region made such a sudden change of character possible, for as yet I had
nobody to protect me. But my friend El Waláti, whose relation with the
inhabitants of this place was of a peculiar character, derived the sole
benefit from our stay. He had married here, four years previously, a
rich wife, and had absconded with all her property: besides having
seriously offended the powerful Tárki chief Somki. Having thus made
himself so obnoxious to them, he would not have been able to enter the
place again, if he had not found an opportunity of enriching himself at
my expense and enjoying the protection of my company. However, it was
only by degrees that I became acquainted with all these circumstances,
while I had to bear silently all the intrigues of this man, my only
object being to reach safely in his company the town of Timbúktu; but it
was evident enough that he was continually wavering, whether it was not
more profitable for him to deliver me into the hands of the Fúlbe, as he
knew well that in the town of Dár-e’-Salám, which was only thirty miles
distant, there was a powerful governor, under the ruler of Másina, and
himself a son of Mohammed Lebbo, who, at the first intelligence of my
real character, would have cut short all my proceedings, and, in the
most favourable case, would have sent me direct to his liege lord and
nephew in Hamda-Alláhi.
I had to make here some considerable presents to a number of people.
There was first our host Jóbbo, who had given us quarters, and who
treated us very hospitably; then, the son of the chief or emír, who was
absent in Hamda-Alláhi; next, three kinsmen of the latter, who were
represented to me as dhálemín; and lastly, three Arabs from Timbúktu,
who were staying here at the time, and whose friendly disposition I had
to secure for some reason or other. One of the latter was a very amiable
young man, of the name of Mohammed el Amín, son of the learned kádhi
Mústapha, and it was he, in particular, who gave me some information
with regard to my friend El Waláti, who, on his part, endeavoured to
obtain the favour of this young man, by persuading me to make him a good
present, and to commission him to take charge of my horse through the
dangerous and watery tract of country from Sarayámo to Kábara. As for
the second of these Arabs, he belonged to the small tribe of the Ansár,
or, as they are generally called Lansár,—that most respected Arab tribe
which, on account of its intimate connection with Mohammed, enjoyed
everywhere and at all times great influence, but which is at present
reduced to a very small fraction. He was a follower of Hammádi, the
rival of the sheikh El Bakáy in Timbúktu, and seemed to be of such a
hostile disposition towards my friend that the latter represented him to
me as shamefully exiled from that town, and as totally disgraced.
Besides these presents to the inhabitants of the place, I had also to
reward the various people who had accompanied us from the Tawárek
encampments in order to show us the road, or rather to drive the sheep
and cattle belonging to El Waláti. But in return for all these presents
I was at least treated hospitably and, for these countries, even
sumptuously; and I was glad to find that the rice here, which
constituted the chief article of food, was of excellent quality.
While we were staying in this place I received a visit from two Tawárek
chiefs, who, owing to our slow progress, had heard of me, and came in
order to obtain from me my blessing, but more particularly some
presents. The chief of them was a very respectable-looking man, of the
name of Mohammed, or Hemáhemé, with large open features, such as are
never seen among the Kél-owí, and of a tall stately figure. They behaved
very friendly towards me, and one of them even embraced me very
cordially; but the scale of their religious erudition was not very
considerable, and I was greatly amused when El Waláti, in order to get
back from them his tobacco-pouch, which they had secretly abstracted
from him, suddenly seized one of my books, which happened to be
“Lander’s Journey,” and, on threatening them with it as if it were the
Kurán, the pouch was restored without delay.
I had been questioned repeatedly on my journey respecting the Méhedí,
who was expected soon to appear; but these people here were uncommonly
anxious to know something concerning him, and could scarcely be
prevented from identifying me with this expected prophet, who was to
come from the East.
They were scarcely gone when a messenger arrived from the great chief
Somki, whose name had already filled my imagination for so long a time;
and, at El Waláti’s most urgent request, who did not fail to enhance the
importance of this man as much as he was able, I prepared a considerable
present, worth altogether 33,000 shells, which my friend was to take to
him on the following day.
Now it would not have been at all necessary to have come into any
contact with this chief, as the direct road to Timbúktu led straight
from here, without touching at Sarayámo, near which place Somki had
formed his encampment; but my friend represented the direct road from
here to Timbúktu as leading along the encampments of several powerful
chiefs, whom it would be more prudent to avoid; and perhaps he was
right, not so much from the reason stated as on account of the water-
communication between Sarayámo and Timbúktu offering a great advantage.
In conformity with these circumstances, on the third day of our stay
here, El Waláti at length set out for the encampment of Somki, in order
to obtain his protection, to enable me to pass safely through his
territory; and I sent along with him my faithful servant, Mohammed el
Gatróni, whom I had just cured of a severe attack of dysentery, although
I could not expect that he would be able to control the proceedings of
the crafty Arab, as he did not understand the language of the Tawárek.
They did not return until the third day, and gave me in the meantime
full leisure to study a little more accurately the relations of this
place.
[Footnote 78: El Bekrí’s “Description de l’Afrique Septentrionale,” p.
118.]
CHAP. LXIV.
THE NETWORK OF CREEKS, BACKWATERS, AND LAKES BELONGING TO THE NIGER. —
SARAYÁMO. — NAVIGATION TO KÁBARA.
On my first arrival at the town of Bámbara, I had not been at all aware
that it formed a most important point of my journey, it being for me, as
proceeding from the south-east, what that celebrated creek three days
west from Timbúktu was to the traveller from the north during the middle
ages, and which on this account has received the name of “Rás el má.”
The town of Bámbara is situated on a branch, or rather a dead backwater
of the river, forming a very shallow bottom of considerable breadth, but
a very irregular border, and containing at that time but little water,
so that the communication with the river was interrupted; but about
twenty days later in the season, for about four or five months every
year, during the highest state of the inundation, the boats proceed from
here directly, either to Díre by way of Gálaye and Káñima, or to
Timbúktu by way of Délego and Sarayámo, thus opening a considerable
export of corn towards that dependent market-place, which again has to
supply the whole of the nomadic tribes of Ázawád, and the neighbouring
districts.
This shallow water is bordered on the west side by the hilly chain which
I have mentioned before, and beyond there is another branch, which joins
it towards the south. Such being the state of the water at present,
there was no great activity, and two canoes only were lying here under
repair, each of them being provided with two low chambers, or cabins,
vaulted in with reeds and bushes, as I shall describe further on. Of
course, when this basin is full of water, and navigated by numbers of
canoes, the place must present quite another appearance, while at the
time of my visit its shallow swampy state could not but increase the
dulness of the whole neighbourhood, which had not yet been fertilised by
the rainy season. I was assured by the inhabitants that only one
plentiful shower had as yet fallen. This was the reason that, instigated
by the absurd rumour which had preceded me that my favour with the
Almighty was so great that it had some influence upon the fall of rain,
all the inhabitants, although Mohammedans, assembled on the second day
of El Waláti’s absence, and, headed by the emír, came to me in
procession, and solicited my interference in their behalf for a good
shower of rain. I succeeded this time in eluding their solicitations for
a direct prayer, satisfying them by expressing my fervent hope that the
Almighty would have mercy upon them. But I was so favoured, that there
was really a moderate shower in the evening, which did a great deal of
good to the ground, although the air did not become much cooler, for it
was excessively hot all this time, and sometimes almost insupportable in
my narrow dirty hut. I remember in particular one miserable night which
I spent here, when, not being able to obtain a wink of sleep, I wandered
about all night, and felt totally exhausted in the morning.
Notwithstanding the swarms of mosquitoes, I afterwards preferred
sleeping outside my hut, in order to inhale the slight refreshing breeze
which used to spring up during the night. Unfortunately I had, to the
best of my belief, long before broken my last thermometer, and was
therefore unable, or rather believed myself unable, to measure the heat
with accuracy, but it could certainly not be inferior to the greatest
rate we had experienced in Kúkawa. The whole country round about the
village is very bleak, consisting chiefly of black argillaceous soil,
such as is common in the neighbourhood of large sheets of water, and
scarcely a single tree offers its foliage as a shelter from the rays of
the sun.
I had also sufficient leisure to pay full attention to the trading
relations of the inhabitants, which, at this time of the year, are
rather poor; for although a daily market is held, it is on a very small
scale, and, besides sour milk and salt, very little is to be found. Even
Indian corn is not brought regularly into the market, although so much
agriculture is going on in the neighbourhood, and I had to buy my supply
from strangers who by chance were passing through the place, while for
one of my oxen I got only as much as forty sʿaa, or measures of corn: of
rice, on the contrary, which is extensively cultivated in the
neighbourhood, the natives, even at this season, appeared to possess a
sufficient supply. The standard currency consists of “tári,” that is to
say, cotton strips two hands wide, of which, unfortunately, I did not
possess the smallest quantity; it is only in purchasing sweet or sour
milk that the inhabitants accept shells. Everything that is sold in the
market is measured and inspected by an officer, who does not bear the
same title by which he is known in the eastern countries of the Fúlbe,
viz. “lámido-lúmu,” but is here called “emíro-fóba.”
A good deal of entertainment was afforded me by the daily turning out
and bringing in of the several divisions of the five herds of cattle
which the place possessed. Three herds returned early in the morning
from their pasture grounds, where they had been left during the night,
in order to be milked; and the two remaining ones were then turned out,
in order to return during the heat of the day. But notwithstanding the
considerable number of cattle which the place possessed, the drought was
so great that there was only a small supply of milk at the time.
At length, on the evening of the third day after their setting out, my
two companions, whom I had sent to Somki, returned, and El Waláti would
fain have made me believe that that chief had at first most obstinately
refused to receive the presents, and had peremptorily demanded that I
should make him, in addition, a present of one of the horses; but the
fact was, that he had persisted in representing that those presents did
not come from me, but had employed them in order to make his own peace
with that powerful chief, and to conclude some bargain with him. After
all this, he had the insolence to propose that I also should go to that
chief, in order to surrender to him some more of my property as his own;
but I could not prevent it, and my only object was necessarily to get
over my difficult situation as well as possible.
[Sidenote: Thursday, August 25th.]
Having, after the return of my friend from his important embassy, still
been obliged to stay another day in this miserable place, and having had
the misfortune to lose my best ox of burden, which El Waláti had sold to
the Tawárek who came along with us, pretending that it had been stolen,
I at length set out on my journey to Sarayámo. But just as we were about
to start, a circumstance happened which might have proved fatal to my
further proceedings; for, at the moment of departure, there arrived an
Arab, a native of Tisít, who, besides having visited St. Louis, had made
the pilgrimage to Mekka, and knew something about Europeans as well as
about the Arabs of the East; and as I asked a great many questions about
the ancient and celebrated town of Bíru, and the modern Waláta, he began
to make some stricter inquiries concerning my native home, and the
places from whence I had gathered my information; for not having found
any one on his journey towards the East who knew anything about the
seats of these Western Arabs, while the general name of Shingíti is
given to all of them, he was not a little astonished to find that I knew
so much about his countrymen. However, my whole appearance inspired him
with such confidence, that he continued to take great interest in me. He
had already, the previous evening, sent me a fat sheep as a present, and
he now accompanied me for a while, mounted on a beautiful white mare;
but, as his company prevented my laying down the route with accuracy, I
persuaded him not to give himself any further trouble.
Having crossed a small watercourse, we soon reached a larger one, which
formed a running stream, carrying the surplus of the shallow creek of
Bámbara towards a larger sheet, which, at the distance of a mile, we saw
expand on our right. The surface of the country was undulating, with
granite cropping out here and there, and with a good supply of stunted
mimosa, besides the poisonous euphorbia; but, about two miles beyond the
open water, we descended into a more level tract, covered with nothing
but dry and short herbage, and abundance of the obnoxious feathery
bristle; but this is very favourable ground for the cattle, for they are
not less fond of this bristle than their masters themselves are of the
seed, called “úzak,” which from the most ancient times[79] has
constituted one of their chief articles of food. We passed, also, the
sites of several former Tawárek encampments.
Having then entered a district where more dúm-bush appeared, we ascended
a sandy ridge, from whence we beheld, in front of us, an extensive sheet
of water, stretching out to a distance of several miles, its surface
agitated by a strong breeze, and with tall reeds forming its border. It
is called Nyéngay by the Fúlbe, and Isse-énga by the Tawárek, and is in
connection with the branches of Bámbara and Káñima, winding along from
here by way of Gálaye to the latter place, and from thence by way of
Délego to Sarayámo, and thus opening an uninterrupted navigable canal,
at least during the highest state of the inundation; but it is said to
be dreaded by the boatmen of the frail native craft, who never dare to
cross it in a storm. It seemed, in a south-westerly direction, from six
to eight miles across, but towards the north-west it became contracted
in such a manner, that at the narrowest place only two canoes can sail
abreast; after which it turned away, and could not be further surveyed
from this point.
Having followed the border of this fine and imposing sheet of water,
where numbers of people were catching fish, for about a mile and a half,
we ascended the sandy downs on our right, and soon reached the
encampment of Mohammed, the chief of the Kél-e’-súk, who a few days
previously had paid me a visit in Bámbara. Here I had to give away
several more of my effects, but we were treated most hospitably, and
even sumptuously, and besides two enormous bowls full of rice and meat,
swimming in an immense quantity of butter, a whole ox was slaughtered
for us. The site of the encampment was very beautiful, and I walked for
a long time about the downs, which were adorned with a rich profusion of
trees of the acacia kind, and offered an interesting prospect over the
lake; but the ensuing night was most miserably spent on account of the
numerous swarms of mosquitoes which infested the encampment.
[Sidenote: August 26th.]
We were very early in motion, but a heavy thunder-storm which gathered
from the south-east delayed our departure, although, taking into account
the slow rate at which I was here obliged to travel, it was a matter of
total indifference whether we started early or late, as I was quite in
the hands of my friend the Waláti, who stopped wherever he had any
business to transact, and did not set out again until he had concluded
his bargain. The rain clouds then taking a more northerly direction, we
at length set out, pursuing our track over the hilly country, and while
we lost sight of the lake of Nyéngay on our left, soon discovered on our
right another but smaller sheet of water called Gérru. The Nyéngay is
said to be full of water all the year round; but the Gérru becomes dry
in summer, when the inhabitants of Sarayámo repair hither in order to
cultivate their rice-fields, the rice ripening with the rising waters,
and being cut shortly before the river attains the highest state of
inundation.
Having left these interesting sheets of water behind us, we traversed a
district more richly adorned with acacias, and crossed a valley where
the siwák, or _Capparis sodata_ (a bush which I scarcely remembered to
have seen since my return from Kánem), was growing in great exuberance,
besides numbers of gerredh, or the useful _Acacia nilotica_, but we
searched in vain for water. The country also which we traversed from
here onwards was chiefly clothed with the _Capparis_ and the _Mimosa
nilotica_, besides a good deal of dúm-bush; but, further on, we emerged
from this undulating tract into an open swampy ground, at present
tolerably dry, and covered with rich herbage, while we left on our right
the site of the formerly important town Sáma-koira[80], which once
lorded it over a considerable territory till it was destroyed by the
Tawárek, when the remnant of its population escaped towards Bamba and
Ghágo.
In these open swampy meadow grounds, girt by a dense belt of gerredh,
where no Arab would think of pitching his tent, was the encampment of
the chief Somki, with his family and his followers (the tents of the
kind I have described being just pitched), and his numerous herds of
cattle grazing right and left, besides about twenty camels. We found the
chief reclining on his “teshégit” or divan of reeds, and as soon as he
beheld us, he rose and saluted El Waláti and me. He was a man of middle
stature, and of tolerably stout proportions, his white beard, which
looked forth from under the lithám, giving him a highly respectable
appearance. He, however, did not show us any signs of hospitality, which
vexed me the more, as, besides the considerable presents which I had
sent to him a few days before, I had now again to make him another one,
consisting of two túrkedís and a háf; but I soon found that he was not
aware of the former presents having been sent by me.
Being an intelligent man, who had had dealings with a great many people,
he had some slight suspicion that I was not what my companions
represented me to be. While I was sitting in my tent reading attentively
a passage referring to these regions in the excellent little book of Mr.
Cooley on the Negroland of the Arabs, which has rendered me very great
assistance in directing my inquiries in these countries, he made his
appearance very abruptly, and seemed rather surprised at finding me
reading characters which he well knew were not Arabic; but,
nevertheless, he suppressed his suspicions. Perhaps in consequence of
the intrigues of El Waláti, he laid claims to the horse which I myself
rode. The eagerness of the women hereabout to obtain tobacco was very
remarkable, and they pestered my servants during a great part of the
night.
[Sidenote: Saturday, August 27th.]
We set out on our last day’s journey by land, in order to reach the
place where we were to embark on the river. Having emerged from the low
swampy ground, we entered again sandy downs, principally clothed with
háskanít, damankádda, and bú-rékkeba or _Panicum colonum_, and, having
left on one side a smaller channel, we reached the branch of Fatta,
which extends almost as far as Sarayámo, running parallel to several
other creeks, called after the villages Kásba, Haibóngo, and Benesénga,
which intersect the district named Bóddu.
The water at first formed a narrow irregular channel of about 200 yards
wide, very much resembling an artificial canal, as is the case with a
great many of these backwaters, but gradually it began to widen,
affording excellent soil for the cultivation of rice. Between this
channel and the river, there are several other branches, which appear to
join the creek which I navigated from Sarayámo. Altogether, in this
level part of the Niger, the river appears to spread out in a labyrinth
of channels and watercourses. As for the rice which was grown here
exclusively, it appeared to have been just sown with the assistance of
the dew, which suffices for its growth till the river rises and spreads
its inundation.
Here we passed a small village inhabited by a Tárki, or rather
Kél-e’-súki, of the name of Mohammed Bonyámi, who has settled here with
his property, and who, while we passed by, came out of his hut, and,
astonished at my unusual appearance, and delighted at seeing a stranger
from such a distance, entreated me in the kindest manner to stay with
him a short time, so that I had in consequence great difficulty in
pursuing my march. He was a very decent and venerable-looking old man,
of short stout figure, and with benevolent features, but his dress was
of the simplest kind, consisting of a white tobe and a black shawl. A
good many horses were pasturing hereabout, but not, as it would seem, to
the advantage of the rice grounds, as they fed mostly on the young
shoots. Having then left this watercourse at some distance on our right,
we reached three miles further on the town of Sarayámo, the chief place
in the province of Kíso. A great many people being here collected at the
news of our arrival, we fired a salute with our pistols, and after a
little search, owing to the very low entrances of most of the huts which
would not admit my luggage, obtained tolerable quarters.
The town of Sarayámo is formed by an inner city, kasr or “koira,”
consisting of clay dwellings, very narrow and uncomfortable; and a large
suburb on the east side formed of huts of large size, but all of them
with very low doors. The courtyard where I was quartered was situated at
the western border of this eastern suburb, on a sloping ground,
descending towards a small ravine which separates the suburb from the
kasr, and contained at the time a small quantity of dirty water. This
situation had the disadvantage that, from the opposite slope, everything
that was done in my courtyard could be observed, and there were a great
many curious people, especially among the rising generation, who
obtruded not a little on my privacy.
I had scarcely made myself comfortable, when I received a great number
of visits; and it was not long before Mohammed Bonyámi arrived, mounted
on a white mare. As El Waláti had persuaded me to take only one horse to
Timbúktu, I sent two of my animals with this man to remain with him
until my leaving that place, while I also intrusted to his care my five
camels, to be taken to a brother of his.
While I was conversing with these people, my friend the Háj Búda arrived
also, with whom I continued to pass for a Syrian sheríf, although he
thought it strange that I would not say my prayers with him in the
courtyard.
[Sidenote: Sunday, August 28th.]
Having enjoyed a good night’s rest, tolerably free from mosquitoes, as I
had shut my hut at an early hour, I took a walk down to the river, the
morning being, as usual, cool and fresh, and a slight breeze having
sprung up. The bank on which the town stands was, at present, from
twenty-five to thirty feet above the level of the river; but this
elevation is of course greatly diminished by the rising of the
inundation, the river reaching generally to the very border of the
village. That branch which is not in direct connection with the water of
Fatta, along which our last day’s march had lain, had no current, and
was about 200 yards in breadth. The communication by water along these
shallow backwaters of the immense Niger just opening (for in the dry
season the connection is interrupted), only one sea-worthy boat was
lying here at the time, neither conspicuous for its size nor for its
comfortable arrangement, and with two cabins of matting, one in the prow
and one in the stern, while another boat, measuring forty feet by eight,
was just repairing. All the craft are built of planks sewed or tied
together in a very bungling manner.
I learned, on this occasion, that it is only at this season of the year
that people go from here to Timbúktu, which lies almost exactly north
from this place, by an eastern winding; while later in the season they
follow a westerly branch. A labyrinth of creeks, backwaters, and
channels is in this manner spread over the whole of this country, of
which people had no previous idea.
I had scarcely returned to my quarters, when the governor, or emír, of
the place came to pay me a visit. This man, whose name was ʿOthmán, was
a cheerful kind of person. He stands in direct subjection to the chief
of Hamda-Alláhi, without being dependent upon any other governor; and
his province comprises some other places in the neighbourhood, such as
Fatta, Horeséna, and Kabéka. Having made strict inquiries with regard to
the present state of affairs in Stambúl, and having asked the news
respecting the countries of the East in general, he left me, but
returned again in the course of the afternoon, accompanied by the chief
persons in the town, in order to solicit my aid in procuring rain. After
a long conversation about the rainy season, the quantity of rain which
falls in different countries, and the tropical regions especially[81], I
felt myself obliged to say before them the “fat-há,” or opening prayer
of the Kurán; and, to their great amusement and delight, concluded the
Arabic prayer with a form in their own language,—“Alla hokki
ndíam,”—which, although meaning originally “God may give water,” has
become quite a complimentary phrase, so that the original meaning has
been almost lost, few people only being conscious of it. It so happened
that the ensuing night a heavy thunder-storm gathered from the east,
bringing a considerable quantity of rain, which even found its way into
my badly thatched hut. This apparent efficacy of my prayer induced the
inhabitants to return the following day, to solicit from me a repetition
of my performance; but I succeeded in evading their request by exhorting
them to patience. But, on the other hand, I was obliged, in addition to
a strong dose of emetic, to give the governor my blessing, as he was
going to the capital, and was rather afraid of his liege lord the young
prince Áhmedu, while at the same time his overbearing neighbours the
Tawárek inspired him with a great deal of fear. In the sequel, he was
very well received in the capital, and therefore could not complain of
the inefficacy of my inspiration; but nevertheless, not having had the
slightest suspicion that I was not what I represented myself to be, he
was much shocked when he afterwards learned that I was a Christian, to
the great amusement of the Sheikh el Bakáy, who wrote to him repeatedly
to the effect that he ought to be well pleased that so wicked a person
as a Christian had procured him, not only rain, but even a good
reception from his superior.
The town is tolerably flourishing, and the Fúlbe inhabitants, at least,
possess a great number of horses. We counted, one evening, ninety
returning from the pasture-grounds, while a good many more remained
outside at a greater distance. The Fúlbe here belong to the following
tribes: Urománge, Rilámbe, Oromanábe, Koirábe, Feroibe, Balámbe,
Orohábe, and Úrube. The whole population of the place may amount to
about 5000; but there did not appear to be many manufactures; even the
native cloth, so well woven by the Songhay, is not manufactured here.
The situation of the town at this navigable branch, however, produces
some activity, although no regular market appears to be held: and, the
second day of my stay here, a large boat arrived from Timbúktu, with
eighteen rás (a piece weighing about sixty pounds) of salt, a large
parcel of tobacco, and a good number of passengers. Shells have currency
here, and I bought rice for fourteen hundred shells and a túrkedí, at
the rate of forty shells for each sʿaa, or measure. Rice constitutes the
chief article of food, although on the west side of the town some negro-
corn is cultivated. Milk is plentiful.
The town of Dár-e’-salám, or Dári, the residence of ʿAbd-e’-rahmán, the
son of Mohammed Lebbo, lying on the bank of the river itself, is at a
distance of thirteen hours on horseback from here, equal to about thirty
miles, by way of Taíba.
Having succeeded in hiring the boat which had come from Timbúktu for the
exclusive use of my own party, for 10,000 shells, I prepared my luggage,
which, although now greatly reduced from the respectable bulk which it
presented when setting out from Kátsena, was still sufficient to inspire
me with the hope that I might succeed in securing the friendship of the
more influential chiefs of these regions: and in the evening of the last
day of August I went on board of my small craft, and passed there a very
comfortable night. The river, during the time of my residence in the
place, had risen considerably, and soon promised to open the
communication by the western branch.
[Sidenote: Thursday, September 1st.]
After a good deal of delay, we at length began our voyage about a
quarter before eight in the morning; and I felt my spirits greatly
cheered when I found myself floating on this river, or backwater, which
was to carry me all the way to the harbour of Timbúktu. The river near
the town forms a fine open sheet, widening to about 300 yards; but
further on, as we were winding along in a north-easterly direction, it
was greatly obstructed with rank grass, or rather býrgu, which very
often covered the water entirely, so that the boat seemed to glide along
a grassy plain. It was quite out of the question to use oars. We were
therefore reduced to the necessity of proceeding with poles, generally
moving at the rate of two miles and a third an hour, but very often
less. Besides the býrgu, which constitutes the chief fodder for horse
and cattle in all the districts along the Niger, and which even
furnishes man with the sweet beverage called “ménshu” and a sort of
honey called “kartu,” white water-lilies, or _Nymphæa Lotus_, were in
great quantities; and, between the latter, the waterplant “serranfúsa,”
which, being about ten inches long, floats on the water without having
its roots fixed in the ground. But, after a voyage of about three miles,
we emerged from the reedy water of Sarayámo into a more open branch,
said to be that of Bámbara, which here joined it. According to some of
my informants, this water is identical with the Gérru, which I have
mentioned on a former occasion. Here the eastern bank became quite free
from reed-grass, while a herd of gazelles was to be seen near the shore;
the western bank, meanwhile, being adorned with numerous dúm-palms,
gáwo, and tamarind trees, or, as they are called here, busúsu; while,
further on, the ascending ground was covered with “tunfáfia” (_Asclepias
gigantea_), “retem” (or broom), and “damankádda.” But after a while,
when rank grass again began to prevail, this arm also became greatly
obstructed, being separated by the grass into several branches. The
water being only from five to seven feet deep, we proceeded rather
slowly onward, winding along in a northerly direction, at times
diverging more to the west, at others more to the east; till about an
hour after noon we reached the small town of Fatta, situated on the
eastern shore, and surrounded by extensive rice-grounds, where the
people were busy with the labours of the field.
The river here changes its direction to the west, being probably joined
by another branch, which, however, I did not see, and we began steering
in that direction, soothing our disappointment at not moving directly
towards the object of our voyage with the animated songs of our boatmen,
who accompanied the movements of their oars with a barbarous, but not
unmelodious, account of the deeds of the great Áskia. A great many herds
of cattle were to be seen on the left or southern side of the river, and
gave life to the scenery. Our living also was not so bad, a couple of
fine fishes, which we had succeeded in buying from some fishermen,
having been prepared over the fire and affording us an excellent dinner.
The farther we proceeded onward the more the channel widened, becoming
free from reeds, although occasionally adorned by a floating layer of
water-lilies. However, beyond the village of Gurijígge, or Guridígge,
the current became so strong that, in order to avoid it, we chose rather
to enter the reeds, which broke the force of the water. It is natural
that, as this is not a river of itself fed by its own sources, but
merely a backwater caused by the overflow of the great river, the
current in general must come from the latter, and proceed inland.
Having kept for some time along the reed-grass of the southern shore in
a winding direction, we again emerged into open water, where the poles
of our boatmen, which measured about eighteen feet in length, found no
bottom; and we kept steadily on, although occasionally quite alarmed by
our south-westerly direction, which threatened to carry us rather to
Hamda-Alláhi than to Timbúktu; till at length, a few miles on this side
of the town of Goilo, we changed our direction to W.N.W., and, passing
some floating reed islands, seemed to be in a fair direction to reach
the chief object of our journey. But a storm that had been gathering
induced us with the approach of night to moor the boat in a wide grassy
creek of the eastern shore, in order to shelter ourselves from the
strong wind, which easily upsets this light craft. Four fishing-boats
were lying not far from us, and with their lights gave us a feeling of
society; but the numerous swarms of mosquitoes molested us not a little,
and the barking of an animal in the water greatly excited my curiosity.
On inquiry, I learned that it proceeded from the young alligators, or
rather zangway.
These boats have no means of approaching the shallow shore. Hence it is
necessary for the passengers, two or three times a day, to wade through
deep water backwards and forwards. This, coupled with the great quantity
of water continually filling the bottom of these boats, is the reason
why all the people who travel along the Niger are subject to rheumatism.
The governor of Sáy, as I have already mentioned, in consequence of his
voyage up the river to Gágho, had become quite lame.
[Sidenote: Friday, September 2nd.]
It was a quarter to seven o’clock in the morning when we left the sea of
reeds in which we had moored our vessel, which, in the absence of an
anchor, is done by fixing a pole on each side of the prow, and one at
the stern of the boat. We began our day’s voyage by slowly gliding along
the river, by the strength of a local current, which ran at the rate of
about two miles an hour; but soon our boatmen began to make use of their
oars, and we advanced with more rapidity. The open channel was here
quite close to the eastern shore, the uniform level of which was broken
by a hilly eminence covered with fine fields of millet, when we saw upon
our left a smaller arm of the considerable channel running from the
south-west. This, on inquiry, I found was in connection with that very
watercourse which, at a later season, forms the general high road of
those people who go from Sarayámo to Timbúktu. Even at this season of
the year this branch is preferred by those who come from the north.
Having passed this branch we halted awhile at the western shore, where,
at a short distance inland, there is a small village called Koito,
surrounded by fine trees.
After a short delay we set out again on our zigzag voyage, while one of
our boatmen, his harpoon in hand, proceeded on a fishing expedition.
From a wide open water we soon got into a narrow channel, while the
grassy expanse spread out on each side to a great extent; and, making
our way with great difficulty, we emerged into a wide open branch, much
more considerable than the one along which our course had lain, it being
the principal trunk of the westerly watercourse of Sarayámo. As soon as
we had entered it, some large specimens of the alligator tribe afforded
proofs of a more extensive sheet of water, while the current, which at
first was running against us, was so considerable that we advanced
rather slowly. The whole breadth of the river or channel, forming one
large unbroken sheet of water, was certainly not less than from 600 to
700 yards, while the depth in the midst of the channel, at least as far
as I had an opportunity of judging from the poles of our boatmen,
measured fourteen feet and a half, and at times even as much as
eighteen, and probably more. The banks were enlivened by men and horses,
and we passed an encampment of herdsmen with their cattle. The western
shore especially was adorned with a profusion of dúm-palms, besides fine
tamarind trees, sarkakáya, and others of unknown species. Thus
repeatedly delayed by shifting sands obstructing the channel of the
river, we moved on in a tolerably direct northerly course, till we
reached the village of Menesengay, situated on sandy downs about twenty
feet high, beyond a deep gulf of the westerly shore. The low grassy
ground on the eastern side formed the place of resort for numbers of
pelicans, and the lower ground emerging at present only three feet out
of the water, was enlivened by numbers of water-birds, which were
looking out greedily for their prey.
Here we again changed our course, following a great many windings, but
proceeding generally in an easterly direction. But now the watercourse
began to exhibit more and more the character of a noble river, bordered
by strongly marked banks, clad with fine timber, chiefly tamarind and
kaña trees, and occasionally enlivened by cattle. Our voyage was very
delightful, gliding, as we were, smoothly along the surface of the
water, and keeping mostly in the middle of the noble stream, our boatmen
only changing their course once to touch at the northern shore, in order
to procure for a few shells the luxury of some kola nuts, of which even
these poor people were by no means insensible. At length, having passed
between the villages of Haibóngu on the northern, and Dára-kaina on the
southern, shore, we again exchanged our south-easterly direction for a
more northerly one, proceeding along a very broad watercourse; but,
after a while, the open water was broken by a broad grassy island, which
left only a small channel on the west side, while that on the east was
of tolerable width. Meanwhile the evening was approaching, and we met
with several delays, once in order to buy some fish, and another time on
account of our boatmen having lost their harpoon, with which they
occasionally endeavoured to catch some large species of fish which were
swimming alongside our boat. They were very dexterous in diving,
although it required some time for them to ascertain the spot where the
slender instrument had been fixed in the bottom. This harpoon was
exactly similar to the double spear used by some divisions of the Batta,
one of the tribes of Ádamáwa, such as the Bágelé, and even by some of
the inhabitants of Bórnu.
We had now entered a splendid reach of the river, which, almost free
from reeds, extended in an easterly direction, and we glided pleasantly
along the smooth water at a short distance from the northern bank, which
was thickly clad with trees; till at length, darkness setting in, we
struck right across the whole breadth of the river, which now, in the
quiet of the evening, spread out its smooth unrippled surface like a
beautiful mirror, and which at this place was certainly not less than
1000 yards broad, straight for the evening fires of the village Banáy,
which was situated on the opposite bank, and we moored our vessel at the
north-easterly bend of the gulf round which the town is situated. Most
of our party slept on shore, while others made themselves as comfortable
as possible in the boat, and on the top of the matting which formed the
cabins.
Here we awoke the next morning with a beautiful clear sky, and quietly
enjoyed for a few hours the fine river scenery, bordered by a rich belt
of vegetation, while our boatmen endeavoured to replace one of their
poles, which they had broken, by a new one, and after some time
succeeded in getting one which measured twenty-one feet. The town or
village itself is inhabited by Songhay and Fúlbe, the latter being in
possession of numerous flocks and herds. The cattle being just collected
on the sandy beach near the river, were milked soon after sunrise, and
furnished me with a draught of that delicious beverage, which must
always constitute one of the greatest luxuries to a European traveller
in these countries.
The chief part of the village extended along the bay to the south, at
the point where we had moored our boat; but there was a suburb of
detached huts, chiefly inhabited by Tawárek, and this part of the shore
was beautifully adorned with large trees. When we at length continued
our voyage, we observed also a great many dúm-palms, which served to
further embellish the country, while kadéña, or tóso, seemed to form the
staple produce of the inhabitants, and thickly lined the shores. The
scenery was the more interesting, as, besides boys who were playing in
the water, a numerous herd of cattle were just swimming across the
river, which to animals not accustomed to such a task, would have been
rather a difficult undertaking; and, even as it was, the people who
accompanied them in boats had some difficulty in inducing them to
continue their fatiguing trip when they once began to feel exhausted,
especially as they were accompanied by their young calves. However, in
these regions along the Niger, with its numerous channels, backwaters,
and swamps, man as well as beast must be accustomed to swimming. I took
great pains to discover whether there was any current here, but I did
not succeed in ascertaining the fact; and altogether, in this network of
creeks and backwaters, the current seems to be very uncertain, going in
on one side and out on the other, notwithstanding that we were now
approaching the trunk of the river, following in general a northerly
direction with a slight westerly deviation. The gradually sloping bank
was here covered with the dense rich bush called bógina by the Songhay.
But at present these shores, once animated with the bustle of many
larger and smaller villages of the native Songhay, were buried in
silence and solitude, a turbulent period of almost 200 years having
succeeded to the epoch when the great Songhay king, Mohammed el Háj
Áskia, held the whole of these regions under his powerful sway. No less
than four dwelling-places[82] along this tract of the river had been
destroyed on one and the same day by the father of Galáijo, the prince
whom we had met on our journey a short distance from Sáy. A solitary
antelope, with her young, was the only living being in the present state
of desolation that we observed during several hours’ navigation, but the
banks were occasionally lined with fine trees. Besides the tamarind
tree, a tree called bógi appeared in great quantities; it bears a yellow
fruit about the size of a pear, having four or five large kernels, and
which, on account of its pleasant acid taste, afforded us a very
refreshing treat.
Having met with a short delay, in consequence of a thunderstorm which
brought us but little rain, we observed the island of Kóra, which lies
at the mouth of this channel, and the main river ahead of us, the water
increasing in breadth, while one arm branches off round the south-
western part of the island, presenting here the appearance of an inland
sea. But we had scarcely caught a glimpse of the great river itself,
when a second and heavier thunderstorm, which had long been gathering,
threatened to break forth, and obliged us to seek shelter in the grassy
eastern shore of the main. We had scarcely fastened the boat, when the
rain came down in torrents, and lasted with great violence for nearly
two hours, so that my berth was entirely swamped, and I remained in a
most uncomfortable state during the whole of the night.
[Sidenote: Sunday, September 4th.]
The weather having cleared up, we set out at an early hour, following a
north-easterly direction through an open water not obstructed by reeds,
but soon halted again for prayer near the green bushy shore; while from
the opposite side of the island of Kóra, the lowing of cattle, cackling
of fowls, and the voices of men were distinctly to be heard, the island
being still tolerably well inhabited and the people being said to
possess even a good number of horses. It was of considerable interest to
me here to fall into the course pursued by that very meritorious French
traveller, Réné Caillié, on his toilsome and dangerous journey through
the whole western part of the continent of Africa, from Sierra Leone to
Morocco; and it is an agreeable duty for me to confirm the general
accuracy of his account. Following close upon the track of the
enterprising and intelligent, but unfortunate Major Laing, who had been
assassinated two years previously on his desperate journey from
Timbúktu, Caillié naturally excited against himself the jealousy of the
English, to whom it could not but seem extraordinary that a poor
unprotected adventurer like himself should succeed in an enterprise
where one of the most courageous and nobleminded officers of their army
had succumbed.
Gliding slowly along the channel, which here was about 600 yards in
width, and gradually exchanging the eastern shore for the middle of the
stream, we observed after a few miles’ advance the first river-horses,
or banga, that we had as yet seen in the Niger, carrying their heads out
of the water like two immense boxes, and rather frightening our boatmen,
who did not seem to relish a _tête-à-tête_ with these animals, till I
sent a ball after them.
Passing then the site of the former town of Gakoira, near which the
people were busy with the labours of the rice-fields, and having again
landed on the opposite shore, which was covered with numerous kalgo
trees, in order that the lazy boatmen might get their breakfast with
comfort and ease, we had to follow a large bend of the river where the
town of Danga is situated on the right, beyond a swampy low ground. This
is probably the same town so repeatedly mentioned in the interesting
records of Bábá Áhmed, especially as the residence of the Púllo chief,
Sambo Lámido, who at the period of the ruin of the Songhay empire was
the chief instrument in achieving that destruction. We then crossed from
here to the other side, and passed the town of Sanyáre on a projecting
headland, which at times appears to be changed into an island, and
containing, besides a good number of reed huts, even a few clay
dwellings. Here our people indulged in the hope of procuring some
tobacco, but were sadly disappointed, the natives being too much afraid
of their fanatical master, the Shékho Áhmedu ben Áhmedu.
Having left this village behind us, we entered a fine northerly reach
belonging to the branch which was finally to carry us into the great
river itself, and left the town of Sanyáre beyond the shallow sandbank,
conspicuous on account of a group of majestic tamarind trees. Here the
inhabitants wanted to barter some sour milk for negro corn, which to
them, with their ordinary diet of rice, seemed to be a luxury. Having
lost some time, we at length had the broad sheet of the Niger before us;
and here, at the point of junction, there started forth from the
easterly shore a group of solitary trees, which appeared to form the
usual nocturnal place of resort for all the water-fowl in the
neighbourhood, the trunk as well as the branches of the trees being
overlaid with a white crust formed by the droppings of these visitors,
which with animated cries were collecting together towards the close of
the evening. Having here left the shore, which at present formed a low
and bare headland, but which in the course of a month would be entirely
under water, we at once entered the middle of that magnificent river the
Ísa, or Máyo Balléo, running here from W. 35° S. to E. 35° N., which has
excited the lively curiosity of Europeans for so many years. It was at
this spot about a mile across, and by its magnitude and solemn
magnificence in the new moon which was rising in front of us, and with
the summer lightning at times breaking through the evening sky, inspired
my servants with real awe and almost fright; while we were squatting on
the shelving roof of our frail boat, and looked with searching eyes
along the immense expanse of the river in a north-easterly direction,
where the object of our journey was said to lie.
Whether from the excitement of the day, or from the previous night’s
wetting, when at length we lay to at the ancient Songhay town of
Koiretágo, which had once been a place of importance, but had been
almost destroyed by the Fúlbe in conjunction with the Tárki chief Somki,
I was seized with a severe attack of fever, but in order to take care of
my luggage I was unwilling to go on shore, where I might have lain down
on a fine sandy beach, choosing rather to remain on board our frail
boat.
[Footnote 79: See El Bekrí’s “Description of Africa,” ed. de Slane, p.
181. وعيشهم من اللحم اللبن ومن حب تنبته الارض من غير اعتمال.]
[Footnote 80: This is the name which the Songhay give to the place,
“koira” meaning “town” in the Songhay-kiní; while the Wangaráwa and the
Bámbara call it Sáma-kanda, “kanda” meaning “country” or “district” in
the Wákoré; and the Fúlbe, on account of the “swamp” which is formed
here, Winde Sáme.]
[Footnote 81: On this occasion I learned from the Háj of Tisít, who was
present, that in his desert town there are in general three falls of
rain every year.]
[Footnote 82: These places are Bango, Ujínne, Gakoira, and another one.]
CHAP. LXV.
ARRIVAL AT KÁBARA. — ENTRANCE INTO TIMBÚKTU.
[Sidenote: September 7th, 1853.]
Thus the day broke which, after so many months’ exertion, was to carry
me to the harbour of Timbúktu. We started at a tolerably early hour,
crossing the broad sheet of the river, first in a north-easterly, then
in an almost northerly direction, till finding ourselves opposite the
small hamlet Tásakal, mentioned by Caillié[83], we began to keep along
the windings of the northern bank which, from its low character,
presented a very varying appearance, while a creek, separating from
the trunk, entered the low ground. The river a month or two later in
the season inundates the whole country to a great distance, but the
magnificent stream, with the exception of a few fishing-boats, now
seemed almost tenantless, the only objects which in the present reduced
state of the country animated the scenery being a number of large boats
lying at anchor in front of us near the shore of the village Koróme.
But the whole character of the river was of the highest interest to
me, as it disclosed some new features for which I had not been
prepared; for, while the water on which Koróme was situated formed only
by far the smaller branch, the chief river, about three quarters of a
mile in breadth, took its direction to the south-east, separated from
the former by a group of islands called Day, at the headland of which
lies the islet of Tárashám.[84]
It was with an anxious feeling that I bade farewell to that noble river
as it turned away from us, not being sure whether it would fall to my
lot to explore its further course, although it was my firm intention at
the time to accomplish this task if possible. Thus we entered the branch
of Koróme, keeping along the grass which here grows in the river to a
great extent, till we reached the village, consisting of nothing but
temporary huts of reed, which, in the course of a few weeks, with the
rising of the waters, were to be removed further inland. Notwithstanding
its frail character, this poor little village was interesting on account
of its wharfs, where a number of boats were repairing. The master of our
own craft residing here (for all the boatmen on this river are serfs, or
nearly in that condition), we were obliged to halt almost an hour and a
half; but in order not to excite the curiosity of the people, I thought
it prudent to remain in my boat. But even there I was incommoded with a
great number of visitors, who were very anxious to know exactly what
sort of person I was. It was here that we heard the unsatisfactory news
that El Bakáy, whose name as a just and intelligent chief alone had
given me confidence to undertake this journey, was absent at the time in
Gúndam, whither he had gone in order to settle a dispute which had
arisen between the Tawárek and the Berabísh; and as from the very
beginning, when I was planning my journey to Timbúktu, I had based the
whole confidence of my success upon the noble and trustworthy character
which was attributed to the Sheikh El Bakáy by my informants, this piece
of information produced a serious effect upon me.
[Illustration: Drawn by J. M. Bernatz, from a Sketch by Dr. Barth.
M. & N. Hanhart, lith. et impt.
THE ÍSA (NIGER) AT KORÓME.
Sepr. 5th. 1853.]
At length we set out again on our interesting voyage, following first a
south-easterly, then a north-easterly direction along this branch,
which, for the first three miles and a half, retained some importance,
being here about 200 yards wide, when the channel divided a second time,
the more considerable branch turning off towards Yélluwa and Zegália,
and other smaller hamlets situated on the islands of Day, while the
watercourse which we followed dwindled away to a mere narrow meadow-
water, bearing the appearance of an artificial ditch or canal, which, as
I now heard, is entirely dry during the dry season, so that it becomes
impossible to embark directly at Kábara for places situated higher up or
lower down the river. But at that time I had formed the erroneous idea
that this canal never became navigable for more than four months in the
year, and thence concluded that it would have been impossible for
Caillié to have reached Kábara in his boat in the month of April. The
navigation of this water became so difficult, that all my people were
obliged to leave the boat, which, with great difficulty was dragged on
by the boatmen, who themselves entered the water and lifted and pushed
it along with their hands. But before we reached Kábara, which is
situated on the slope of a sandy eminence, the narrow and shallow
channel widened to a tolerably large basin of circular shape; and here,
in front of the town, seven good-sized boats were lying, giving to the
whole place some little life. Later in the season, when the channel
becomes navigable for larger boats, the intercourse becomes much more
animated. During the palmy days of the Songhay empire, an uninterrupted
intercourse took place between Gágho and Timbúktu on the one side, and
between Timbúktu and Jenni on the other, and a numerous fleet was always
lying here under the orders of an admiral of great power and influence.
The basin has such a regular shape, that it looks as if it were
artificial; but, nevertheless, it may be the work of nature, as Kábara
from the most ancient times has been the harbour of Timbúktu, and at
times seems even to have been of greater importance than the latter
place itself.
A branch of the river turns off to the east, without however reaching
the main trunk, so that in general, except when the whole country is
inundated, boats from Kábara which are going down the river must first
return in a south-westerly direction towards Koróme, in order to reach
the main branch. Even at the present time, however, when this whole
region is plunged into an abyss of anarchy and misrule, the scene was
not entirely wanting in life; for women were filling their pitchers or
washing clothes on large stones jutting out from the water, while a
number of idle people had collected on the beach to see who the stranger
was that had just arrived.
[Illustration: Drawn by J. M. Bernatz, from a Sketch by Dr. Barth.
M. & N. Hanhart, lith. et impt.
KÁBARA.
Sepr. 8th. 1853.]
At length we lay to, and sending two of my people on shore, in order to
obtain quarters, I followed them as soon as possible, when I was
informed that they had procured a comfortable dwelling for me. The house
where I was lodged was a large and grand building (if we take into
account the general relations of this country), standing on the very top
of the mound on the slope of which the town is situated. It was of an
oblong shape, consisting of very massive clay walls, which were even
adorned, in a slight degree, with a rude kind of relief; and it
included, besides two anterooms, an inner courtyard, with a good many
smaller chambers, and an upper story. The interior, with its small
stores of every kind, and its assortment of sheep, ducks, fowls, and
pigeons, in different departments, resembled Noah’s ark, and afforded a
cheerful sight of homely comfort which had been preserved here from more
ancient and better times, notwithstanding the exactions of Fúlbe and
Imóshagh.
Having taken possession of the two ante-rooms for my people and luggage,
I endeavoured to make myself as comfortable as possible; while the busy
landlady, a tall and stout personage, in the absence of her husband, a
wealthy Songhay merchant, endeavoured to make herself agreeable, and
offered me the various delicacies of her store for sale; but these were
extremely scanty, the chief attraction to us, besides a small bowl of
milk seasoned with honey, being some onions, of which I myself was not
less in want than my people for seasoning our simple food; but fresh
ones were not even to be got here, the article sold being a peculiar
preparation which is imported from Sansándi, the onions, which are of
very small size, being cut into slices and put in water, then pounded in
a wooden mortar, dried again, and, by means of some butter, made up into
a sort of round ball, which is sold in small pats of an inch and a half
in diameter for five shells each: these are called “láwashi” in
Fulfúlde, or “gabú” in the Songhay language. Besides this article, so
necessary for seasoning the food, I bought a little bulánga, or
vegetable butter, in order to light up the dark room where I had taken
up my quarters; but the night which I passed here was a very
uncomfortable one, on account of the number of mosquitoes which infest
the whole place.
Thus broke the 6th of September,—a very important day for me, as it was
to determine the kind of reception I was to meet with in this quarter.
But notwithstanding the uncertainty of my prospects, I felt cheerful and
full of confidence; and, as I was now again firmly established on dry
soil, I went early in the morning to see my horse, which had
successfully crossed all the different branches lying between Kábara and
Sarayámo; but I was sorry to find him in a very weak and emaciated
condition.
While traversing the village, I was surprised at the many clay buildings
which are to be seen here, amounting to between 150 and 200; however,
these are not so much the dwellings of the inhabitants of Kábara
themselves, but serve rather as magazines for storing up the merchandise
belonging to the people of, and the foreign merchants residing in,
Timbúktu and Sansándi. There are two small market-places, one containing
about twelve stalls or sheds, where all sorts of articles are sold, the
other being used exclusively for meat. Although it was still early in
the day, women were already busy boiling rice, which is sold in small
portions, or made up into thin cakes boiled with bulánga, and sold for
five shells each. Almost all the inhabitants, who may muster about 2000,
are Songhay; but the authorities belong to the tribe of the Fúlbe, whose
principal wealth consists of cattle, the only exception being the office
of the inspector of the harbour,—a very ancient office, repeatedly
mentioned by Áhmed Bábá,—which at present is in the hands of Múláy
Kásim, a sheríf whose family is said to have emigrated originally from
the Gharb or Morocco, but who has become so Sudánised that he has
forgotten all his former knowledge of Arabic. On account of the cattle
being driven to a great distance, I found that milk was very scarce and
dear. The inhabitants cultivate a little rice, but have some cotton,
besides bámia, or _Corchorus olitorius_, and melons of various
descriptions.
Having returned to my quarters from my walk through the town, I had to
distribute several presents to some people whom El Waláti chose to
represent as his brothers and friends. Having then given to himself a
new, glittering, black tobe of Núpe manufacture, a new “háf,” and the
white bernús which I wore myself, I at length prevailed upon him to set
out for the town, in order to obtain protection for me; for as yet I was
an outlaw in the country, and any ruffian who suspected my character
might have slain me, without scarcely anybody caring anything about it;
and circumstances seemed to assume a very unfavourable aspect: for there
was a great movement among the Tawárek in the neighbourhood, when it
almost seemed as if some news of my real character had transpired. Not
long after my two messengers were gone, a Tárki chief, of the name of
Knéha, with tall and stately figure, and of noble expressive features,
as far as his shawl around the face allowed them to be seen, but, like
the whole tribe of the Kél-hekíkan to which he belongs, bearing a very
bad character as a freebooter, made his appearance, armed with spear and
sword, and obtruded himself upon me while I was partaking of my simple
dish of rice; notwithstanding which, he took his seat at a short
distance opposite to me. Not wishing to invite him to a share in my poor
frugal repast by the usual “bismillah,” I told him, first in Arabic and
then in Fulfúlde, that I was dining, and had no leisure to speak with
him at present. Whereupon he took his leave, but returned after a short
while, and, in a rather peremptory manner, solicited a present from me,
being, as he said, a great chief of the country; but as I was not aware
of the extent of his power, and being also afraid that others might
imitate his example, I told him that I could not give him anything
before I had made due inquiries respecting his real importance from my
companion who had just gone to the town. But he was not at all satisfied
with my argument; representing himself as a great “dhálem,” or evil-
doer, and that as such he might do me much harm; till at length, after a
very spirited altercation, I got rid of him.
He was scarcely gone, when the whole house was filled with armed men,
horse and foot, from Timbúktu, most of them clad in light blue tobes,
tightly girt round the waist with a shawl, and dressed in short breeches
reaching only to the knee, as if they were going to fight, their head
being covered with a straw hat of the peculiar shape of a little hut
with regular thatchwork, such as is fashionable among the inhabitants of
Másina and of the provinces further west. They were armed with spears,
besides which some of them wore also a sword: only a few of them had
muskets. Entering the house rather abruptly, and squatting down in the
ante-chambers and courtyard, just where they could find a place, they
stared at me not a little, and began asking of each other who this
strange-looking fellow might be, while I was reclining on my two smaller
boxes, having my larger ones and my other luggage behind me. I was
rather at a loss to account for their intrusion, until I learned, upon
inquiry from my landlady, that they were come in order to protect their
cattle from the Tawárek, who at the time were passing through the place,
and who had driven away some of their property. The very person whom
they dreaded was the chief Knéha, who had just left me, though they
could not make out his whereabouts. Having refreshed themselves during
the hot hours of the day, these people started off; but the alarm about
the cattle continued the whole of the afternoon, and not less than 200
armed men came into my apartments in the course of an hour.
My messengers not returning at the appointed time from their errand to
the town, I had at length retired to rest in the evening, when shortly
before midnight they arrived, together with Sídi Álawáte, the Sheikh El
Bakáy’s brother, and several of his followers, who took up their
quarters on the terrace of my house in order to be out of the reach of
the mosquitoes; and after they had been regaled with a good supper,
which had been provided beforehand by some of the townspeople, I went to
pay my respects to them.
It was an important interview; for, although this was not the person for
whom my visit was specially intended, and whose favourable or
unfavourable disposition would influence the whole success of my arduous
undertaking, yet for the present I was entirely in his hands, and all
depended upon the manner in which he received me. Now my two messengers
had only disclosed to himself personally, that I was a Christian, while
at the same time they had laid great stress upon the circumstance that,
although a Christian, I was under the special protection of the Sultan
of Stambúl; and Sídi Álawáte inquired therefore of me, with great
earnestness and anxiety, as to the peculiar manner in which I enjoyed
the protection of that great Mohammedan sovereign.
Now it was most unfortunate for me that I had no direct letter from that
quarter. Even the firmán with which we had been provided by the Bashá of
Tripoli had been delivered to the governor for whom it was destined, so
that at the time I had nothing with me to show but a firmán which I had
used on my journey in Egypt, and which of course had no especial
relation to the case in question. The want of such a general letter of
protection from the Sultan of Constantinople, which I had solicited with
so much anxiety to be sent after me, was in the sequel the chief cause
of my difficult and dangerous position in Timbúktu; for, furnished with
such a letter, it would have been easy to have imposed silence upon my
adversaries and enemies there, and especially upon the merchants from
Morocco, who were instigated by the most selfish jealousy to raise all
sorts of intrigues against me.
Having heard my address with attention, although I was not able to
establish every point so clearly as I could have wished, the sheikh’s
brother promised me protection, and desired me to be without any
apprehension with regard to my safety; and thus terminated my first
interview with this man, who, on the whole, inspired me with a certain
degree of confidence, although I was glad to think that he was not the
man upon whom I had to rely for my safety. Having then had a further
chat with his telamíd or pupils, with whom I passed for a Mohammedan, I
took leave of the party and retired to rest in the close apartments of
the lower story of the house.
[Sidenote: Wednesday, September 7th.]
After a rather restless night, the day broke when I was at length to
enter Timbúktu; but we had a good deal of trouble in performing this
last short stage of our journey, deprived as we were of beasts of
burden; for the two camels which the people had brought from the town in
order to carry my boxes, proved much too weak, and it was only after a
long delay that we were able to procure eleven donkeys for the transport
of all my luggage. Meanwhile the rumour of a traveller of importance
having arrived had spread far and wide, and several inhabitants of the
place sent a breakfast both for myself and my protector. Just at the
moment when we were at length mounting our horses, it seemed as if the
Tárki chief Knéha was to cause me some more trouble, for in the morning
he had sent me a vessel of butter in order thus to acquire a fair claim
upon my generosity; and coming now for his reward, he was greatly
disappointed when he heard that the present had fallen into the hands of
other people.
It was ten o’clock when our cavalcade at length put itself in motion,
ascending the sandhills which rise close behind the village of Kábara,
and which, to my great regret, had prevented my obtaining a view of the
town from the top of our terrace. The contrast of this desolate scenery
with the character of the fertile banks of the river which I had just
left behind was remarkable. The whole tract bore decidedly the character
of a desert, although the path was thickly lined on both sides with
thorny bushes and stunted trees, which were being cleared away in some
places in order to render the path less obstructed and more safe, as the
Tawárek never fail to infest it, and at present were particularly
dreaded on account of their having killed a few days previously three
petty Tawáti traders on their way to Árawán. It is from the unsafe
character of this short road between the harbour and the town, that the
spot, about halfway between Kábara and Timbúktu, bears the remarkable
name of “Ur-immándes,” “he does not hear,” meaning the place where the
cry of the unfortunate victim is not heard from either side.
Having traversed two sunken spots designated by especial names, where,
in certain years when the river rises to an unusual height, as happened
in the course of the same winter, the water of the inundation enters and
occasionally forms even a navigable channel; and leaving on one side the
talha tree of the Welí Sálah, covered with innumerable rags of the
superstitious natives, who expect to be generously rewarded by their
saint with a new shirt, we approached the town: but its dark masses of
clay not being illuminated by bright sunshine, for the sky was thickly
overcast and the atmosphere filled with sand, were scarcely to be
distinguished from the sand and rubbish heaped all round; and there was
no opportunity for looking attentively about, as a body of people were
coming towards us in order to pay their compliments to the stranger and
bid him welcome. This was a very important moment, as, if they had felt
the slightest suspicion with regard to my character, they might easily
have prevented my entering the town at all, and thus even endangered my
life.
I therefore took the hint of Álawáte, who recommended me to make a start
in advance in order to anticipate the salute of these people who had
come to meet us; and putting my horse to a gallop, and gun in hand, I
galloped up to meet them, when I was received with many saláms. But a
circumstance occurred which might have proved fatal, not only to my
enterprise, but even to my own personal safety, as there was a man among
the group who addressed me in Turkish, which I had almost entirely
forgotten; so that I could with difficulty make a suitable answer to his
compliment; but avoiding farther indiscreet questions, I pushed on in
order to get under safe cover.
[Illustration: Drawn by J. M. Bernatz, from a Sketch by Dr. Barth.
M. & N. Hanhart, lith. et impt.
ARRIVAL AT TIMBÚKTU.
Septr. 7th. 1853.]
Having then traversed the rubbish which has accumulated round the ruined
clay wall of the town, and left on one side a row of dirty reed huts
which encompass the whole of the place, we entered the narrow streets
and lanes, or, as the people of Timbúktu say, the tijeráten, which
scarcely allowed two horses to proceed abreast. But I was not a little
surprised at the populous and wealthy character which this quarter of
the town, the Sáne-Gúngu, exhibited, many of the houses rising to the
height of two stories, and in their façade evincing even an attempt at
architectural adornment. Thus, taking a more westerly turn, and followed
by a numerous troop of people, we passed the house of the Sheikh El
Bakáy, where I was desired to fire a pistol; but as I had all my arms
loaded with ball I prudently declined to do so, and left it to one of my
people to do honour to the house of our host. We thus reached the house
on the other side of the street, which was destined for my residence,
and I was glad when I found myself safely in my new quarters.
But before describing my residence in this town, I shall make a few
general remarks with regard to the history of Songhay and Timbúktu.
[Footnote 83: Caillié’s Journey to Timbúktu, vol. ii. p. 30.]
[Footnote 84: “Tárashám” means a house or dwelling.]
CHAP. LXVI.
GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE HISTORY OF SONGHAY AND TIMBÚKTU.
Previously to my journey into the region of the Niger, scarcely any data
were known with regard to the history of this wide and important tract,
except a few isolated facts, elicited with great intelligence and
research by Mr. Cooley[85] from El Bekrí, the history of Ebn Khaldún,
the obscure and confused report of Leo about the great Ischia, and the
barren statement of the conquest of Timbúktu and Gágho, or Gógo, by
Múláy Áhmed el Dhéhebi, as mentioned by some historians of Morocco and
Spain. But I myself was so successful as to have an opportunity of
perusing a complete history of the kingdom of Songhay, from the very
dawn of historical records down to the year 1640 of our era; although,
unfortunately, circumstances prevented my bringing back a complete copy
of this manuscript, which forms a respectable quarto volume, and I was
only able, during the few days that I had this manuscript in my hands
during my stay in Gandó, to make short extracts of those passages from
its contents which I thought of the highest interest in an historical
and geographical point of view.
These annals, according to the universal statement of the learned people
of Negroland, were written by a distinguished person of the name of
Áhmed Bábá, although in the work itself that individual is only spoken
of in the third person; and it would seem that additions had been made
to the book by another hand; but on this point I cannot speak with
certainty, as I had not sufficient time to read over the latter portion
of the work with the necessary attention and care. As for Áhmed Bábá, we
know from other interesting documents which have lately come to
light[86], that he was a man of great learning, considering the country
in which he was born, having composed a good many books or essays, and
instructed a considerable number of pupils. Moreover, we learn that he
was a man of the highest respectability, so that even after he had been
carried away prisoner by the victorious army of Múláy Áhmed el Dhéhebi,
his very enemies treated him with the greatest respect, and the
inhabitants of Morocco, in general, regarded him with the highest
veneration.[87]
This character of the author would alone be sufficient to guarantee the
trustworthiness of his history, as far as he was able to go back into
the past with any degree of accuracy, from the oral traditions of the
people, or from written documents of an older period: for that the
beginning of his annals, like that of every other nation, should be
enveloped in a certain degree of mystery and uncertainty is very
natural, and our author himself is prudent enough to pass over the
earlier part in the most rapid and cursory manner, only mentioning the
mere name of each king, except that he states the prominent facts with
regard to the founder of each dynasty. Nay, even what he says of the
founder of the dynasty of the Zá, allowance being made for the absurd
interpretation of names, which is usual with Arabs and Orientals in
general, and also the particulars which he gives with regard to Kilun,
or Kilnu, founder of the dynasty of the Sonni[88], is very
characteristic, and certainly true in the main. For there is no doubt
that the founder of the first dynasty immigrated from a foreign
country,—a circumstance which is confirmed by other accounts,— and
nothing is more probable than that he abolished the most striking
features of pagan superstition, namely, the worship of a peculiar kind
of fish, which was probably the famous ayú, or _Manatus_, of which I
have spoken on a former occasion[89], and of whose habitat in the waters
of the Niger I shall say more further on; while ʿAlí Killun succeeded in
usurping the royal power by liberating his country from the sovereignty
of the kings of Melle, who had conquered Songhay about the middle of the
fourteenth century. Nor can there be any doubt of the truth of the
statement that Zá-Kasí, the fifteenth king of the dynasty of the Zá,
about the year 400 of the Hejra, or in the beginning of the eleventh
century of our era, embraced Islám, and was the first Mohammedan king of
Songhay. No man who studies impartially those very extracts which I have
been able to make from the manuscript, in great haste and under the most
unfavourable circumstances, and which were translated and published in
the journal of the Leipsic Oriental Society[90] by Mr. Ralfs, can deny
that they contain a vast amount of valuable information. But the
knowledge which Europeans possessed of those countries, before my
discoveries, was so limited, as to render the greater part of the
contents of my extracts, which are intimately related to localities
formerly entirely unknown, or in connection with historical facts not
better ascertained, difficult of comprehension. But with the light now
shed by my journey and my researches over these regions and their
inhabitants, I have no hesitation in asserting that the work of Áhmed
Bábá will be one of the most important additions which the present age
has made to the history of mankind, in a branch which was formerly
almost unknown.
Áhmed Bábá, however, limits himself to the records of the political
relations of Songhay, and does not enter into any ethnological
questions, leaving us entirely in the dark as to the original seats of
the tribe; for while in general, on the banks of the Niger, the towns of
Tindírma and Díre are supposed to be the original seats of the Songhay,
Áhmed Bábá apparently restricts the limits of the ancient Songhay to the
eastern quarter around Kúkiya, stating distinctly[91] that the town of
Timbúktu was not under the authority of any foreign king before it
became subjected to the dominion of Kunkur-Músa, the celebrated king of
Melle. Yet from this statement we cannot conclude with absolute
certainty that the banks of the great river to the south-west of that
town were not comprised in the kingdom of Songhay before that period;
for Timbúktu, lying on the north side of the river, and being founded by
the Tawárek or Imóshagh, was an independent place by itself, and in the
beginning not closely connected with the history of the surrounding
region. It might easily have happened, therefore, that the Songhay
language was not at all spoken in Timbúktu at a former period, without
any conclusion being drawn from this circumstance respecting the country
to the south and south-west of the river. But although, according to
Áhmed Bábá’s account, the foundation of the place was entirely due to
the Imóshagh, it is probable that, from the very beginning, a portion of
the inhabitants of the town belonged to the Songhay nation[92]; and I
rather suppose, therefore, that the original form of the name was the
Songhay form Túmbutu, from whence the Imóshagh made Tumbýtku, which was
afterwards changed by the Arabs into Tumbuktu.[93]
But the series of chronological facts which we learn from Áhmed Bábá, or
from other sources, I shall give in a tabular form in the Appendix. Here
I will only draw the reader’s attention to a few of the most striking
facts, and make some general remarks on the character of that history.
It is very remarkable, that while Islám in the two larger westerly
kingdoms which flourished previously to that of Songhay,—I mean Ghána,
or Ghánata, and Melle,—had evidently emanated from the north, and
especially from Sijilmésa, Songhay appears to have been civilised from
the other side, namely, from Egypt, the intimate relation with which is
proved by many interesting circumstances, although, in a political
respect, it could only adopt the same forms of government which had been
developed already in Ghána and Melle; nay, we shall find even some of
the same titles. With respect to Ghána, we learn from Áhmed Bábá the
very interesting fact[94] that twenty kings were supposed to have ruled
over that kingdom at the time when Mohammed spread the new creed which
was to agitate and to remodel half of the globe.
The kingdom of Songhay, even after ʿAlí Killun had made it independent
of Melle, could not fail to remain rather weak and insignificant, as
even Timbúktu, and probably a great portion of the country to the east
of that town, was not comprised in its limits: nay, it even appears that
the kingdom was still, at times, dependent in a certain degree upon
Melle, the great kingdom on the upper course of the Niger; and it was
not until almost 150 years after the time of ʿAlí Killun that the
powerful king Sonni ʿAlí, the Sonni Héli of Leo Africanus, conquered
Timbúktu, wresting it, with immense slaughter, A.H. 894, A.D. 1488, from
the hands of the Tawárek, who had themselves conquered it from Melle.
This king, although he is represented by all the learned men of
Negroland as a very cruel and sanguinary prince, was no doubt a great
conqueror; for although it was he who, in taking possession of this
town, inflicted upon the inhabitants a most severe punishment,
surpassing even the horrors which had accompanied the taking of the town
by the king of Mósi, nevertheless it was he also who gave the first
impulse to the great importance which Timbúktu henceforth obtained, by
conquering the central seat of the old empire of Ghánata, and thus
inducing the rich merchants from the north, who had formerly been
trading with Bíru or Waláta, and who had even occasionally resided
there, to transfer their trade to Timbúktu and Gágho. It is the same
king, no doubt, that attracted the attention of the Portuguese, who, in
the reigns of Joâo and Emmanuel, sent several embassies into the
interior, not only to Melle[95], which at that time had already greatly
declined in power and importance, but also to Timbúktu, where Sonni ʿAlí
seems to have principally resided; and it was perhaps partly on account
of the relations which he entertained with the Christian king (to whom
he even opened a trading station as far inland as Wadán or Hóden),
besides his cruelty against the chiefs of religion, that the Mohammedans
were less satisfied with his government; for there is no doubt that he
was not a strict Mohammedan.
It was Háj Mohammed Áskia who founded the new homonymous dynasty of the
Áskia, by rising against his liege lord, the son of Sonni ʿAlí, and,
after a desperate struggle, usurping the royal power; and,
notwithstanding the glorious career of that great conqueror, we may
fancy we can see in the unfortunate circumstances of the latter part of
the reign of that king, a sort of Divine punishment for the example
which he had given of revolt.
We have seen that the dynasty of the Zá, of which that of the Sonni
seems to have been a mere continuation, immigrated from abroad; and it
is a circumstance of the highest interest to see king Mohammed
Áskia,—perhaps the greatest sovereign that ever ruled over
Negroland,—who was a native of this very country, born in the island of
Néni, a little below Sínder, in the Niger, setting us an example of the
highest degree of development of which negroes are capable. For, while
Sonni ʿAlí, like his forefathers, still belonged to that family of
foreign settlers who either came from Yemen, according to the current
tradition, or as is more credible, immigrated from Libya, as Leo states,
the dynasty of the Áskía was entirely of native descent; and it is the
more remarkable, if we consider that this king was held in the highest
esteem and veneration by the most learned and rigid Mohammedans, while
Sonni ʿAlí had rendered himself so odious that people did not know how
to give full vent to their indignation in heaping the most opprobrious
epithets upon him.
It is of no small interest to a person who endeavours to take a
comprehensive view of the various races of mankind, to observe how,
during the time when the Portuguese, carried away by the most heroic
enterprise and the most praiseworthy energy, having gradually discovered
and partly taken possession of the whole western coast of Africa, and
having at length doubled its southernmost promontory, under the guidance
of Almeida and Albuquerque, founded their Indian empire, that at this
same time a negro king in the interior of the continent not only
extended his conquests far and wide, from the centre of Háusa almost to
the borders of the Atlantic, and from the pagan country of Mósi, in 12°
northern latitude, as far as Tawát to the south of Morocco, but also
governed the subjected tribes with justice and equity, causing well-
being and comfort to spring up everywhere within the borders of his
extensive dominions[96], and introducing such of the institutions of
Mohammedan civilisation as he considered might be useful to his
subjects. It is only to be lamented that, as is generally the case in
historical records, while we are tolerably well informed as to the
warlike proceedings of this king, it is merely from circumstances which
occasionally transpire and are slightly touched upon, that we can draw
conclusions as to the interior condition of his empire; and on this
point I will make a few observations, before I proceed to the causes
which rendered the foundation of this empire so unstable.
In a former part of my researches I have entered into the history and
the polity of the empire of Bórnu, and it is interesting to compare with
the latter that of the Songhay empire, which attained the zenith of its
power just at the time when Bórnu likewise, having recovered, in
consequence of the energy and warlike spirit of the king ʿAlí Ghajidéni,
from the wounds inflicted upon it by the loss of Kánem, the desperate
struggle with the tribe of the Soy, and a series of civil wars, attained
its most glorious period during the reign of the two Edrís, in the
course of the sixteenth century of our era.
In instituting such a comparison between these two extensive kingdoms of
Negroland, we soon discover that the Songhay empire, although likewise
stated to be founded by a Libyan dynasty, was far more despotic than its
eastern rival; and it is in vain, that we here look either for a divan
of twelve great officers, forming a powerful and highly influential
aristocracy, or that eclectic form of choosing a successor, both of
which we find in Bórnu: nay, not even the office of a vizier meets our
eye, as we peruse the tolerably rich annals of Áhmed Bábá. We find, no
doubt, powerful officers also in the Songhay empire, as must naturally
be the case in a large kingdom; but these appear to have been merely
governors of provinces, whom the king installed or deposed at his
pleasure, and who exercised no influence upon the internal affairs of
the kingdom, except when it was plunged into civil war.
These governors bore generally the title of “farma,” or “feréng,” a
title which is evidently of Mandingo origin[97], and was traditionally
derived from the institutions of the kingdom of Melle, while the native
Songhay title of “koy” appears to be used only in order to denote
officers of certain provinces, which originally were more intimately
related to Songhay; and in this respect it is a remarkable fact, that
the governor of Timbúktu or Túmbutu, is constantly called Túmbutu koy,
and is only once called Túmbutu-mangha.[98] Besides this province, those
which we find mentioned in the report of Áhmed Bábá are the following,
going from east to west:—Dendi, or as it is now generally called
Déndina, the country between Kebbi and Sáy[99], which I have described
in the account of my own journey, and which seems to have contained a
Songhay population from tolerably ancient times, at least before the
beginning of the sixteenth century; but we find none of the three
divisions of this important province specified, not even Kenga or Zágha.
This is to be regretted, as they appear to have been of ancient origin,
and as their history, especially that of Zágha, which seems to have
derived its name from the more celebrated town of the same name on the
upper course of the river, would be highly interesting.
The country from hence towards the capital we never find comprised by
Áhmed Bábá under a general name, nor do we meet with the names of
Zabérma or Zérma, which I therefore conclude to be of more recent
origin, although that country, at present so named, was evidently
comprised in the kingdom of Songhay. West of Gágho, on the banks of the
river, we next find the province of Banku or Bengu[100], which evidently
comprised that part of the river which is studded with islands, as we
find the inspector of the harbour of Kábara taking refuge in the
district of Banku, with the whole of his fleet, after the capture of the
town by the people of Morocco. Passing then by the province of Bantal,
the limits of which I have not been able to make out, we come to the
province of Bel or Bal, which evidently comprised the country on the
north side of the river round about Timbúktu, and, perhaps, some
distance westwards; but without including that town itself, which had a
governor of its own, nor even the harbour of Kábara, which at that time
was of sufficient importance to be placed under the inspection of a
special officer or “farma,” who, however, seems to have been subjected
in a certain degree to the inspection of the Bal-mʿa, or the governor of
Bal, who was able to call him to account.[101] The governor of the
province of Bal, who bore the peculiar title of “Bal-mʿa,” a word
likewise of Mandingo origin, mʿa corresponding to the Songhay word
“koy,” seems to have been of great importance in a military respect,
while in a moral point of view the governor of the town of Timbúktu
enjoyed perhaps greater authority, and the office of the Túmbutu-koy,
seems always to have been filled by a learned man or fákih, proving that
this town was regarded at that time as the seat of learning; and that
the fákih who governed the town of Timbúktu possessed great power is
evident from the fact, that Áhmed Bábá mentions it as a proof of great
neglect on the part of Al Hádi the governor of Tindírma, that he did not
go in person to the kádhi to pay him his compliments.
Proceeding then westward from Bal and Timbúktu, we come to the very
important province of Kúrmina, with the capital Tindírma, which very
often served as a residence for the king himself, and became the chosen
seat of Áskía Dáúd. The importance of the province of Kúrmina seems to
have been based, not merely upon its military strength and populousness,
but upon the circumstance of its having to supply Songhay Proper,
together with its two large towns of Gágho and Kúkia, with grain; and it
is evidently on this account, that the governor of that province is on
one occasion called the storekeeper and provider of the king.[102]
South-west from the province of Kúrmina, there were two provinces
Dirma[103] and Bara, the exact boundaries of which it is difficult to
determine; except that we know that Bara must have lain rather along the
south-easterly branch of the river; while Dirma, having probably derived
this name from the town of Díre, is most likely to be sought for on the
north-westerly branch, although Caillié places Díriman, as he calls it,
south of the river. The province or district of Sháʿa[104] may probably
be identical with the district round the important town of Sʿa, situated
a short distance to the north-east of the lake Debu, and of which
further notice will be taken in the itineraries. Proceeding further in
the same direction, we have the province of Másina, a name which, under
the form of Másín, is mentioned as early as the latter part of the
eleventh century by El Bekrí[105], but the limits of which it is very
difficult to define, although it is clear that its central part
comprises the islands formed by the different branches of the river, the
Máyo balléo and the Máyo ghannéo, or dhannéo, and probably comprised in
former times the ancient and most important town of Zágha the chief seat
of Tekrúr, which Háj Mohammed Áskía had conquered in the beginning of
his reign. It is peculiar, however, and probably serves to show the
preponderance of the element of the Fúlbe in Másina, where they seem to
have established themselves from very ancient times, that the governor
of this province bore the title of Másina-mangha, instead of Másina-
farma.
To the north-west of Másina, we have the province of Bághena, which
comprised the central portion of the ancient kingdom of Ghána, or
Ghánata, and the important town of Bíru, or Waláta, which, before
Timbúktu rose to greater importance, that is to say, before the time of
Sonni ʿAlí, was the great centre of commerce in this part of Negroland.
The province of Bághena was also of considerable importance on account
of its situation, bordering, as it did, closely upon the central parts
of the empire of Melle, which, at this time, formed almost the only
portion that remained of that vast empire, and which was nearly
overwhelmed by the Songhay in the course of the sixteenth century. Even
the Imóshagh or Tawárek became tributaries.
South of the river two other provinces are mentioned by Áhmed Bábá,
namely, the province of Hómbori, which from the nature of the country
was also called Tondi, or El Hajri, and Burgu[106], or rather Barba,
though the latter country was apparently never entirely subjected.
The governors of these provinces were certainly possessed of
considerable power, and belonging, as they did in general, to the royal
family, exercised a very prejudicial influence upon the destinies of the
empire, as at the same time the central government became weak and
debilitated. The governor of Kúrmina, especially, conscious of the
important influence and the rich character of his province, was very
prone to mutiny and revolt. For as it was certainly a great advance in
the scale of civilisation, that it was not customary amongst the Songhay
to murder the younger brothers of the newly elected king, or to render
them incapable of aspiring to the royal dignity by depriving them of
their sight (as is still the custom in Wádáy), or in some other manner
disabling them; so, on the other hand, it was no doubt very prejudicial
to the stability of the empire, that so many royal princes were
constantly installed as governors of powerful provinces, some of them
situated at a great distance from the capital. Such a government could
only prosper under the rule of a powerful king, such as Mohammed el Háj
Áskía was during his most vigorous period.
On the other hand, we find that the government of Songhay was far more
despotic than that of Bórnu, where, as I have had occasion to
relate[107], the election of a new king from among the royal princes was
placed in the hands of three electors, themselves chosen from the most
trustworthy men of the country; while the kings of Songhay appear
originally to have designated their own successor among the royal
princes, there being even an established dignity of something like an
heir-apparent or crown-prince, with the title of “feréng-mangha:”[108]
but this principle, as is naturally the case in barbaric states without
any written constitution, was only observed as long as the king
exercised paramount authority, while we see in other cases the army, or
even a powerful governor, choosing a successor, as that of Dendi, who
deposed Mohammed Bánkorí, and installed in his place Áskía Ismʿaíl.
As I stated before, we do not even find in Songhay a regular vizier; but
we find a sort of treasurer in the person of the “khatíb,” that is to
say the imám who preaches before the congregation every Friday. Thus we
find the great Háj Mohammed Áskía taking the whole of the money which he
thought necessary for his royal pilgrimage, viz. 300,000 mithkáls, out
of the royal treasury, which was in the hands of the khatíb ʿOmár[109];
but we even find, in another passage, the same khatíb authorised to
liberate a princely prisoner; and, from a third passage[110], it is
quite evident that the khatíb in Gágho exercised the same authority as
the kádhi in Timbúktu, although we find a kádhi besides him in the
capital.
There appears to have been an established state prison in Songhay,
namely, in a place called Kantú, the exact situation of which, however,
I have not yet been able to ascertain. This prison could not fail to
become of great importance as the dissensions and feuds in the royal
family increased; and there appears to be no doubt that at times it was
quite full of royal prisoners, and in this respect, as well as on
account of the various assassinations which occurred there, fully
corresponded with the character of the Tower in the middle ages. There
is no doubt that polygamy, with its consequent intrigues in the harím,
was the chief cause of the speedy decline of the Songhay empire from the
high position it had attained under the rule of Sonni ʿAlí and Háj
Mohammed Áskía. The large number of ambitious children that Áskía Dáúd,
the most peaceful of the Songhay rulers, left behind him, seems
especially to have contributed in a great measure to this speedy
decline; but the example had been set by that ruler himself, who, having
no other claims to the royal dignity than his talent and energy,
revolted against his liege lord, whom he conquered and supplanted, but
had himself to endure the misfortune of being persecuted, and finally
dethroned in his old age, by his own son Músa.
On the subject of the manners and customs and the state of society in
Songhay during its period of power, we find but little in the short
extracts which I was able to make from the history of Áhmed Bábá; still
a few hints as to some remarkable usages are to be gleaned from them.
Islám, as we have seen, had been adopted by the royal family at the
beginning of the eleventh century of our era; but we learn from the
eminent Andalusian geographer El Bekrí, who finished his work on Africa
in the year 1067, that while the king was a Moslim by law, receiving at
his accession to the throne, as emblems of his authority, a sword, ring,
and a copy of the Kurán, which were said to have been sent by an Emír el
Múmenín (from Egypt), the greater part of the inhabitants even of the
capital, at that time, were still addicted to paganism[111]; and we may
fairly conclude from the description of Leo Africanus, and from what we
observe in Negroland at the present day, that even during the time of
the Áskías, the greater part of the natives of the country were
idolaters, at least in heart and superstitious usages. However, it would
seem as if they had received, in more ancient times, several
institutions from the Egyptians, with whom, I have no doubt, they
maintained an intercourse, by means of the energetic inhabitants of
Aújila[112], from a relatively ancient period; and among these
institutions I feel justified in reckoning the great care which the
Songhay bestowed upon their dead. We see that even those among their
kings who died in the very remotest part of the empire were transported
with the greatest trouble to the capital, in order to be buried there
with due ceremony. For instance, Sonni ʿAlí had died in Gurma; but his
sons, who accompanied him on the expedition, took out his entrails, and
filled his inside with honey, in order that it might be preserved from
putrefaction.[113] The remains of Áskía Dáúd were transported all the
way from Tindírma to Gágho in a boat. Even in the case of the slaughter
of distinguished enemies, we find strict orders given to perform towards
them the ceremonies usual with the dead.
The attention thus bestowed upon the dead seems not to have been in
consequence of the introduction of Islám, but appears rather to have
been traditionally handed down from the remotest antiquity.
Nevertheless, it is clear that the adoption of Islám exercised
considerable influence upon the civilisation of these people, and we
even find a Medreseh mentioned in Gágho[114], an establishment the
institution of which we have probably to assign to El Háj Mohammed, who,
while on his pilgrimage to Mekka, solicited the advice of the most
learned men in Egypt, and especially that of the sheikh Jelál e’ dín e’
Soyúti, as to the best method of propagating the Mohammedan religion in
his own country.
The influence of learning and study, even in the royal family, is
apparent enough from the example of the pretender Mohammed Bánkorí[115],
who, when on his march to Gágho, ready to fight the king El Háj Áskía,
was induced by the kádhi of Timbúktu, whom he by chance visited, to give
up his ambitious designs for a quiet course of study, to the great
astonishment and disappointment of his army, who expected to be led by
him, in a bloody contest, to power and wealth. Áhmed Bábá himself, the
author of the history of Songhay, who gives a long list of learned
natives of Negroland, may serve as a fair specimen of the learning in
Timbúktu at that time. He had a library of 1600 books.
A great deal of commerce was carried on in Songhay during the dominion
of the Áskías, especially in the towns of Gágho and Kúkiya; the latter
being, as it appears, the especial market for gold as early as the
latter half of the eleventh century. Salt, too, was the staple
commodity, while shells already at that time constituted the general
currency of the market; not, however, the same kind of shells that are
used at present, but a different sort which were introduced from Persia;
and there is no doubt that, even at that time, almost all the luxuries
of the Arabs found their way into this part of Negroland. That Timbúktu
also, since the decline of Bíru or Waláta, in the latter part of the
fifteenth century, formed an important place for foreign commerce, is
evident from the fact that the merchants of Ghadámes, even at the taking
of the town by the Bashá Jódar, inhabited the same quarter as at the
present day.
We also see, from Leo’s account[116], that the king of Songhay was
obliged to spend a great proportion of his revenue in the purchase of
horses from Barbary, by means of which he improved the native breed, as
we have seen was the case in Bórnu, cavalry constituting the principal
military strength of countries in the state of civilisation which
prevails in Negroland. We also find coats of mail mentioned, as well as
brass helmets, but no allusion is made to even a single musketeer, nor
is the use of any firearms intimated by Áhmed Bábá, although he
distinctly describes several engagements, and even single combats. It
was this circumstance which secured to the small army sent by the
Emperor of Morocco, a superiority which could not be contested by any
numbers which the last Áskía, ruling over a kingdom of vast extent but
undermined by intrigues and civil war, was able to oppose to it; and we
must not conclude, from this circumstance, that an army of 4000 men was
a great thing at that time in point of numbers, for the kings of
Negroland, at least those of Songhay and Bórnu, at that period, were
able to raise greater armies than any of the present kings of those
regions could bring together, and we hear of an army of 140,000 men.
The circumstance of the kings of Songhay not having procured at that
time—the end of the sixteenth century of our era—even the smallest
number of firearms, is remarkable, if we compare with it the fact which
I have dwelt upon in its proper place[117], that Edrís Álawóma, the king
of Bórnu who ruled in the latter part of the sixteenth century,
possessed a considerable number of muskets. The cannon which was found
among the Songhay when they were conquered by the Moroccains had, I have
no doubt, formed part of the present which the Portuguese had forwarded
to Áskía Músa, as we shall further see in detail in the chronological
tables; but the fact of the enemy having found this piece of ordnance
among the spoil of the capital, and not in the thick of the battle,
sufficiently proves that the Songhay did not know how to use it. As for
the matchlocks, which even at the present day are preserved in Gágho,
and of which, by some accident, I did not obtain a sight, they belonged
originally to the very conquerors from Morocco, who afterwards, as Rumá,
formed a stationary garrison, and even a certain aristocratical body, in
all the chief towns of the kingdom.
Side by side with a certain degree of civilisation, no doubt, many
barbarous customs were retained, such as the use of the lash, which in
other parts of Negroland we find rarely employed, except in the case of
slaves, but which, in Songhay, we see made use of constantly, even in
the case of persons of the highest rank; and instances occur, as in that
of the instigator of the revolt of El Hádi, under the king El Háj, of
persons being flogged to death.[118]
It is certainly a memorable fact, of which people in Europe had scarcely
any idea, that a ruler of Morocco, at the time when Spain had attained
its highest degree of power under Philip II., and was filled with
precious metals, should open an access to an extensive and rich country,
from whence to procure himself an unlimited supply of gold, to the
surprise of all the potentates of Europe. It is, moreover, a very
remarkable circumstance, that the soldiery by means of which Múláy Hámed
subdued that far-distant kingdom, and who were left as a garrison in the
conquered towns, intermarrying with the females of the country, in the
same way as the Portuguese did in India, managed to rule those extensive
regions by themselves, even long after they had ceased to acknowledge
the supremacy of the Emperor of Morocco, whose soldiers these Rumá
originally had been, Rumá or Ermá being the plural form of Rámi,
“shooter” or “sharpshooter;” and although they appear never to have
formed a compact body ruled by a single individual, but rather a number
of small aristocratic communities, the Rumá in Timbúktu having scarcely
any connection with those in Bághena, nay, probably not even with those
in Bamba and Gágho, yet superior discipline enabled them to keep their
place. The nationality of these Rumá puzzled me a long time, while I was
collecting information on these regions in the countries farther
eastward; and they have lately attracted the attention of the French
traveller Raffenel[119], during his journey to Kaárta, when he learnt so
much about a people, whom he calls “Arama,” that he supposed them to be
a distinct tribe, although the vocabulary which he collected of their
idiom, shows it to be nothing but a slight variety of the Songhay
language. However, it is clear, that under such circumstances the
dominion exercised by this set of half-castes could not but be of a very
precarious character; and after a protracted struggle with the smaller
tribes around, they have been entirely crushed by the Tawárek, and in
most of the towns of Songhay form at present an integral part of the
degraded native population, although they have preserved their name of
Rumá, or, as the name is generally pronounced, Rummá, and still claim a
sort of moral ascendancy.
It will be seen from the preceding sketch, and become still more
apparent from the chronological tables at the end of the volume, that
Timbúktu has rather unjustly figured in Europe as the centre and the
capital of a great Negro empire, while it never acted more than a
secondary part, at least in earlier times; and this character evidently
appears from the narrative of Ebn Batúta’s journey, in the middle of the
fourteenth century. But on account of Timbúktu becoming the seat of
Mohammedan learning and Mohammedan worship, and owing to the noble
character of its buildings, well deserving to rank as a city or
“medína,” a title which the capital itself perhaps never deserved, it
always enjoyed great respect, even during the flourishing period of the
latter; and after Gágho or Gógó had relapsed into insignificance, in
consequence of the conquest by the Rumá at the end of the sixteenth
century, Timbúktu, on account of its greater proximity to Morocco,
became the more important place, where gradually the little commerce
which still remained in that distracted region of the Niger was
concentrated. But, nevertheless, during the age of anarchy which
succeeded to the conquest of the country by the Rumá, and owing to the
oppression from the Tawárek tribes on the one side, and the Bámbara and
Fúlbe on the other, the state of affairs could not be very settled; and
the town, shaken as it was to its very base by that fearful struggle of
the inhabitants with the Kádhi Mústapha, with massacre, rapine, and
conflagration following in its train, could not but decline greatly from
its former splendour; yet under the alternately predominating influence
of paganism, represented most strongly by the warlike tribe of the
Bámbara, and of Mohammedanism represented by the Arab tribes[120], it
struggled on, till in consequence of its being conquered by the Fúlbe of
Másina, in the year 1826, a few months before the unfortunate Major
Laing succeeded in reaching the town, it was threatened with the loss of
all its commerce. For these people, owing to the impulse given to
Mohammedanism in this part of Negroland by their countryman ʿOthmán dan
Fódiye[121], had become far more fanatical champions of the faith than
the Arabs and Moors; and treating the inhabitants of the newly conquered
city, as well as the foreigners who used to visit it, with extreme
rigour, according to the prejudices which they had imbibed, they could
not fail to ruin almost the whole commercial activity of the place.
Their oppression was not confined to the pagan traders, the Wangaráwa,
who carry on almost the whole commerce with the countries south of the
Niger, but extended even to the Mohammedan merchants from the north,
especially the traders from Tawát and Ghadámes, against whom the Morocco
merchants, instigated by a feeling of petty rivalry, succeeded in
directing their rancour. It was in consequence of this oppression,
especially after a further increase of the Fúlbe party in the year 1831,
that the Ghadámsíye people induced the Sheikh el Mukhtár, the elder
brother of El Bakáy, and successor of Sídi Mohammed, to remove his
residence from the hille, or hillet e’ sheikh el Mukhtár, in Ázawád,
half a day’s journey from the well Bel Mehán to Timbúktu. Thus we find
in this distracted place a third power stepping in between the Fúlbe on
the one side and the Tawárek on the other, and using the power of the
latter as far as their want of centralisation allowed, against the
overbearing character of the former. In consequence of this continued
collision, the Tawárek drove the Fúlbe completely out of the town, about
the year 1844, when a battle was fought on the banks of the river, in
which a great number of the latter were either slain or drowned. But the
victory of the Tawárek was of no avail, and only plunged the distracted
town into greater misery; for, owing to its peculiar situation on the
border of a desert tract, Timbúktu cannot rely upon its own resources,
but must always be dependent upon those who rule the more fertile tracts
higher up the river; and the ruler of Másina had only to forbid the
exportation of corn from his dominions to reduce the inhabitants of
Timbúktu to the utmost distress. A compromise was therefore agreed to in
the year 1846, through the mediation of the Sheikh el Bakáy, between the
different parties, to the effect that Timbúktu should be dependent on
the Fúlbe without being garrisoned by a military force, the tribute
being collected by two kádhis, one Púllo, and the other Songhay, who
should themselves decide all cases of minor importance, the more
important ones being referred to the capital. But, nevertheless, the
government of the town, or rather the police, as far as it goes, is in
the hands of one or two Songhay mayors, with the title of emír, but who
have scarcely any effective power, placed as they are between the Fúlbe
on the one side and the Tawárek on the other, and holding their ground
against the former through the two kádhis, and against the latter by
means of the Sheikh el Bakáy. Such is the distracted state of this town,
which cannot be remedied before a strong and intelligent power is again
established on this upper course of the Niger, so eminently favourable
for commerce.
After these general remarks on the character of the history of Songhay,
I proceed to give a diary of my stay in Timbúktu.
[Footnote 85: Cooley, “Negroland of the Arabs.”]
[Footnote 86: Revue Africaine, vol. i. p. 287, “Conquête du Soudan par
les Marocains,” par le Baron Macguckin de Slane. Journal Asiatique,
1855, “Litérature du Soudan,” par M. le Professor Cherbonneau.]
[Footnote 87: This character is most strikingly indicated in those very
remarks which M. le Baron de Slane has published in the notice (see
preceding note) which was intended to depreciate the merit of Áhmed Bábá
as a historian.]
[Footnote 88: According to Leo, this dynasty emigrated from Lybia.]
[Footnote 89: Vol. II. p. 507.]
[Footnote 90: Journal of the Leipsic Oriental Society, vol. ix. p. 518.]
[Footnote 91: Journal of the Leipsic Oriental Society, vol. ix. p. 525.]
[Footnote 92: “The palace which was erected in Timbúktu was called
‘mʿaduk,’ or ‘mʿadugu.’ This is evidently a Mandingo word, meaning ‘the
house of the king;’ but it was certainly called so in the language of
the conquerors, and not in that of the natives, and Áhmed Bábá
understands the former when he says that the building was called by this
name in _their_ language.”—_Journal of Leipsic Oriental Society_, ix. p.
525.]
[Footnote 93: The _u_ sound in the first syllable of the name is the
only original one, not only in the Songhay, but also in the Arabic form;
but it has gradually been changed into an _i_, and almost all the Arabs
at the present time pronounce and write T_i_nbuktu, تِنبُكتُ. The town
was probably so called, because it was built originally in a hollow or
cavity in the sandhills. Túmbutu means hole or womb in the Songhay
language: if it were a Temáshight word, it would be written T_i_nbuktu.
The name is generally interpreted by Europeans, _well_ of Buktu, but
_tin_ has nothing to do with well. See Vol. I. p. 333, note.]
[Footnote 94: See Áhmed Bábá, l.c. p. 526.]
[Footnote 95: It is remarkable that, in a map published at Strasburg in
the year 1513, the kingdom of Melle appears under the name of Regnum
Musa Melle de Ginoria. Atlas of Santarem, pl. No. 13.]
[Footnote 96: It is not to be wondered at that Leo, who visited
Negroland just at the time when this prince was aspiring to power, and
who must have written the greater part of what he relates of him and his
conquests from information which he had received after he had left the
country, should treat this usurper, whose identity with his Ischia
cannot be doubtful, with very little indulgence; and it even seems as if
he purposely intended to give a bad interpretation to everything which
the king undertook, a fact which is clearly evident from what he relates
with regard to his proceedings in Háusa. That the taxes imposed by him
upon his subjects may have been heavy, I concede may be true, as without
a considerable revenue he was not able to keep up a strong military
force; but at least they evidently must have been much less than they
were in the time of Sonni ʿAlí, when almost the whole population was
engaged in war. We find a very heavy duty upon salt, from each load
5_l._]
[Footnote 97: See Cooley, “Negroland,” p. 75, n. 26. and p. 77, n. 28.]
[Footnote 98: Journal of the Leipsic Oriental Society, vol. ix. p. 554.
If there be no mistake, there was a “koy” as well as a “farma” in some
of the provinces, such as Bára.]
[Footnote 99: A governor of the town of Sáy is perhaps indicated under
the title of Sáy-weli. Ibid. p. 550.]
[Footnote 100: That Banku lay between Timbúktu and Ghágo is evident from
the fact, that the governor of that province fled to Gágho, when
Mohammed Sadík, the governor of Bel, or Bal, marched upon the capital of
the empire.]
[Footnote 101: See the account in the Journal of the Leipsic Oriental
Society, p. 545.]
[Footnote 102: Journal of the Leipsic Oriental Society, p. 541:—“Then he
made Kishya feréng of Kúrmina, and gave him the office of mezrʿa مزرع.”]
[Footnote 103: It is not improbable that Dirma was originally the name
or title of the governor of Díre, as Balmʿa was that of the governor of
Bal, and that it was in after times conferred upon the province of which
he was the ruler. Caillié, vol. ii. p. 29.]
[Footnote 104: Journal of the Leipsic Oriental Society, p. 544.]
[Footnote 105: El Bekrí, ed. Macguckin de Slane, p. 150: ملك ماسين.]
[Footnote 106: In the passage (Journal of the Leipsic Oriental Society),
p. 546, in the seventh line, a second ك is added by mistake. The name
cannot be read as Burgu-koy, as all the parties composing the army of
the pretender Mohámmed e’ Sadík, are said to have belonged to _the
people of the west_, while Burgu is situated at the S.E. frontier of
Songhay; nay, it is quite clear, from page 547, that the Barakoy is
meant, and not the Burgu-koy.]
[Footnote 107: Vol. II. p. 270.]
[Footnote 108: The exact meaning of the title “feréng-mangha,” and the
authority with which it was invested, are not quite clear; for although
there is little doubt that “feréng-mangha” signifies “great prince,” it
is remarkable that on various occasions we find two “feréng-mangha”
instead of one; and it is stated of Mohammed Ban Áskía, that he
expressly designated two (J.O.S. p. 545). Moreover, we find that neither
of these two was taken into account in appointing a successor (Ib. p.
546). But another passage (Ib. p. 552) is not less clear, stating
plainly that, the feréng-mangha having fallen in the battle, the Áskía
named another prince as his successor, implying clearly the identity of
the title “feréng-mangha” with that of heir-apparent.]
[Footnote 109: Journal of the Leipsic Oriental Society, p. 533.]
[Footnote 110: Ibid. p. 555.]
[Footnote 111: El Bekrí, ed. de Slane, p. 183.]
[Footnote 112: See El Edrísi, trans. Jaubert, i. p. 288.]
[Footnote 113: Journal of the Leipsic Oriental Society, p. 532.]
[Footnote 114: Ibid. p. 527, from the year 936 A.H.]
[Footnote 115: Ibid. p. 541.]
[Footnote 116: Leo Africanus, l. vii. c. 3.]
[Footnote 117: Vol. II. p. 650.]
[Footnote 118: Journal of the Leipsic Oriental Society, p. 543.]
[Footnote 119: See Raffenel, Nouveau Voyage dans le pays des Nègres
(made in 1847), Paris, 1856, vol. ii. p. 349, _et seq._; the Vocabulary,
ibid. p. 399, _et seq._]
[Footnote 120: This condition of the town explains the great divergence
of reports as to the creed prevalent in Timbúktu; but it is
unintelligible that a person could actually visit the town without
becoming aware that it contained several mosques, and very large ones,
too, for such a place. For particulars, see the Appendix.]
[Footnote 121: See what I have said, p. 256, about the Sheikh Áhmedu, or
rather Mohammed Lebbo, the founder of the kingdom of Hamda-Alláhi,
having brought from Gando the religious banner under which he conquered
Másina.]
CHAP. LXVII.
FIRST MONTH OF RESIDENCE IN TIMBÚKTU.
It had been arranged that, during the absence of the Sheikh el Bakáy,
whose special guest I professed to be, my house should be locked up and
no one allowed to pay me a visit. However, while my luggage was being
got in, numbers of people gained access to the house, and came to pay me
their compliments, and while they scrutinised my luggage, part of which
had rather a foreign appearance, some of them entertained a doubt as to
my nationality. But of course it could never have been my intention to
have impressed these people with the belief of my being a Mohammedan;
for having been known as a Christian all along my road as far as
Libtáko, with which province the Arabs of Ázawád keep up a continual
intercourse, although there the people would scarcely believe that I was
a European, the news of my real character could not fail soon to
transpire; and it was rather a fortunate circumstance that,
notwithstanding our extremely slow progress, and our roundabout
direction, the news had not anticipated us. I had been obliged to adopt
the character of a Mohammedan, in order to traverse with some degree of
safety the country of the Tawárek, and to enter the town of Timbúktu,
which was in the hands of the fanatical Fúlbe of Hamda-Alláhi, while I
had not yet obtained the protection of the chief whose name and
character alone had inspired me with sufficient confidence to enter upon
this enterprise.
Thus I had now reached the object of my arduous undertaking; but it was
apparent from the very first, that I should not enjoy the triumph of
having overcome the difficulties of the journey in quiet and repose. The
continuous excitement of the protracted struggle, and the uncertainty
whether I should succeed in my undertaking, had sustained my weakened
frame till I actually reached this city; but as soon as I was there, and
almost at the very moment when I entered my house, I was seized with a
severe attack of fever. Yet never were presence of mind and bodily
energy more required; for the first night which I passed in Timbúktu was
disturbed by feelings of alarm and serious anxiety.
On the morning of the 8th of September, the first news I heard was, that
Hammádi the rival and enemy of El Bakáy had informed the Fúlbe, or
Fullán, that a Christian had entered the town, and that, in consequence,
they had come to the determination of killing him. However, these
rumours did not cause me any great alarm, as I entertained the false
hope that I might rely on the person who, for the time, had undertaken
to protect me: but my feeling of security was soon destroyed, this very
man turning out my greatest tormentor. I had destined for him a very
handsome gift, consisting of a fine cloth bernús, a cloth kaftán, and
two tobes, one of silk and the other of indigo-dyed cotton, besides some
smaller articles; but he was by no means satisfied with these, and
peremptorily raised the present to the following formidable
proportions:—
Shells.
Two blue bernúses of the best quality, worth 100,000
One kaftán 40,000
Two waistcoats; one red and one blue 15,000
Two silk tobes 35,500
Two Núpe tobes 30,000
A pair of small pistols, with 7 lbs. of fine powder
Ten Spanish dollars
Two English razors, and many other articles
While levying this heavy contribution upon me, in order to take from the
affair its vexatious character, my host stated, that as their house and
their whole establishment were at my disposal, so my property ought to
be at theirs. But even this amount of property did not satisfy him, nor
were his pretensions limited to this; for, the following day, he exacted
an almost equal amount of considerable presents from me, such as two
cloth kaftáns, two silk hamáíl, or sword belts, three other silk tobes,
one of the species called jellábi, one of that called harír, and the
third of the kind called filfil, one Núpe tobe, three túrkedís, a small
six-barrelled pistol, and many other things. He promised me, however, on
his part, that he would not only make presents of several of these
articles to the Tawárek chiefs, but that he would also send a handsome
gift to the governor of Hamda-Alláhi; but this latter condition at
least, although the most important, considering that the town was
formally subjected to the supremacy of the ruler of Másina, was never
fulfilled; and although I was prepared to sacrifice all I had for the
purposes of my journey, yet it was by no means agreeable to give up such
a large proportion of my very limited property to a younger brother of
the chief under whose protection I was to place myself.
Thus my first day in Timbúktu passed away, preparing me for a great deal
of trouble and anxiety which I should have to go through; even those who
professed to be my friends treating me with so little consideration.
However, the second day of my residence here was more promising. I
received visits from several respectable people, and I began to enter
with spirit upon my new situation, and to endeavour by forbearance to
accommodate myself to the circumstances under which I was placed. The
state of my health also seemed to improve, and I felt a great deal
better than on the preceding day.
I was not allowed to stir about, but was confined within the walls of my
house. In order to obviate the effect of this want of exercise as much
as possible, to enjoy fresh air and at the same time to become familiar
with the principal features of the town, through which I was not allowed
to move about at pleasure, I ascended as often as possible the terrace
of my house. This afforded an excellent view over the northern quarters
of the town. On the north was the massive mosque of Sánkoré, which had
just been restored to all its former grandeur through the influence of
the Sheikh el Bakáy, and gave the whole place an imposing character.
Neither the mosque Sídi Yáhia, nor the “great mosque,” or Jíngeré-bér,
was seen from this point; but towards the east the view extended over a
wide expanse of the desert, and towards the south the elevated mansions
of the Ghadámsíye merchants were visible. The style of the buildings was
various. I could see clay houses of different characters, some low and
unseemly, others rising with a second story in front to greater
elevation, and making even an attempt at architectural ornament, the
whole being interrupted by a few round huts of matting. The sight of
this spectacle afforded me sufficient matter of interest, although, the
streets being very narrow, only little was to be seen of the intercourse
carried on in them, with the exception of the small market in the
northern quarter, which was exposed to view on account of its situation
on the slope of the sand-hills which, in course of time, have
accumulated round the mosque.
But while the terrace of my house served to make me well acquainted with
the character of the town, it had also the disadvantage of exposing me
fully to the gaze of the passers by, so that I could only slowly and
with many interruptions, succeed in making a sketch of the scene thus
offered to my view, and which is represented in the plate opposite. At
the same time I became aware of the great inaccuracy which characterises
the view of the town as given by M. Caillié; still, on the whole, the
character of the single dwellings was well represented by that
traveller, the only error being that in his representation the whole
town seems to consist of scattered and quite isolated houses, while, in
reality, the streets are entirely shut in, as the dwellings form
continuous and uninterrupted rows. But it must be taken into account
that Timbúktu, at the time of Caillié’s visit, was not so well off as it
is at present, having been overrun by the Fúlbe the preceding year, and
he had no opportunity of making a drawing on the spot.
Although I was greatly delighted at the pleasant place of retreat for
refreshing my spirits and invigorating my body by a little exercise
which the terrace afforded me, I was disgusted by the custom which
prevails in the houses like that in which I was lodged, of using the
terrace as a sort of closet; and I had great difficulty in preventing my
guide Ammer el Waláti, who still staid with me and made the terrace his
usual residence, from indulging in this filthy practice.
Being anxious to impart to my friends in Europe the news of my safe
arrival in this far-famed town, I was busily employed in writing
letters, which gave fresh impulse to my energy. My tormentor Sídi
Alawáte himself seemed anxious to rouse my spirits, which he could not
but be conscious of having contributed a great deal to depress, by
sending me word that he himself would undertake to accompany me on my
home journey, as he intended making the pilgrimage to Mekka; but, having
once had full opportunity of judging of the character of this man, I
placed but little confidence in his words.
Meanwhile, I began to provide what was most necessary for my comfort,
and bought for myself and my people a piece of good bleached calico,
“shígge,”[122] or “sehen híndi,” as it is called here, for 13,500
shells, and three pieces of unbleached calico for 8000 each. At the same
time I sent several articles into the market, in order to obtain a
supply of the currency of the place, 3000 shells being reckoned equal to
one Spanish dollar.
Thus I had begun to make myself a little more comfortable, when suddenly
on the morning of the 10th, while I was suffering from another attack of
fever, I was excited by the report being circulated, that the party
opposed to my residence in the town was arming in order to attack me in
my house. Now, I must confess that, notwithstanding the profession of
sincere friendship made to me by Sídi Álawáte, I am inclined to believe
that he himself was not free from treachery, and, perhaps, was in some
respect implicated in this manœuvre, as he evidently supposed that, on
the first rumour of such an attack being intended, I should abandon my
house, or at least my property, when he might hope to get possession
underhand of at least a good portion of the latter before the arrival of
his brother, whom he knew to be a straightforward man, and who would not
connive at such intrigues. With this view, I have no doubt, he sent a
female servant to my house, advising me to deposit all my goods[123] in
safety with the Táleb el Wáfi, as the danger which threatened me was
very great; but this errand had no other effect than to rouse my
spirits. I armed immediately, and ordered my servants to do the same,
and my supposed protector was not a little astonished, when he himself
came shortly afterwards with the Waláti (who, no doubt, was at the
bottom of the whole affair), and found me ready to defend myself and my
property, and to repulse any attack that might be made upon my
residence, from whatever quarter it might proceed. He asked me whether I
meant to fight the whole population of the town, uttering the words
“gúwet e’ Rúm,” “strength of the Christians;” and protested that I was
quite safe under his protection and had nothing to fear, and certainly,
for the moment, my energetic conduct had dispersed the clouds that might
have been impending over my head.
But notwithstanding his repeated protestations of sincere friendship,
and although he confirmed with his own mouth what I had already heard
from other people, that he himself was to accompany me on my return
journey as far as Bórnu, he did not discontinue for a moment his
importunity in begging for more presents day by day.
One day he called on me in company with his principal pupils, and
earnestly recommended me to change my religion, and from an unbeliever
to become a true believer. Feeling myself strong enough in arguments to
defend my own religious principles, I challenged him to demonstrate to
me the superiority of his creed, telling him that in that case I should
not fail to adopt it, but not till then. Upon this, he and his pupils
began with alacrity a spirited discussion, in the firm hope that they
would soon be able to overcome my arguments; but after a little while
they found them rather too strong, and were obliged to give in, without
making any further progress at the time in their endeavours to persuade
me to turn Mohammedan. This incident improved my situation in an
extraordinary degree, by basing my safety on the sincere esteem which
several of the most intelligent of the inhabitants contracted for me.
While thus gaining a more favourable position, even in the eyes of this
unprincipled man, I had the pleasure of receiving a letter from his
elder, more intelligent, and straightforward brother, the Sheikh el
Bakáy himself, late in the evening of the 13th, full of the most
assuring promises that I should be quite safe under his protection, and
that he would soon arrive to relieve me from my unsatisfactory position.
And although I felt very unwell all this time, and especially the very
day that I received this message, I did not lose a moment in sending the
Sheikh a suitable answer, wherein I clearly set forth all the motives
which had induced me to visit this city, in conformity with the direct
wish of the British government, whose earnest desire it was to open
friendly intercourse with all the chiefs and princes of the earth;
mentioning among other Mohammedan chiefs with whom such a relation
existed, the Sultan ʿAbd el Mejíd, Múlá ʿAbd e’ Rahmán, and the Imám of
Maskat; and whose attention the region of the Great River (Niger),
together with Timbúktu, had long attracted. At the same time I assured
him that his own fame as a just and highly intelligent man, which I had
received from my friends far to the east in the heart of Negroland, had
inspired me with full confidence that I should be safe under his
protection. In consequence of the views which I set forth in this
letter, I was so fortunate as to gain the lasting esteem of this
excellent man, who was so much pleased with the contents of it, that on
its arrival in Gúndam, where he was at the time, he read it to all the
principal men, Tawárek, Songhay, and even Fullán, in whose company he
was staying.
Meanwhile, in order to obtain the friendship and to secure the interest
of other and more selfish people, I gave away a great many presents;
but, from what I learned afterwards, I had reason to suspect that they
did not all reach the persons for whom they were intended. Most of them
remained in the possession of the greedy Weled Ámmer Waláti, through
whose hands they had unfortunately to pass.
The day that I received the important message from the Sheikh has been
impressed on my memory with so much greater force, as it was the grand
festival of the Mohammedans, or the ʿAíd el Kebír. Here also in this
city, so far remote from the centre of Mohammedan worship, the whole
population, on this important day, said their prayers outside the town;
but there being no paramount chief to give unity to the whole of the
festive arrangements, the ceremonies exhibited no striking features, and
the whole went off very tamely, only small parties of from six to ten
persons forming groups for joining in prayer, while the whole procession
comprised scarcely more than thirty horses.
After my fever had abated for a day or two it returned with greater
violence on the 17th, and I felt at times extremely unwell and very
weak, and in my feverish state was less inclined to bear with
tranquillity and equanimity all the exactions and contributions levied
upon me by Sídi Álawáte. We had a thunder-storm almost every day,
followed now and then by a tolerable quantity of rain; the greatest fall
of rain, according to the information which I was able to gather,
annually occurring during the month of September, a phenomenon in entire
harmony with the northerly latitude of the place. This humidity,
together with the character of the open hall in which I used to pass the
night as well as the day, increased my indisposition not a little; but
the regard for my security did not allow me to seek shelter in the
storeroom wherein I had placed my luggage, and which, being at the back
of the hall, was well protected against cold, and, as it seemed at
least, even against wet. For, not to speak of the oppressive atmosphere
and almost total darkness which prevailed in that close place, in taking
up my residence there I should have exposed myself to the danger of a
sudden attack, while from the hall where I was staying I was enabled to
observe everything which was going on in my house; and through the
screen which protected the opening, close by the side of my couch, I
could observe everybody that entered my yard long before they saw me.
For this reason I preferred this place even to the room on the terrace,
although the latter had the advantage of better air. I may observe that
these upper rooms in general form the private residence of most of the
people in the town who have the luxury of such an upper story.
[Illustration:
1. First segífa, or, as it is called in Songhay, “sífa,” or ante-room.
2. Second segífa, with a staircase, or “tintim,” (3) leading to the
terrace, “garbéne,” and the front room on the terrace, where three of
my people well-armed were constantly keeping watch.
4. Inner court-yard.
5. Hall, with two open entrances, wherein I had my residence by night
and day, on the reed-bed on the right.
6. Store-room capable of being locked up.
7. Covered passage, or corridor.
8. Second court-yard, originally intended for the female department,
but where I kept my horse, the surrounding rooms as well as the back
wall of the house being in a state of decay.]
[Sidenote: Monday, September 26th.]
About three o’clock in the morning, while I was lying restlessly on my
couch, endeavouring in vain to snatch a moment’s sleep, the Sheikh Sídi
Áhmed el Bakáy arrived. The music, which was immediately struck up in
front of his house by the women, was ill adapted to procure me rest;
while the arrival of my protector, on whose disposition and power the
success of my whole undertaking and my own personal safety fully
depended, excited my imagination in the highest degree, and thus
contributed greatly to increase my feverish state.
The following day I was so ill as to be quite unable to pay my respects
to my protector, who sent me a message begging me to quiet myself, as I
might rest assured that nothing but my succumbing to illness could
prevent me from safely returning to my native home. Meanwhile, as a
proof of his hospitable disposition, he sent me a handsome present,
consisting of two oxen, two sheep, two large vessels of butter, one
camel load, or “suníye,” of rice, and another of negro-corn, cautioning
me, at the same time, against eating any food which did not come from
his own house. In order to cheer my spirits, he at once begged me to
choose between the three roads by which I wanted to return home—either
through the country of the Fúlbe, or in a boat on the river, or, by
land, through the district of the Tawárek.
As from the first I had been fully aware that neither the disposition of
the natives, and especially that of the present rulers of the country,
the Fúlbe, nor the state of my means, would allow me to proceed
westward, and as I felt persuaded that laying down the course of the
Niger from Timbúktu to Sáy would far outweigh in importance a journey
through the upper country towards the Senegal, I was firm in desiring
from the beginning to be allowed to visit Gógó. For not deeming it
prudent, in order to avoid creating unnecessary suspicion, to lay too
great stress upon navigating the river, I preferred putting forward the
name of the capital of the Songhay empire; as in visiting that place I
was sure that I should see at least the greater part of the river, while
at the same time I should come into contact with the Tawárek, who are
the ruling tribe throughout its whole course.
But the generous offer of my friend was rather premature; and if at that
time I had known that I was still to linger in this quarter for eight
months longer, in my then feeble condition, I should scarcely have been
able to support such an idea; but fortunately Providence does not reveal
to man what awaits him, and he toils on without rest in the dark.
[Sidenote: Tuesday, September 27th.]
This was the anniversary of the death of Mr. Overweg, my last and only
European companion, whom I had now outlived a whole year; and whom,
considering the feeble state of my health at this time, while my mind
was oppressed with the greatest anxiety, I was too likely soon to follow
to the grave. Nevertheless, feeling a little better when rising from my
simple couch in the morning, and confiding in the protection tendered me
by a man whose straightforward character was the theme of general
admiration, and which plainly appeared in the few lines which I had
received from him, I fondly cherished the hope that this day next year
it might be my good fortune to have fairly embarked upon my home journey
from Negroland, and perhaps not to be far from home itself. I therefore,
with cheerful spirit, made myself ready for my first audience, and
leaving my other presents behind, and taking only a small six-barrelled
pistol with me, which I was to present to the Sheikh, I proceeded to his
house, which was almost opposite my own, there intervening between them
only a narrow lane and a small square, where the Sheikh had established
his “msíd,” or daily place of prayer. Áhmed el Bakáy, son of Sídi
Mohammed, and grandson of Sídi Mukhtár[124], of the tribe of the Kunta,
was at that time a man of about fifty years of age, rather above the
middle height, full proportioned, with a cheerful, intelligent, and
almost European countenance, of a rather blackish complexion, with
whiskers of tolerable length, intermingled with some grey hair, and with
dark eyelashes. His dress consisted at the time of nothing but a black
tobe, a fringed shawl thrown loosely over the head, and trowsers, both
of the same colour.
I found my host in the small upper room on the terrace, in company with
his young nephew, Mohammed Ben Khottár, and two confidential pupils,
and, at the very first glance which I obtained of him, I was agreeably
surprised at finding a man whose countenance itself bore testimony to a
straightforward and manly character; both which qualities I had found so
sadly wanting in his younger brother, Sídi Álawáte. Cheered by the
expression of good-nature in his countenance as he rose from his seat to
receive me, and relieved from all anxiety, I paid him my compliments
with entire confidence, and entered into a conversation, which was
devoid of any affected and empty ceremonious phrases, but from the first
moment was an unrestrained exchange of thoughts, between two persons
who, with great national diversity of manners and ideas, meet for the
first time.
The pistol, however, with which I presented him, soon directed our
conversation to the subject of the superiority of Europeans in
manufacturing skill, and in the whole scale of human existence; and one
of the first questions which my host put to me was, whether it was true,
as the Ráís (Major Laing) had informed his father, Sídi Mohammed, during
his stay in Ázawád, that the capital of the British empire contained
twenty times 100,000 people.
I then learned to my great satisfaction what I afterwards found
confirmed by the facts stated in Major Laing’s correspondence[125], that
this most enterprising but unfortunate traveller, having been plundered
and almost killed by the Tawárek[126], in the valley Ahénnet, on his way
from Tawát, was conducted by his guides to, and made a long stay at, the
camp or station of the Sheikh’s father, Sídi Mohammed, in the hillet
Sídi el Mukhtár, the place generally called by Major Laing Beled Sídi
Mohammed, but sometimes Beled Sídi Mooktar, the Major being evidently
puzzled as to these names, and apt to confound the then head of the
family, Sídi Mohammed, with the ancestor Sídi Mukhtár, after whom that
holy place has been called. It is situated half a day’s journey from the
frequented well Bel Mehán, on the great northerly road, but is at
present deserted.[127]
We thus came to speak of Major Laing, here known under the name of E’
Ráís (the Major), the only Christian that my host, and most of the
people hereabouts, had ever seen; the French traveller, Réné Caillié,
who traversed this tract in 1828, having, in his poor disguise, entirely
escaped their observation, not to speak of the sailors Adams and Scott,
who are said to have visited this place, although their narrative does
not reveal a single trait which can be identified with its features.
Major Laing, during the whole time of our intercourse, formed one of the
chief topics of conversation, and my noble friend never failed to
express his admiration, not only of the Major’s bodily strength, but of
his noble and chivalrous character.[128] I made immediate inquiries with
regard to Major Laing’s papers, but unfortunately, not being provided
with a copy of the blue book containing all the papers relating to that
case, I had not the means of establishing all the points disputed. I
only learnt that at the time none of those papers were in existence,
although the Sheikh himself told me that the Major, while staying in
Ázawád, had drawn up a map of the whole northerly part of the desert
from Tawát as far south as the hillet or the place of residence of his
father.
Meanwhile, while we were conversing about the fate of my precursor in
the exploration of these regions, my host assured me repeatedly of my
own perfect safety in the place, and promised that he would send the
most faithful of his followers, Mohammed el ʿAísh, with me to the
Tawárek, from whence I might continue my journey in the company of my
former companion. Such, I think, was really his intention at the time,
but circumstances, which I am soon to detail, were to change all these
premature plans.
Having returned to my quarters, I sent my host his present, which
consisted of three bernúses, viz. one heláli, or white silk and cotton
mixed, and two of the finest cloth, one of green and the other of red
colour; two cloth kaftáns, one black and the other yellow; a carpet from
Constantinople; four tobes, viz., one very rich, of the kind called
“harír,” and bought for 30,000 shells, or twelve dollars, one of the
kind called filfil, and two best black tobes; twenty Spanish dollars in
silver; three black shawls, and several smaller articles, the whole
amounting to the value of about 30_l._ He then sent a message to me,
expressing his thanks for the liberality of the Government in whose
service I was visiting him, and stating that he did not want anything
more from me; but he begged that, after my safe return home, I would not
forget him, but would request Her Majesty’s Government to send him some
good fire-arms and some Arabic books; and I considered myself authorised
in assuring him, that I had no doubt the English Government would not
fail to acknowledge his services, if he acted in a straightforward
manner throughout.
Pleasant and cheering as was this whole interview, nevertheless, in
consequence of the considerable excitement which it caused me in my weak
state, I felt my head greatly affected; and I was seized with a
shivering fit about noon the following day, just as I was going to pay
another visit to my friend. On the last day of September, I entered into
a rather warm dispute with Álawáte, whom I met at his brother’s house,
and whose ungenerous conduct I could not forget. My protector not
possessing sufficient energy, and, in his position, not feeling
independent enough to rebuke his brother for the trouble which he had
caused me, begged me repeatedly to bear patiently his importunities,
though he was aware of my reasons for disliking him. On another
occasion, he made me fire off the six-barrelled pistol in front of his
house, before a numerous assemblage of people. This caused extraordinary
excitement and astonishment among the people, and exercised a great
influence upon my future safety, as it made them believe that I had arms
all over my person, and could fire as many times as I liked.
Thus the month of September concluded satisfactorily and most
auspiciously, as it seemed. For I had not only succeeded in reaching in
safety this city, but I was also well received on the whole; and the
only question seemed to be how I was to return home by the earliest
opportunity and the safest route. But all my prospects changed with the
first of the ensuing month, when the difficulties of my situation
increased, and all hopes of a speedy departure appeared to be at an end.
For in the afternoon of the first of October, a considerable troop of
armed men, mustering about twenty muskets, arrived from Hamda-Alláhi,
the residence of the shekho Áhmedu ben Áhmedu, to whose nominal sway the
town of Timbúktu and the whole province has been subjected since the
conquest of the town in the beginning of the year 1826. These people
brought with them an order from the capital to drive me out of the town;
and Hammádi, the nephew and rival of the Sheikh El Bakáy, feeling
himself strengthened by the arrival of such a force, availed himself of
so excellent an opportunity of enhancing his influence, and, in
consequence, issued a proclamation to the inhabitants of the town,
commanding them, in stringent terms, to attend to the orders of the
emír, and in the event of my offering resistance, not even to spare my
life.
There can scarcely be any doubt that my protector, as far as a man of a
rather weak character was capable of any firm resolution, had intended
to send me off by the very first opportunity that should offer; but the
order issued by the emír of Hamda-Alláhi (to whose authority, he was
vehemently opposed), that I should be forthwith driven out of the town
or slain, roused his spirit of opposition. He felt, too, that the
difficulties of my leaving this place in safety were thus greatly
augmented. All thoughts of my immediate departure were therefore set
aside; partly, no doubt, from regard to my security, but much more from
an anxious desire to show the Fullán, or Fúlbe, that he was able to keep
me here, notwithstanding their hostile disposition and their endeavours
to the contrary. There were, besides, the intrigues of the Waláti, my
guide on the journey from Yágha, who, finding that the Sheikh did not
approve of his dishonest conduct towards me, endeavoured to get me out
of his hands, in order that he might deal with me as he liked. My
broker, too, ʿAlí el Ágeren, seeing the difficulties of my situation,
gave me entirely up, making his own safety the only object of his
thoughts.
The Sheikh, when he had fully understood what I had told him with regard
to the power and the political principles of the sovereign of Great
Britain, had determined to write a letter with his own hand, expressing
his satisfaction that I had come to pay him my compliments, and in order
to endeavour to counteract the discouraging effects produced by the
account of Major Laing’s death, and, if possible, to obtain for himself
a few presents. This letter, it was understood in the beginning, I
myself should take with me; but, in the evening of the third of October,
I suddenly, to my great amazement, received the intelligence that I was
to send my man, ʿAlí el Ágeren, to Ghadámes or Tripoli with this letter,
accompanying it with a note from my own hand, while I myself remained
behind, as a kind of hostage, in Timbúktu, until the articles which the
Sheikh El Bakáy had written for were received. But I was not to be
treated in this way by intrigues of my own people; and the following
morning I sent a simple protest to the Sheikh, stating that, as for
himself, he might do just as he liked, and if he chose to keep me as a
prisoner or hostage, he might do so as long as he thought fit; but that
he must not expect to receive so much as a needle from the Government
that had sent me until I myself should have returned in safety. My host,
too, had just before intimated to me that it would be best to deliver my
horse and my gun into his hands; but I sent him an answer, that neither
the one nor the other should leave my house until my head had left my
shoulders. It was rather remarkable that a person of so mean a character
as the Waláti should for a moment gain the upper hand of a man of such
an excellent disposition as the Sheikh; but it was quite natural that
this clever rogue should continually incite Sídi Álawáte to make new
demands upon my small store of valuable articles.
Meanwhile, while I was thus kept in a constant state of excitement, I
was not free from anxiety in other respects. A thunder-storm,
accompanied by the most plentiful rain which I experienced during my
stay in this place, had in the afternoon of the 3rd October inundated my
house, and, breaking through the wall of my store-room, had damaged the
whole of my luggage, my books, and medicines, as well as my presents and
articles of exchange. But my situation was soon to improve, as the
Sheikh became aware of the faithless and despicable character of my
former companion and guide; and while he ordered the latter to fetch my
camels from Áribínda, which it was now but too apparent he had sold on
his own account instead of having them taken care of for me, he informed
me of what had come to his knowledge of the Waláti’s previous character
and disreputable habits.
The Emír of Hamda-Alláhi’s sending a force to Timbúktu in order to
dispose of me, with the assistance of the inhabitants of that town,
without paying the slightest regard to the opinion of my protector, had
caused a considerable reaction in the whole relation of the Sheikh to
the towns-people, and he had made up his mind to pitch his camp outside
the city, in order to convince the inhabitants, and the Fullán in
particular, that he did not depend upon them, but had mightier friends
and a more powerful spell upon which he could safely rely. He had even,
while still absent in Gúndam, opened communication with Áwáb, the chief
of the Tademékket, to this effect.
But all these proceedings required more energy and a more warlike
character than, I am sorry to say, my friend and protector actually
possessed; and our adversaries were so busy, that, in the night of the
9th, owing to the arrival of a party of Tawárek, who were well known not
to be friendly disposed towards him, he was so intimidated, that at two
o’clock in the morning he himself came to my house, rousing us from our
sleep and requesting us most urgently to keep watch, as he was afraid
that something was going on against me. We therefore kept a constant
look out the whole night on our terrace, and seeing that the rear of our
house was in a partial state of decay, facilitating an attack in that
quarter, we set to work early in the morning repairing the wall and
barricading it with thorny bushes. The artisans of the town were so
afraid of the party hostile to me, who were the nominal rulers, that no
one would undertake the task of repairing my house. However, the more
intelligent natives of the place did all in their power to prevent my
learned friend from leaving the town, as they felt sure that such a
proceeding would be the commencement of troubles. The consequence was,
that we did not get off on the 10th, although the Sheikh had sent his
wife and part of his effects away the preceding night, and it was not
till a little before noon the following day that we actually left the
town.
[Footnote 122: It is a highly interesting fact, that we find this native
name, which is given to calico in the region of the Niger, already
mentioned by that most eminent and clear-sighted of Arab geographers,
Ábu ʿObaid Allah el Bekrí, in the middle of the eleventh century, or
fully 800 years ago. For, in describing the manufacture of cotton in the
town of Silla, which has become so familiar to Europeans in consequence
of Mungo Park’s adventures, he expressly mentions that this calico was
called “shígge” by the natives, الازر المسماة بالشكيات. (El Bekrí, ed.
de Slane, 1857, p. 173.) Great interest is imparted by such incidents to
the life of a region which, to the common observer, seems dead and
uninteresting.]
[Footnote 123: On this occasion, which was a rather serious one, a most
ridiculous misunderstanding was caused by the peculiarity of the Arabic
dialect used in Timbúktu, which puzzled me and my companions very often,
and sometimes made conversation between me and my friends very difficult
and intricate. When the servant said that we should remove all our
“haiwán” from our house, supposing that she meant animals, we told her
that we had only one animal in our house, viz. my horse; and it was some
time before we learned that in Timbúktu, which is inhabited mostly by
such Arabs as have been at a former period dwellers in the desert, and
whose property consisted almost exclusively of camels and cattle, the
word “haiwán” comprises all kinds of movable property.]
[Footnote 124: For the whole genealogy of the Sheíkh see Appendix VII.]
[Footnote 125: See Major Laing’s Letters in the Edinburgh Review, vol.
xxxviii. 1828, p. 101, _et seq._, and vol. xxxix.]
[Footnote 126: There cannot be the least doubt that, in addition to the
love of plunder, it was also a certain feeling of revenge for the
mischief inflicted upon their countrymen by the heroic Mungo Park which
prompted this ferocious act of the Tawárek; and it is very curious to
observe the presentiment that Major Laing had, on setting out from
Tawát, of what awaited him, as most distinctly embodied in some of his
letters, dated Tawát, Jan. 1826, especially in a letter addressed to
James Bandinel, Esq., which General Edward Sabine, the great friend of
the distinguished traveller, kindly allowed me to inspect.]
[Footnote 127: Instead of communicating the itinerary from Timbúktu to
the hillet in my collection of itineraries through the western half of
the desert, at the end of the following volume, where it would be
overlooked by the general reader, I prefer inserting it in this place:—
1½ day, Tenég el hay, or Tenég el háj, a well where all the roads meet.
A great many celebrated localities along this part of the road.
1 day, Tin-tahón, about the heat of the day; a locality so called from
an eminence, “tahón.”
1 day, Worozíl, a well with a rich supply of water, about the same time.
1 day, Én-eláhi, a whole day. From hence to the small town Bú-Jebéha,
passing by the well e’ Twíl, 2 days.
2 days, Erúk; 3 days from Árawán; 1¼ from Bú-Jebéha. Close to Erúk is
Mérizík.
1 day, Bel-Mehán, a rich and famous well; a long day, keeping along a
valley enclosed between the sandhills, “Égif,” towards the W., and the
black mountains of Áderár towards the E.
1 day, Hillet e’ Sheikh.]
[Footnote 128: It is highly interesting and satisfactory to observe how
Major Laing himself, in the letters published in the Edinburgh Review,
speaks of the kind reception given to him, when severely wounded, by the
Sheikh and maraboot (Merábet) Mooktar, or rather Sídi Mohammed. See,
especially, p. 105.]
CHAP. LXVIII.
FIRST RESIDENCE IN THE DESERT. — POLITICAL COMBINATIONS. — GREAT MOSQUE.
— GROUND-PLAN OF THE TOWN.
[Sidenote: October 11th.]
This was an important moment for myself, as, with the exception of an
occasional visit to the Sheikh, who lived only a few yards across the
street, and an almost daily promenade on my terrace, I had not moved
about since my arrival. With a deep consciousness of the critical
position in which I was placed, I followed my protector, who, mounted
on his favourite white mare, led the way through the streets of the
town, along which the assembled natives were thronging in order to
get a glance at me. Leaving the high mounds of rubbish which constitute
the groundwork of the northern part of the town on our left, and
pursuing a north-north-easterly direction over a sandy tract covered
with stunted bushes, and making only a short halt near a well five miles
from the town, for the purpose of watering our horses, after a march of
two miles more we reached the camp, which could easily be recognised at
a great distance by two large white cotton tents, whose size and
situation made them conspicuous above some smaller leathern dwellings.
It was just about sunset; and the open country with its rich mimosas,
and with the camp on the rising ground, the white sandy soil of which
was illumined by the last rays of the setting sun, presented an
interesting spectacle. The younger inhabitants of the camp, including
Bábá Ahmed and ʿAbidín, two favourite boys of the Sheikh, one five, the
other four years of age, came out to meet us; and I soon afterwards
found myself lodged in an indigenous tent of camel’s hair, which was
pitched at the foot of the hill, belonging to Mohammed el Khalíl, a
relative of the Sheikh, who had come from his native home in Tíris, on
the shores of the Atlantic, in order to share his uncle’s blessing.
In this encampment we passed several days in the most quiet and retired
manner, when my friend revealed to me his course of action. It was his
intention, he said, to bring the old chief Galaijo, from the place of
his exile in Champagóre, back to this part of Negroland, which he had
formerly ruled, and to reinstate him, by the aid of the Tawárek, in the
government of Másina with the residence Hamda-Alláhi, of which he was to
deprive the family of Lebbo. But even if it was true, as he said, that
the Fúlbe themselves, as well those settled between Fermágha and Gúndam,
as those inhabiting the provinces of Dalla, Dwenza, and Gilgóji, were
opposed to the government of Lebbo, such a project appeared to me to
require a greater share of perseverance and determination than, from all
that I had seen, I could believe my noble friend possessed. However, he
entertained no doubt at that time that Alkúttabu, the great chief of the
Tawárek himself, would come to his aid without delay and conduct me,
under his powerful protection, safely along the banks of the Niger.
However exaggerated the projects of my protector were, considering his
mild disposition, and although by exasperating the Fúlbe more and more
he no doubt increased the difficulties of my situation, the moving of
his encampment outside the town afforded me a great deal of relief, both
in consequence of the change of air which it procured me, and of the
varied scenery. I could also get here a little exercise, although the
more open the country was, the greater care I had to take of my safety.
In the morning, particularly, the camp presented a very animated sight.
The two large white tents of cotton cloth, with their top-covering, or
“sarámme,” of chequered design, and their woollen curtains of various
colours, were half opened to allow the morning air to pervade them. The
other smaller ones were grouped picturesquely around on the slope, which
was enlivened by camels, cattle, and goats, that were just being driven
out. All nature was awake and full of bustle, and the trees were
swarming with white pigeons. In the evening, again, there were the
cattle returning from their pasturage, the slaves bringing water on the
backs of the asses, and the people grouped together in the simple place
of devotion, laid out with thorny bushes, in order to say their prayers,
guided by the melodious voice of their teacher, who never failed to join
them. At this time a chapter of the Kurán was chanted by the best
instructed of the pupils, and continued often till a late hour at night,
the sound of these beautiful verses, in their melodious fall,
reverberating from the downs around; at other times animated
conversation ensued, and numerous groups gathered on the open ground by
the side of the fire.
We returned into the town on the 13th. The first day had passed off
rather quietly, save that a party of twelve Imóshagh, of the tribe of
the Igwádaren, partly mounted on camels, partly on horses, trespassed on
the hospitality of the Sheikh. I had an opportunity of inspecting their
swords, and was not a little surprised at finding that they were all
manufactured in the German town of Solingen, as indeed were almost all
the swords of these Tawárek, or Imóshagh.
The interests of the different members of the family now began to clash.
The Sheikh himself was firm in his opposition against the Fúlbe, and
requested me in future, when I visited him, to come to his house fully
armed, in order to show our adversaries that I was ready to repulse any
violence; and it was in vain that I protested that, as I came with
peaceable intentions, nothing could be farther from my wish than to
cause any disturbance in the town. Meanwhile his brother, Sídi Alawáte,
suborned one of the Sheikh’s pupils to make another attempt to convert
me to Islamism. This man, who was one of the most learned followers of
the Sheikh, having resided for nearly thirty years in the family, first
with the Sheikh Sídi Mohammed, then with his eldest son El Mukhtár, who
succeeded him in the dignity of a Sheikh during Major Laing’s residence
in Ázawád, and finally with the Sheikh el Bakáy himself, originally
belonged to the Arab tribe of the Welád Ráshid, whose settlements in
Wádáy I have mentioned on a former occasion. Partly on this account,
partly on account of his great religious knowledge, and his volubility
of speech, he possessed great influence with all the people, although
his prudence and forbearance were not conspicuous. But finding that his
usual arguments in favour of his creed did not avail with me, he soon
desisted. This was the last time these people attempted to make me a
proselyte to their religion, with the exception of some occasional
serious advice from my friends under the temporary pressure of political
difficulties.
The emír of the place, of the name of Kaúri, who was a good-natured man,
and whose colleague, Belle, was absent at the time, having advised my
protector to take me again out of the town for a few days, till the
kádhi Áhmed Weled Fʿaamme, who was going to Hamda-Alláhi, and who was
especially hostilely disposed towards me, should have left, we again set
out, on the morning of the 17th October; but, having stayed in the
encampment that night and the following morning, we returned to the town
the same afternoon, but left again on the morning of the 20th, when the
kafla of the Tawátíye was ready to set out on their journey to the
north, and stayed with them during the heat of the day. They were
encamped in about twenty-four small leathern tents, round the well where
we had a few days previously watered our horses, and mustered more than
fifty muskets, each of them being armed, moreover, with a spear and
sword; but notwithstanding their numbers, and the circumstance that a
rather respectable man, of the name of Háj Áhmed, the wealthiest person
of Insála or ʿAín-Sála, was among them, and was to accompany them as far
as Mʿamún, I felt no inclination to go with this caravan, and thus to
deprive myself of the opportunity of surveying the river, nor did my
protector himself seem to find in this northerly road any sufficient
guarantee for my safe return home. I therefore only made use of this
opportunity in order to send to Europe, by way of Ghadámes, a short
report of my arrival in Timbúktu, and a general outline of the political
circumstances connected with my stay in the city.
The caravan having started the following morning, we stayed two days
longer in the camp, and then once more returned into the town, without
any further difficulty, in the company of Sídi Álawáte, who had come out
to join us with a body of armed followers, and who behaved now, on the
whole, much more amiably towards me. He even gave me some interesting
particulars with respect to Ségo[129], which place he had visited some
time before, levying upon Dembo, then king of Bámbara, a heavy
contribution of gold. This king who was sprung from a Púllo mother, had
succeeded his father Farma, the son of the king mentioned by Mungo Park
under the name of Mansong, two years previously.[130]
The Fúlbe, however, did not give up their point, and, as they did not
find themselves strong enough to proceed to open violence, made an
indirect attack upon me by putting in irons on the 27th some Arabs or
Moors, on the pretext of having neglected their prayers, thereby
protesting strongly enough against a person of an entirely different
creed staying in the town. The emír Kaúri himself, who, on the whole,
seemed to be a man of good sense, was in a most awkward position; and
when the kádhi informed him, that, if he was not able to execute the
order which he had received from his liege lord, he should solicit the
assistance of the people of Timbúktu, he refused to have recourse to
violence till he had received stricter orders to that effect and more
effectual aid; for, in the event of his having driven me out, and
anything having befallen me, the whole blame would be thrown upon him,
as had been the case with Sídi Bú-Bakr the governor, who, obeying the
orders of Mohammed Lebbo, had obliged the Ráís (Major Laing) to leave
the town, and thus, in some measure was the cause of his death, that
distinguished traveller having thrown himself in despair into the arms
of Hámed Weled ʿAbéda, the chief of the Berabísh, who murdered him in
the desert.
But, on the other hand, the emír endeavoured to dissuade my protector,
who was about to send a messenger to Alkúttabu[131], the great chief of
the Awelímmiden, to summon him to his assistance, from carrying out his
intention, fearing lest the result of this proceeding might be a serious
conflict between the Tawárek and the Fúlbe. However, from all that I
saw, I became aware that the chance of my departure was more remote than
ever, and that, at least this year, there was very little prospect of my
leaving this place; for the messenger whom the Sheikh was to send to the
Tárki chief, and of whose departure there had been much talk for so long
a time, had not yet left, and the chief’s residence was several hundred
miles off. I therefore again protested to my friend that it was my
earnest desire to set out on my home journey as soon as possible, and
that I felt not a little annoyed at the continual procrastination.
Several circumstances concurred at this time to make me feel the delay
the more deeply, so that notwithstanding my sincere esteem for my
protector, I thought it better, when he again left the town in the
evening of the 27th, to remain where I was; for after my return from our
last excursion, in consequence of the severe cold during the night, I
had been visited by a serious attack of rheumatism, which had rendered
me quite lame for a day or two.
With regard to the means of my departure, the Waláti, whom I had sent
out at a great expense to bring my horses and camels from the other side
of the river, had brought back my horses in the most emaciated
condition. As for the camels, he had intended to appropriate them to his
own use; but I defeated his scheme by making a present of them to the
Sheikh. This brought all the Waláti’s other intrigues to light,
especially the circumstance of his having presented a small pistol
(which I had given to himself) to Hammádi, the Sheikh’s rival,
intimating that it came from me, and thus endangering my whole position,
by making the Sheikh believe that I was giving presents to his rivals
and his enemies. But my protector acted nobly on this occasion; for he
not only warned me against the intrigues of the Waláti, and would not
lend an ear to his numerous calumnies against me, but he even preferred
me, the Christian, to my Mohammedan companion, the Méjebrí, ʿAlí el
Ágeren, who was sometimes led, through fear, to take the part of the
Waláti; and the Méjebrí, who thought himself almost a sheríf, and was
murmuring his prayers the whole evening long, felt not a little hurt and
excited when he found that the Sheikh placed infinitely more reliance
upon me than upon himself.
In order to convince the Sheikh how sensible I was of the confidence
which he placed in me, I made a present of a blue cloth kaftan to
Mohammed Boy, the son of the chief Galaijo, who had studied with him for
a year or two, and was now about to return home by way of Hamda-Alláhi.
But, unluckily, I had not many such presents to offer, and a nobleman of
the name of Muláy ʿAbd e’ Salám, who had sent me a hospitable present of
wheat and rice, was greatly offended at not receiving from me a bernús
in return.
Meanwhile the Fúlbe, or Fullán, sent orders to Dár e’ Salám, the capital
of the district of Zánkara, that their countrymen inhabiting that
province should enter Timbúktu as soon as the Sheikh should leave it.
The latter, in order to show these people the influence he possessed,
decided upon taking me with him on an excursion to Kábara, which is the
harbour on the river, where the Fúlbe were generally acknowledged to
possess greater power than in Timbúktu, on account of the distance of
the latter from the water. I followed him gladly, that I might have an
opportunity of observing the different aspect of the country two months
after the date when I had first traversed it. In fact the landscape had
now a very different appearance, being entirely changed in consequence
of the abundant rains which had fallen in September and October. The
whole sandy level, which before looked so dull and dreary, was now
covered with herbage; while that part of the road nearer the town had
been a little cleared of wood, apparently in order to prevent the
Tawárek from lurking near the road and surprising travellers. Further
on, when we approached the village of Kábara, all the fields were
overgrown with water-melons, which form a considerable branch of the
industry of the inhabitants.
We dismounted, at length, close to Kábara, in the shade of a talha tree,
clearing the ground and making ourselves as comfortable as possible. A
great number of people collected round us, not only from the village of
Kábara, but also from the town; even the governor, or emír, Kaúri, came
out to see what we were doing here.
By way of making some sort of popular display, and showing his enemies
the extent of his authority, my protector here distributed the presents
which he had destined for Boy and his companions, who, before returning
to their home in the province of Galaijo, were first going to pay their
compliments to the sheikho Áhmedu in Hamda-Alláhi. He also sent the very
bernús which I had intended for ʿAbd e’ Salám to ʿAbd Alláhi[132], the
uncle of the young sheikho Áhmedu of Hamda-Alláhi. While the emír walked
up and down, at some distance from the spot where we had taken up our
position, in order to have a look at me, we were treated hospitably by
the inspector of the harbour (a cheerful old man of the name of ʿAbd el
Kásim, and of supposed sheríf origin), with several dishes of excellent
kuskus, one of which fell to my share: and I was delighted to see that,
notwithstanding the decline of everything in this distracted region, the
old office of an inspector of the harbour still retained a certain
degree of importance. But I lamented that I was not allowed to survey at
my leisure the general features of the locality, which had entirely
changed since my first visit to this place. The river had inundated the
whole of the lowlands, so that the water, which had before only formed a
narrow ditch-like channel, now presented a wide open sheet, affording
easy access to the native craft of all sizes.
Having then mounted in the afternoon, after a pleasant ride we reached
the town; but instead of directly entering the dilapidated walls, we
turned off a little to the west, towards a small plantation of date
trees (marked 9 in the plan of the town), of the existence of which I
had had no previous idea; for small and insignificant as it was, it
claimed considerable interest in this arid tract, there being at present
only four or five middle-sized trees, rather poor specimens of the
hájilíj, or _balanites_, inside the town; although we know that before
the time of the conquest of Songhay by the Moroccains, the city was not
so poor in vegetation; but the inspector of the harbour having fled on
that occasion with the whole fleet, the bashá Mahmúd cut down all the
trees in and around the town for the purpose of ship-building.
The little oasis consisted of three nearly full-grown date-trees, but of
small size, only one of them bearing fruit, while around there were
about ten very young bushes, which, if not well taken care of, scarcely
seemed to promise ever to become of any value. The plantation, poor as
it was, owed its existence to the neighbourhood of a deep well, of
immense size, being about thirty yards in diameter and five fathoms
deep, wherein the water collects.
Having loitered here a few moments, and visited a small and poor
plantation in the neighbourhood belonging to the Tawáti, Mohammed el
ʿAísh, we turned off towards the Jíngeré-bér, or “great mosque,” which
by its stately appearance made a deep impression upon my mind, as I had
not yet had an opportunity of inspecting it closely. It was here
especially that I convinced myself, not only of the trustworthy
character of Caillié’s report in general, of which I had already had an
opportunity of judging, but also of the accuracy with which, under the
very unfavourable circumstances in which he was placed, he has described
the various objects which fell under his observation. I was only
permitted to survey the outside of the mosque; as to the interior, I was
obliged to rely upon the information which I received from the more
intelligent of the natives.
The mosque is a large building, but a considerable portion of it is
occupied by an open courtyard, wherein the larger tower is enclosed,
while the principal part of the building includes nine naves, of
different dimensions and structure; the westernmost portion, which
consists of three naves, belonging evidently to the old mosque, which,
together with the palace, was built by Mansa Músa, the king of Melle, as
is even attested by an inscription over the principal gate, although it
has become somewhat illegible. The chief error which Caillié has
committed in describing this mosque relates to the smaller tower, the
position of which he has mistaken, and the number of gateways on the
eastern side, there being seven instead of five. Caillié also states the
greatest length of the building to be 104 paces; while my intelligent
friend Mohammed ben ʿAísh assured me that, after measuring it with the
greatest accuracy, he found it to be 262 French feet in length, by 194
in width.[133]
If this building, which stands just at the western extremity, and forms
the south-western corner of the town, were situated in the centre, it
would be infinitely more imposing; but it is evident that in former
times the mosque was surrounded by buildings on the western side. The
city formerly was twice as large.
While we were surveying this noble pile, numbers of people collected
round us,—this being the quarter inhabited principally by the Fúlbe, or
Fullán,—and when we turned our steps homewards, they followed us along
the streets through the market, which was now empty, but without making
the least hostile manifestation. On the contrary, many of them gave me
their hands.
Soon after my arrival in the place, I had sent home a small plan of the
town. This I now found to be inaccurate in some respects; and I here
therefore subjoin a more correct plan of the town, although on a rather
small scale,—the circumstances under which I resided there not having
allowed me to survey the greater part of it accurately enough for a more
minute delineation.
The city of Timbúktu, according to Dr. Petermann’s laying down of it
from my materials, lies in 17° 37′ N. and 3° 5′ W. of Greenwich.
Situated only a few feet above the average level of the river, and at a
distance of about six miles from the principal branch, it at present
forms a sort of triangle, the base of which points towards the river,
whilst the projecting angle is directed towards the north, having for
its centre the mosque of Sánkoré. But, during the zenith of its power,
the town extended a thousand yards further north, and included the tomb
of the fáki Mahmúd, which, according to some of my informants, was then
situated in the midst of the town.
[Illustration: PLAN OF TIMBUKTU.
1. House of the Sheikh Áhmed el Bakáy, with another house belonging to
the same close by, and having in front of it a small square, where he
has established a “msíd,” or place of prayer for his pupils, several
of whom pass the night here.
2. House belonging likewise to the Sheikh, where I myself was lodged,
the ground plan of which I have given above.
3. Great mosque, “Gíngere (Jíngeré, or Zángeré) bér, Jámʿa el kebíra,”
begun by Mansa Músa, king of Melle, A.D. 1327, and forming, for many
centuries, the centre of the Mohammedan quarter.
4. Mosque Sánkoré, in the quarter Sánkoré, which is generally regarded
as the oldest quarter of the town. The mosque has five naves, and is
120 feet long by 80 feet wide.
5. Mosque Sídi Yáhia, much smaller than the two other large mosques.
6. Great market-place, or Yúbu.
7. Butchers’ market, where in former times the palace, or “Mʿa-duk,”
or Mʿa-dugu, is said to have been situated.
8. Gate leading to Kábara.
9. Well, surrounded by a small plantation of date trees.
10. Another well, with a small garden, belonging to Mohammed el ʿAísh.
11. Spot in a shallow valley, up to which point small boats ascended
from the Niger, in the winter 1853-4.]
The circumference of the city at the present time I reckon at a little
more than two miles and a half; but it may approach closely to three
miles, taking into account some of the projecting angles. Although of
only small size, Timbúktu may well be called a city—medína—in comparison
with the frail dwelling-places all over Negroland. At present it is not
walled. Its former wall, which seems never to have been of great
magnitude, and was rather more of the nature of a rampart, was destroyed
by the Fúlbe on their first entering the place in the beginning of the
year 1826. The town is laid out partly in rectangular, partly in
winding, streets, or, as they are called here, “tijeráten,” which are
not paved, but for the greater part consist of hard sand and gravel, and
some of them have a sort of gutter in the middle. Besides the large and
the small market there are few open areas, except a small square in
front of the mosque of Yáhia, called Túmbutu-bóttema.
Small as it is, the city is tolerably well inhabited, and almost all the
houses are in good repair. There are about 980 clay houses, and a couple
of hundred conical huts of matting, the latter, with a few exceptions,
constituting the outskirts of the town on the north and north-east
sides, where a great deal of rubbish, which has been accumulating in the
course of several centuries, is formed into conspicuous mounds. The clay
houses are all of them built on the same principle as my own residence,
which I have described, with the exception that the houses of the poorer
people have only one courtyard, and have no upper room on the terrace.
The only remarkable public buildings in the town are the three large
mosques: the Jíngeré-bér, built by Mansa Músa; the mosque of Sánkoré,
built, at an early period, at the expense of a wealthy woman; and the
mosque Sídi Yáhia, built at the expense of a kádhi of the town. There
were three other mosques: that of Sídi Háj Mohammed, Msíd Belál, and
that of Sídi el Bámi. These mosques, and perhaps some little msíd, or
place of prayer, Caillié must have included when he speaks[134] of seven
mosques. Besides these mosques, there are at present no distinguished
public buildings in the town; and of the royal palace, or Mʿa-dugu,
wherein the kings of Songhay used to reside occasionally, as well as the
Kasbah, which was built in later times, in the south-eastern quarter, or
the “Sane-gungu”[135], which already at that time was inhabited by the
merchants from Ghadámes[136], not a trace is to be seen. Besides this
quarter, which is the wealthiest, and contains the best houses, there
are six other quarters, viz. Yúbu, the quarter comprising the great
market-place (yúbu) and the mosque of Sídi Yáhia, to the west of Sane-
gungu; and west of the former, forming the south-western angle of the
town, and called from the great mosque, Jíngeré-bér or Zángeré-bér. This
latter quarter, from the most ancient times, seems to have been
inhabited especially by Mohammedans, and not unlikely may have formed a
distinct quarter, separated from the rest of the town by a wall of its
own. Towards the north, the quarter Sane-gungu is bordered by the one
called Sara-káina, meaning literally the “little town,” and containing
the residence of the Sheikh, and the house where I myself was lodged.
Attached to Sara-káina, towards the north, is Yúbu-káina, the quarter
containing the “little market,” which is especially used as a butchers’
market. Bordering both on Jíngeré-bér and Yúbu-káina, is the quarter
Bagíndi, occupying the lowest situation in the town, and stated by the
inhabitants to have been flooded entirely in the great inundation which
took place in 1640. From this depression in the ground, the quarter of
Sánkoré, which forms the northernmost angle of the city, rises to a
considerable elevation, in such a manner, that the mosque of Sánkoré,
which seems to occupy its ancient site and level, is at present situated
in a deep hollow—an appearance which seems to prove that this elevation
of the ground is caused by the accumulation of rubbish, in consequence
of the repeated ruin which seems to have befallen this quarter pre-
eminently, as being the chief stronghold of the native Songhay. The
slope which this quarter forms towards the north-eastern end, in some
spots exceeds eighty feet.
The whole number of the settled inhabitants of the town amounts to about
13,000; while the floating population, during the months of the greatest
traffic and intercourse, especially from November to January, may
amount, on an average, to 5000, and under favourable circumstances to as
many as 10,000. Of the different elements composing this population, and
of their distinguishing features, I shall say a few words in another
place. I now revert to the diary of my own proceedings.
In the evening of the next day I again went with the Sheikh out of the
town to the tents, where we were to stay two days, but where we in fact
spent six; my friend finding himself very happy in the company of his
wife, to whom he was sincerely attached. Not only my companions, but
even I myself, began to find it rather tedious in the dull encampment,
as I had scarcely any books with me to pass away my time, and my
situation not allowing me to enter too closely into the discussions of
my companions, as in that case they would have redoubled their
endeavours to convert me to their creed, and would scarcely have allowed
me to depart at all.
Almost the whole of the time which I spent here the Sheikh left me quite
to myself, sometimes not quitting his tent for a whole day; but at other
times we had some pleasant and instructive conversation. Among other
subjects a rather animated discussion arose one day. An Arab, of the
name of ʿAbd e’ Rahmán, a near relation of my host, and of a rather
presumptuous character, who had come on a visit from Ázawád, was
extremely anxious to know the motives which induced me to visit this
country, and scarcely doubted that it could be anything else than the
desire of conquest. In order to show them of what little value the
possession of the country would be to the Europeans, I jestingly told
them, that our government, being informed that the natives of these
tracts fed on sand and clay, had sent me out to discover how this was
done, in order to provide, in a similar way, for the poor in our own
country. The Arab was naturally greatly surprised at my statement. But
the Sheikh himself laughed very heartily, and inquired, with an
expression of doubt, whether there were poor people among the
Christians.
Another evening, when the Sheikh was cheerfully sitting with us round
the fire, we had an interesting conversation concerning the worship of
idols. In order to overcome the prejudice of his pupils with regard to
the greater nobility and superiority of the Arab race, and to show them
that their forefathers had not been much better than many of the
idolatrous nations at the present day, he gave them an account of the
superstitions of the ancient Arabs, and in the course of his
conversation exhibited unmistakable proofs of an enlightened and
elevated mind, of which the letter, which I shall communicate in another
place, will give further proof.
Occasionally we received here also some interesting visits from Arabs or
other people; the most conspicuous person among them being a man of the
name of Fífi, the inspector of the harbour of Yówaru, a man of cheerful
temperament, and a great friend of the Sheikh’s. He had a perfect
knowledge of the course of the river between Timbúktu and Jafarábe, the
groups of islands forming the boundary between the Mohammedan kingdom of
Másina and the Pagan kingdom of Bámbara, and very important for the
trade along the river, as the boats coming from Timbúktu must here
discharge their merchandise, which has to be conveyed hence to Sansándi
on the backs of asses; but unfortunately my informant spoke nothing but
Songhay. The state of retirement in which I was obliged to live deprived
me of the opportunity of cultivating the language of the natives; which
was moreover extremely repulsive to me on account of its deficiency in
forms and words, so that I found it next to impossible to express in it
any general idea, without having recourse to some other foreign
language. The Songhay of this region, having been deprived of all their
former independent character more than two centuries and a half ago, and
having become degraded and subject to foreigners, have lost also the
national spirit of their idiom, which, instead of developing itself, has
become gradually poorer and more limited; but I have no doubt that the
dialect spoken by those still independent people in Dargol and Kulman is
far richer, and anybody who wishes to study the Songhay language must
study it there. The Arab visitors[137] to the town at this period were
especially numerous, this being the most favourable season for the salt
trade. A few months later scarcely a single Arab from abroad frequents
the town.
The private life of the people in these encampments runs on very
tranquilly, when there is no predatory incursion, which however is often
enough the case. Most of these mixed Arabs have only one wife at a time,
and they seem to lead a quiet domestic life, very like that of the
Sheikh himself. I scarcely imagine that there is in Europe a person more
sincerely attached to his wife and children than my host was. In fact,
it might be said that he was a little too dependent on the will of his
wife. The difference which I found between the position of the wife
among these Moorish tribes, and that which she enjoys among the Tawárek,
is extraordinary, although even the Tawárek have generally but one wife;
but while the latter is allowed to move about at her pleasure quite
unveiled, the wife even of the poorest Arab or Moor is never seen
unveiled, being generally clad in a black under and upper gown, and the
wives of the richer and nobler people never leave their tents. The camp
life of course would give to coquettish women a fair opportunity of
intrigue; but in general I think their morals are pretty chaste, and the
chastisement which awaits any transgression is severe, a married wife
convicted of adultery being sure to be stoned. An incident happened
during my present stay at the tents which gave proof of love affairs not
being quite unusual here,—a Tárki, or rather Ámghi, having been murdered
from motives of jealousy, and brought into our camp. But I must confess
that I can scarcely speak of the mode of life in an Arab or Moorish
encampment; for the camp of the Sheikh, as a chief of religion, is of
course quite an exception; and moreover the neighbourhood of the Fúlbe
or Fullán, who, in their austere religious creed, view all amusements
with a suspicious eye, has entirely changed the character of these
Moorish camps around the town, and it may be in consequence of this
influence that there was no dancing or singing here.
Notwithstanding trifling incidents like these, which tended occasionally
to alleviate the tediousness of our stay, I was deeply afflicted by the
immense delay and loss of time, and did not allow an opportunity to pass
by of urging my protector to hasten our departure; and he promised me
that, as I was not looking for property, he should not keep me long.
But, nevertheless, his slow and deliberate character could not be
overcome, and it was not until the arrival of another messenger from
Hamda-Alláhi, with a fresh order to the Sheikh to deliver me into his
hands, that he was induced to return into the town.
My situation in this turbulent place now approached a serious crisis;
but, through the care which my friends took of me, I was not allowed to
become fully aware of the danger I was in. The Sheikh himself was
greatly excited, but came to no decision with regard to the measures to
be taken; and at times he did not see any safety for me except by my
taking refuge with the Tawárek, and placing myself entirely under their
protection. But as for myself I remained quiet, although my spirits were
far from being buoyant; especially as, during this time, I suffered
severely from rheumatism; and I had become so tired of this stay outside
in the tents, where I was not able to write, that, when the Sheikh went
out again in the evening of the 16th, I begged him to let me remain
where I was. Being anxious about my safety, he returned the following
evening. However, on the 22nd, I was obliged to accompany him on another
visit to the tents, which had now been pitched in a different place, on
a bleak sandy eminence, about five miles east from the town, but this
time he kept his promise of not staying more than twenty-four hours. It
was at this encampment that I saw again the last four of my camels,
which at length, after innumerable delays, and with immense expense, had
been brought from beyond the river, but they were in a miserable
condition, and furnished another excuse to my friends for putting off my
departure, the animals being scarcely fit to undertake a journey.
[Footnote 129: The chief information related to the circumstance that
all the four quarters of that town, together with two other quarters
which in a wider sense are included in the place, are situated on the
south side of the river, as has been stated already in Recueil des
Voyages, tom. ii. p. 53. Mungo Park, who states (First Journey p. 195.)
the contrary, was evidently mistaken; and from the circumstances under
which he passed by Ségo, as a despised and suspected person, his mistake
is easily intelligible. The two quarters which in a wider sense still
belong to Ségo are called Benánkoró and Bammabúgu, in the former of
which a well frequented market is held. There is, besides, a village
close by called Bebára.]
[Footnote 130: My information as to the succession of the kings of
Bámbara does not agree with that received by M. Faidherbe, the present
governor of Senegal, published in the “Revue Coloniale,” 1857, p. 279. I
shall refer to this subject in another place.]
[Footnote 131: I will here remark, although I have to speak repeatedly
of this chief, that the name seems to be an abbreviation, meaning
probably قطب الدين that is, “pillar of the faith.”]
[Footnote 132: I will give, in this place, some particulars as to the
court of Hamda-Alláhi; حَمْدَ اللَهِ the name is written by the natives.
Mohammed Lebbo ruled from A.H. 1241 to 1262; his son Sheikho (pronounced
also Seko) Áhmedu, till 1269. This is the chief whom M. Faidherbe (Revue
Col. 1857, p. 279) calls Balógo, a Mandingo name, which means nothing
but “war chief.” Sheikho Áhmedu, in spite of the opposition of a strong
party, was succeeded by his young son Áhmedu. All the members of the
royal family live together in one and the same courtyard, which has
something of a round shape, the yard of the chief himself forming the
centre, and those of the four surviving sons of Mohammed Lebbo, viz.
ʿAbd Alláhi, ʿAbd e’ Salám, Hámidu, and ʿAbd e’ Rahmán, lying opposite
each other around the wall. Of these uncles of the sheikho, ʿAbd Alláhi
is the richest, and is said to possess a great amount of gold, 1700
slaves, 1900 head of cattle, 40 horses, and 20 boats on the river.]
[Footnote 133: I recommend the reader who takes any interest in the
subject to read the whole passage of Caillié relating to this mosque,
English ed. vol. ii. p. 71. The Tawáti took the measurement with my
line.]
[Footnote 134: Caillié, Travels to Timbuctoo, vol. ii. p. 56.]
[Footnote 135: Sane-gungu means, properly, the island, or the quarter of
the whites, “kirsh el bedhán.”]
[Footnote 136: See about the Kasbah, Áhmed Bábá’s account, Journal of
the Leipsic Oriental Society, vol. ix. p. 550.]
[Footnote 137: I must here testify to the accuracy with which Mr.
Raffenel, in the plates illustrating his two journeys in Negroland, has
represented the character of these Western Arabs or Moors.]
CHAP. LXIX.
POLITICAL STATE OF THE COUNTRY. — DANGEROUS CRISIS.
In the meantime, while I was thus warding off a decisive blow from my
enemies, the political horizon of these extensive regions became rather
more turbulent than usual; and war and feud raged in every quarter.
Towards the north the communication with Morocco was quite interrupted,
the tribe of the Tájakánt, who almost exclusively keep up that
communication, being engaged in civil war, which had arisen in this way.
A “Jakáni”[138] called ʿAbd Allah Weled Mulúd, and belonging to that
section of their tribe which is called Drʿawa, had slain a chief of the
Érgebát who had come to sue for peace, and had been killed in his turn
by the chief of his own tribe, a respectable and straightforward man of
the name of Mohammed El Mukhtár Merábet. Thus, two factions having
arisen, one consisting of the Újarát and the Áhel e’ Sherk, and the
other being formed by the Drʿawa and their allies, a sanguinary war was
carried on. But notwithstanding the unfavourable state of this quarter,
which is so important for the wellbeing of the town, on account of its
intercourse with the north, the Sheikh, who was always anxious to
establish peaceable intercourse, repeatedly told me that although he
regarded the road along the river, under the protection of the Tawárek,
as the safest for myself, he should endeavour to open the northern road
for future travellers from Merákesh, or Morocco, by way of Tafilélet,
and that he should make an arrangement to this effect with the Áʿaríb
and Tájakánt, though there is no doubt that it was the Áʿaríb who killed
Mr. Davidson, a few days after he had set out from Wádí Nún in the
company of the Tájakánt. There was just at the time a man of authority,
of the name of Hámed Weled e’ Síd, belonging to this tribe, present in
the town. On one occasion he came to pay me a visit, girt with his long
bowie knife. I had however not much confidence in these northern Moors;
and seeing him advance through my court-yard in company with another
man, I started up from my couch and met him halfway; and although he
behaved with some discretion, and even wanted to clear his countrymen
from the imputation of having murdered the above-mentioned traveller, I
thought it more prudent to beg him to keep at a respectful distance.
Just at this time a large foray was undertaken by a troop of 400
Awelímmiden against the Hogár, but it returned almost empty-handed, and
with the loss of one of their principal men. Towards the south, the
enterprising chief El Khadír, whom I have mentioned on a former
occasion, was pushing strenuously forward against his inveterate enemies
the Fúlbe, or Fullán, although the report which we heard at this time,
of his having taken the town of Hómbori, was not subsequently confirmed.
But, on the whole, the fact of this Berber tribe pushing always on into
the heart of Negroland, is very remarkable; and there is no doubt that
if a great check had not been given them by the Fúlbe, they would have
overpowered ere this the greater part of the region north of 13° N.
latitude. Great merit, no doubt, is due to the Fúlbe, for thus rescuing
these regions from the grasp of the Berber tribes of the desert,
although as a set-off it must be admitted that they do not understand
how to organise a firm and benevolent government, which would give full
security to the intercourse of people of different nationalities,
instead of destroying the little commerce still existing in these
unfortunate regions, by forcing upon the natives their own religious
prejudices.
The danger of my situation increased when, on the 17th November, some
more messengers from the prince of Hamda-Alláhi arrived in order to
raise the zekʿa[139], and at the same time we received authentic
information that the Fúlbe had made an attempt to instigate Áwáb, the
chief of the Tademékket, upon whom I chiefly relied for my security, to
betray me into their hands. News also arrived that the Welád Slímán,
that section of the Berabísh to which belongs especially the chief Hámed
Weled ʿAbéda, who killed Major Laing, had bound themselves by an oath to
put me to death. But my situation became still more critical towards the
close of the month, when, having once more left the town for the tents,
we received information that a fresh party had arrived from the capital
with the strictest orders to take me dead or alive. Being therefore
afraid that my people, whom I had left in the town, frightened by the
danger, might be induced to send my luggage out of the house where I was
lodged, I sent in the course of the night the servant whom I had with me
at the time, with strict orders not to move anything; but, before he
reached the town, my other people had sent away my two large boxes to
Táleb el Wáfi, the storekeeper of the Sheikh. But fortunately I did not
sustain any loss from this proceeding, nothing being missing from these
boxes, notwithstanding they had been left quite open.
[Sidenote: Thursday, Dec. 1st.]
Having passed a rather anxious night, with my pistols in my girdle, and
ready for any emergency, I was glad when, in the morning, I saw my boy
return accompanied by Mohammed el ʿAísh. But I learned that the people
of the town were in a state of great excitement, and that there was no
doubt but an attack would be made upon my house the next morning. Thus
much I made out myself; but, having no idea of the imminence of the
danger, in the course of the day I sent away my only servant with my two
horses, for the purpose of being watered. But my Tawáti friend seemed to
be better informed, and taking his post on the rising ground of the
sandy downs, on the slope of which we were encamped, kept an anxious
look out towards the town. About dhohor, or two o’clock in the
afternoon, he gave notice of the approach of horsemen in the distance,
and while I went into my tent to look after my effects, Mohammed el
Khalíl rushed in suddenly, crying out to me to arm myself. Upon this I
seized all the arms I had, consisting of a double-barrelled gun, three
pistols, and a sword; and I had scarcely come out when I met the Sheikh
himself with the small six-barrelled pistol which I had given him in his
hand. Handing one of my large pistols to Mohammed ben Mukhtár, a young
man of considerable energy, and one of the chief followers of the
Sheikh, I knelt down and pointed my gun at the foremost of the horsemen
who, to the number of thirteen, were approaching. Having been brought to
a stand by our threatening to fire if they came nearer, their officer
stepped forward crying out that he had a letter to deliver to the
Sheikh; but the latter forbade him to come near, saying that he would
only receive the letter in the town, and not in the desert. The
horsemen, finding that I was ready to shoot down the first two or three
who should approach me, consulted with each other and then slowly fell
back, relieving us from our anxious situation. But, though reassured of
my own safety, I had my fears as to my servant and my two horses, and
was greatly delighted when I saw them safely return from the water.
However, our position soon became more secure in consequence of the
arrival of Sídi Álawáte, accompanied by a troop of armed men, amongst
whom there were some musketeers. It now remained to be decided what
course we should pursue, and there was great indecision, Álawáte wanting
to remain himself with me at the tents, while the Sheikh returned to the
town.
But besides my dislike to stay any longer at the encampment, I had too
little confidence in the younger brother of the Sheikh to trust my life
in his hands, and I was therefore extremely delighted to find that El
Bakáy himself, and Mohammed el ʿAísh, thought it best for me to return
into the town. At the moment when we mounted our horses, a troop of Kél-
hekíkan, although not always desirable companions, mounted on mehára,
became visible in the distance, so that in their company we re-entered
Timbúktu, not only with full security, but with great _éclat_, and
without a single person daring to oppose our entrance; though Hammádi,
the Sheikh’s rival, was just about to collect his followers in order to
come himself and fight us at the tents. Frustrated in this plan, he came
to my protector in his “msíd,” or place of prayer in front of his house,
and had a serious conversation with him, while the followers of the
latter armed themselves in order to anticipate any treachery or evil
design, of which they were greatly afraid. But the interview passed off
quietly, and, keeping strict watch on the terrace of our house, we
passed the ensuing night without further disturbance.
This happened on the 1st of December; and the following morning, in
conformity with the Sheikh’s protest, that he would receive the emír of
Hamda-Alláhi’s letter only in Timbúktu, the messenger arrived; but the
latter being a man of ignoble birth called Mohammed ben Sʿaíd, the
character of the messenger irritated my host almost more even than the
tenor of the letter, which ordered him to give me and my property up
into the hands of his (the emír’s) people. After having given vent to
his anger, he sent for me, and handed me the letter, together with
another which had been addressed to the emír Kaúri, and the whole
community of the town, Whites as well as Blacks (el bedhán ú e’ sudán),
threatening them with condign punishment, if they should not capture me,
or watch me in such a manner that I could not escape.
The serious character which affairs had assumed, and the entire
revolution which my own personal business caused in the daily life of
the community, were naturally very distressing to me, and nothing could
be more against my wish than to irritate the fanatical and not powerless
ruler of Hamda-Alláhi. It had been my most anxious desire from the
beginning, to obtain the goodwill of this chief by sending him a
present, but my friends here had frustrated my design; and even if in
the beginning it had been possible, a supposition which is more than
doubtful, considering the whole character of the Fúlbe of Hamda-Alláhi,
it was now too late, as Séko Áhmedu had become my inveterate enemy, and
I could only cling with the greater tenacity to the only trustworthy
protector whom I had here, the Sheikh El Bakáy. In acknowledgment
therefore of his straightforward conduct, I sent him, as soon as I had
again taken quiet possession of my quarters, some presents to distribute
among the Tawárek, besides giving the head man of the latter a small
extra gift, and some powder and Háusa cloth to distribute among our
friends. However, my situation remained very precarious. As if a serious
combat was about to ensue, all the inhabitants tried their firearms, and
there was a great deal of firing in the whole town, while the Morocco
merchants, with ʿAbd e’ Salám at their head, endeavoured to lessen the
Sheikh’s regard for me, by informing him that not even in their country
(Morocco) were the Christians treated with so much regard, not only
their luggage but even their dress being there searched on entering the
country. But the Sheikh was not to be talked over in this manner, and
adhered to me without wavering for a moment. He then sat down and wrote
a spirited and circumstantial letter to Séko Áhmedu, wherein he
reproached him with attempting to take out of his hands by force a man
better versed in subjects of religion than he, the emír himself, who had
come from a far distant country to pay him his respects, and who was his
guest.
The following day, while I was in the company of the Sheikh, the emír
Kaúri and the kádhi San-shírfu, together with several other principal
personages, called upon him, when I paid my compliments to them all, and
found that the latter especially was a very respectable man. My friend
had provided for any emergency, having sent to the Tademékket,
requesting them urgently to come to his assistance; and, in the evening
of the 6th of December, Áwáb, the chief of the Tin-ger-égedesh, arrived
with fifty horse, and was lodged by El Bakáy in the neighbourhood of our
quarters.
The next morning the Sheikh sent for me to pay my compliments to this
chief. I found him a very stately person of a proud commanding bearing,
clad in a jellába tobe, striped red and white, and ornamented with green
silk, his head adorned with a high red cap, an article of dress which is
very rarely seen here, either among the Tawárek or even the Arabs.
Having saluted him, I explained to him the reason of my coming, and for
what purpose I sought imána; and when he raised an objection on account
of my creed, because I did not acknowledge Mohammed as a prophet, I
succeeded in warding off his attack, by telling him that they themselves
did not acknowledge Mohammed as the only prophet, but likewise
acknowledged Músa, ʿAísa, and many others; and that, in reality, they
seemed to acknowledge in a certain degree the superiority of ʿAísa, by
supposing that he was to return at the end of the world; and that thus,
while we had a different prophet, but adored and worshipped one and the
same God, and, leaving out of the question a few divergencies in point
of diet and morals, followed the same religious principles as they
themselves did, it seemed to me that we were nearer to each other than
he thought, and might well be friends, offering to each other those
advantages which each of us commanded.
We then came to speak about their history. I told him that I had visited
their old dwelling-places in Aír, Tíggeda, and Tádmekka; but he was
totally unaware of the fanciful derivation which the Arab authors have
given to the latter name, viz. “likeness of Mekka,”[140] which probably
never belonged to one town in particular, but has always been the name
of a tribe. He felt, however, very much flattered by this piece of
information, and seemed extremely delighted, when I told him how old the
Islám was in his tribe. My little knowledge of these historical and
religious matters was of invaluable service to me, and particularly in
this instance, for obtaining the esteem of the natives and for
overcoming their prejudices; for while this chief himself scarcely
understood a single word of Arabic, so that I could only speak with him
in very broken Temáshight or Tárkíye, his brother, El Khattáf, was well
versed in that language, and spoke it fluently.
Having left the people to converse among themselves, I returned to the
Sheikh in the afternoon, taking with me a present for Áwáb, consisting
of a chequered tobe (such as I have described on a former occasion[141],
and which are great favourites with these people), two túrkedí, and two
black tesílgemíst, or shawls, besides another shawl and a handkerchief
for his messenger, or mʿallem, who is the confidential factotum of every
Tárki chief. He was as thankful as these barbarians can be, but wished
to see something marvellous, as characteristic of the industry of our
country; but I begged him to have patience, till, on some future
occasion, some other person belonging to our nation should come to pay
him a visit.
While I was staying there, a Púllo chief arrived from Gúndam with two
companions, and reproached the Sheikh in my presence for having shown so
much regard for an unbeliever, whose effects at least ought to have been
delivered up to the chief of Hamda-Alláhi: but I imposed silence upon
him, by showing him how little he himself knew of religious matters in
calling me an unbeliever; and telling him, that if he had really any
knowledge of, and faith in, his creed, his first duty was to try to
convert those of his own countrymen who were still idolaters. At the
same time I told the Tárki chief Áwáb, that it seemed to me as if they
were afraid of the Fúlbe, or else they would certainly not allow them to
molest travellers who visited this place with friendly intentions, while
they could not even protect the natives. In reply he alleged that they
were by no means afraid of them, having vanquished them on a former
occasion, but that they only awaited the arrival of their kinsfolk to
show them that they were the real masters of Timbúktu.
To add to the conflict of these opposing interests, a great number of
strangers were at this time collected in the town, most of whom were of
a far more fanatical disposition than the inhabitants themselves, who,
on the whole, are very good-natured. The Berabísh alone, who had come
into the town with about one thousand camels carrying their salt,
mustered one hundred and twenty horse, prepared, no doubt, to fight the
Fullán, if the latter should attempt to levy the “ʿashúr,” or the tithe,
but still more hostilely disposed towards the Christian stranger who had
intruded upon this remote corner, one of the most respected seats of the
Mohammedan faith, and against whom they had a personal reason of
hostility, as they were commanded by ʿAlí, the son of Hámed Weled
ʿAbéda, the acknowledged murderer of Major Laing; and, of course, the
news of my residence in the town, and of the hostile disposition of the
Fúlbe, who had now been two months attempting in vain to drive me out of
it, had spread far and wide.
This great influx of strangers into the town raised the price of all
sorts of provisions, particularly that of Negro corn and rice, in a
remarkable degree, the latter rising from 6000 to 7500 shells the
“suníye,” while the former, which a few days before had been sold for
3750, equal at that time to one and a half “rás” of salt, rose to the
exorbitant price of 6000 shells.
In the evening of the 7th, a slave suddenly arrived with the news that a
letter had reached my address from the north. He was followed a short
time afterwards by Mohammed el ʿAísh, who brought me the parcel, in
question, which, however, had been opened. The letter was from Mr.
Charles Dickson, Her Majesty’s Vice-Consul in Ghadámes, dated June 18th,
and enclosing, besides some recommendations to native merchants, a
number of “Galignani,” which informed me of the first movements of the
Russians on the Danube. The Ghadámsíye people, who were the bearers of
the letter, had already spread the news of a dreadful battle having been
fought between the Turks and the Russians, in which 30,000 of the latter
had been slain, and 40,000 made prisoners.
The following day Áwáb, who himself had arrived with fifty horsemen, was
joined by his cousin Fandaghúmme with fifty more. This was very
fortunate, for, about dhohor, the Fúlbe held a conference, or
“kéndegáy,” in the Géngeré-bér, or Jámʿa el Kebíra, where Hámed Weled
Fʿaamme, the malignant and hostile kádhi, made a violent speech before
the assembly, exhorting the people to go immediately and carry out the
order of their liege lord the Sheikho Áhmedu, even if they were to fight
conjointly against El Bakáy, Áwáb, and the emír Kaúri, whom he
represented as disobedient, and almost rebellious to his liege lord. A
friend of the latter, who knew the cowardly disposition of the speaker,
then rose in the assembly, and exhorted the kádhi to lead the van, and
proceed to the attack, when every one would follow him. But the kádhi
not choosing to expose his own person to danger nothing was done, and
the assembly separated, every one going quietly to his home.
Meanwhile the two Tawárek chiefs, with their principal men, were
assembled in the house of the Sheikh, where I went to meet them, but
found them not quite satisfied with the part which they were acting.
They entered into a warm dispute with me upon the subject of religion,
but soon found themselves so perplexed, that they left it to the Sheikh
to answer all my objections. A Protestant Christian may easily defend
his creed against these children of the desert, as long as they have not
recourse to arms.
Next morning we left the narrow lanes of Timbúktu, and entered upon the
open sandy desert, accompanied by the two Tawárek chiefs, each of whom
had fifteen companions. The tents being now further removed from the
town, near the border of the inundations of the river, the camping
ground was pleasant, and well adorned with trees; and having taken my
own tent with me, where I could stretch myself out without being
infested by the vermin which swarm in the native carpets, I enjoyed the
open encampment extremely. Leathern tents had been pitched for the
Tawárek, who in a short time made themselves quite at home, and were in
high spirits. They became very much interested in a map of Africa which
I showed to them, with the adjoining shores of Arabia, and they paid a
compliment to their prophet by kissing the site of Mekka.
Being thus on good terms with my barbaric veiled friends the Molathemún,
I enjoyed extremely, the following morning, the half-desert scenery,
enlivened as it was by horses, camels, cattle, and interesting groups of
men; but about noon a serious alarm arose, a great many horses being
seen in the distance, and the number being exaggerated by some people to
as many as two hundred. In consequence, we saddled our horses with great
speed, and I mounted with my servants, while the Tawárek also kept their
animals in readiness; but the advancing host appeared rather of a
peaceable character, consisting of about twenty-five of the most
respectable inhabitants of the town, with Muláy ʿAbd e’ Salám and
Fasídi, the latter a very noble old man, at their head. They came,
however, on a very important errand, based on the direct order as
promulgated by the emír of Hamda-Alláhi, and addressed to the whole
community, being in hopes that, through their personal authority, they
might obtain from my host, in a friendly manner, what he had denied to
the display of force. They had two requests, both aimed against myself:
first, that El Bakáy should give them a copy of the letter which I was
said to have brought with me from Stambúl; and the second, which was
more explicit, that I should not return into the town. Now my firmán
from Stambúl was my greatest trouble, for having anxiously requested Her
British Majesty’s Government to send such a document after me, I always
expected to receive it by some means or other; but I was not less
disappointed in this respect, than in my expectation of receiving a
letter of recommendation from Morocco; nevertheless, as I had some other
letters from Mohammedans, the Sheikh promised to comply with the first
demand of these people, while he refused to pay any attention to the
second. After some unsuccessful negotiation, the messengers retraced
their steps rather disheartened.
In order to attach more sincerely to my interest the Tawárek chiefs, who
were my only supporters, I gave to Fandaghúmme a present equal to the
one I had given to Áwáb. Next morning there arrived a troop of fugitives
who were anxious to put themselves under the protection of the Sheikh.
They belonged to the tribe of the Surk, who, from being the indigenous
tribe on that part of the Niger which extends on both sides of the lake
Debu, had been degraded, in the course of time, to the condition of
serfs, and were threatened by the fanatical Sheikho Áhmedu with being
sold into slavery. Of course it is the Sheikh El Bakáy’s policy to
extend his protection to whatever quarter is threatened by the Fúlbe;
but, in this case, sympathy with the miserable fate of these poor people
led him to interfere.
It was near sunset when we mounted in order to return into the town; and
on the way I kept up a conversation with Áwáb, till the time of the
mughreb prayer arrived, when the whole of my friends went to pray on the
desert ground, while I myself, remaining on horseback, went a little on
one side of the track. My companions afterwards contended that it was
from motives of pride and arrogance that I did not humble myself in the
dust before the Almighty. I should certainly have liked to kneel down
and thank Providence for the remarkable manner in which my life had
hitherto been preserved; but I did not deem it politic to give way to
their mode of thinking and worship in any respect; for I should have
soon been taken for a Mohammedan, and once in such a false position,
there would have been no getting out of it.
We then entered the town amidst the shouts of the people, who, by the
appearance of the moon, had just discovered, as is very often the case
in these regions, that they had been a day out in their reckoning, and
that the following day was the festival of the Mulúd, or the birthday of
Mohammed; and I was allowed to take quiet possession of my quarters.
The same evening I had an interesting conversation with the chief Áwáb,
who paid me a long visit, in company with his mʿallem, and gave me the
first account of the proceedings of that Christian traveller Mungo Park
(to use his own words), who, about fifty years ago, came down the river
in a large boat; describing the manner in which he had been first
attacked by the Tawárek below Kábara, where he had lost some time in
endeavouring to open a communication with the natives, while the Tin-
ger-égedesh forwarded the news of his arrival, without delay, to the
Igwádaren, who, having collected their canoes, attacked him, first near
Bamba, and then again at the narrow passage of Tósaye[142], though all
in vain; till at length, the boat of that intrepid traveller having
stuck fast at Ensýmmo (probably identical with Ansóngo), the Tawárek of
that neighbourhood made another fierce and more successful attack,
causing him an immense deal of trouble, and killing, as Áwáb asserted,
two of his Christian companions. He also gave me a full account of the
iron hook with which the boat was provided against hippopotami and
hostile canoes; and his statement altogether proved what an immense
excitement the mysterious appearance of this European traveller, in his
solitary boat, had caused among all the surrounding tribes.
This chief being very anxious to obtain some silver, I thought it best,
in order to convince all the people that I had no dollars left (although
I had saved about twenty for my journey to Háusa), to give him my silver
knife and fork, besides some large silver rings which I had by me; and
he was very glad to have obtained a sufficient quantity of this much-
esteemed metal for adorning his beloved wife.
These Tawárek chiefs who had thus become well disposed towards me,
through the interference of the Sheikh, wrote an excellent letter of
franchise for any Englishman visiting this country, thus holding out the
first glimmer of hope of a peaceable intercourse. But my own experience
leaves no room for doubt that these chiefs are not strong enough of
themselves to defend a Christian against the attacks of the Fúlbe in the
upper course of the river above Timbúktu, besides the fact that Áwáb is
too nearly connected with the latter to be entirely trusted. It was on
this account that my host esteemed his cousin Fandaghúmme much higher,
and placed greater reliance on him, although the actual chieftainship
rested with Áwáb. All this business, however, together with the writing
of the letter to the chief of Hamda-Alláhi, which was rejected in
several forms, and caused a great many representations from the chief
men of the town, proved extremely tedious to me. My health, too, at that
time was in a very indifferent condition, and I suffered repeatedly from
attacks of fever. In a sanitary point of view, Timbúktu can in no wise
be reckoned among the more favoured places of these regions. Both
Sansándi and Ségo are considered more healthy. But, notwithstanding my
sickly state, I had sufficient strength left to finish several letters,
which, together with a map of the western part of the desert, I intended
sending home by the first opportunity.
As the waters increased more and more, and began to cover all the
lowlands, I should have liked very much to rove about along those many
backwaters which are formed by the river, in order to witness the
interesting period of the rice harvest, which was going on just at this
time. It was collected in small canoes, only the spikes of the upper
part of the stalks emerging from the water. But new rice was not brought
into the town till the beginning of January, and then only in small
quantities, the sʿaa being sold for 100 shells.
[Sidenote: December 19th.]
This was an important day: important to the Mohammedans as the ʿAíd e’
subúwa, and celebrated by them with prayers and séddega, or alms; and
not unimportant for myself, for my relation to the town’s-people had
meanwhile assumed a more serious character. Sheikho (Séko) Áhmedu had
threatened, that if the inhabitants of Timbúktu did not assist in
driving me out of the town, he would cut off the supply of corn. This
induced the emír Kaúri to undertake a journey to the capital, in order
to prevent the malicious intrigues of the kádhi Weled Fʿaamme, who was
about to embark for that place, from making matters worse.
I have stated before, that, together with the caravan of the Berabísh
(the plural of Berbúshi), which had arrived on the 12th with a
considerable armed host, ʿAlí, the son of the old sheikh Áhmed, or
Hámed, Weled ʿAbéda, had come to Timbúktu; and, seeing that I was a
great friend of the Sheikh El Bakáy, he had not come to pay his
compliments to the latter, but had pitched his camp outside the town,
and his people manifested their hostility towards me on several
occasions. But, by a most providential dispensation, on the seventeenth
the chief fell suddenly sick, and in the morning of the nineteenth he
died. His death made an extraordinary impression upon the people, as it
was a well-known fact that it was his father who had killed the former
Christian who had visited this place; and the more so, as it was
generally believed that I was Major Laing’s son.
It was the more important, as the report had been generally spread that,
as I have observed before, the Welád Slímán, the principal and most
noble section of the Berabísh, had sworn to kill me; and the people
could not but think that there was some supernatural connection between
the death of this man, at this place and at this period, and the
murderous deed perpetrated by his father: and, on the whole, I cannot
but think that this event exercised a salutary influence upon my final
safety. The followers of the chief of the Berabísh were so frightened by
this tragical event that they came in great procession to the Sheikh El
Bakáy, to beg his pardon for their neglect, and to obtain his blessing;
nay, the old man himself, a short time afterwards, sent word, that he
would in no way interfere with my departure, but wished nothing better
than that I might reach home in safety. The excitement of the people on
account of my stay here thus settled down a little, and the party of the
Fúlbe seemed quietly to await the result produced by the answer which
the Sheikh had forwarded to Hamda-Alláhi.
On the 21st December we again went in the afternoon to the tents. For
the first time since my arrival in this town, I rode my own stately
charger, which, having remained so many months in the stable, feeding
upon the nutritive grass of the býrgu, had so completely recruited his
strength that in my desperately weak state I was scarcely able to manage
him. The desert presented a highly interesting spectacle. A considerable
stream, formed by the river, poured its waters with great force into the
valleys and depressions of this sandy region, and gave an appearance of
truth to the fabulous statement[143] of thirty-six rivers flowing
through this tract. After a few hours’ repose, I was able to keep up a
long conversation with the Sheikh in the evening, about Paradise and the
divine character of the Kurán. This time our stay at the tents afforded
more opportunity than usual for interesting conversation, and bore
altogether a more religious character, my protector being anxious to
convince his friends and followers of the depth of the faith of the
Christians; and I really lamented that circumstances did not allow me to
enter so freely into the details of the creed of these people, and to
make myself acquainted with all its characteristics, as I should have
liked.
Part of the day the Sheikh read and recited to his pupils chapters from
the hadíth of Bokhári, while his young son repeated his lesson aloud
from the Kurán, and in the evening several surát, or chapters, of the
holy book were beautifully chanted by the pupils, till a late hour of
the night. There was nothing more charming to me than to hear these
beautiful verses chanted by sonorous voices in this open desert country,
round the evening fire, with nothing to disturb the sound, which softly
reverberated from the slope of the sandy downs opposite. A Christian
must have been a witness to such scenes in order to treat with justice
the Mohammedans and their creed. Let us not forget that, but for the
worship of images and the quarrels about the most absurdly superstitious
notions which distracted the Christian Church during the seventh
century, there would have been no possibility of the establishment of a
new creed based on the principles of Monotheism, and opposed in open
hostility to Christianity. Let us also take into account that the most
disgusting feature attaching to the morals of Mohammedans has been
introduced by the Mongolish tribes from Central Asia, and excited the
most unqualified horror in the founder of the religion.
Peace and security seemed to prevail in this little encampment. In
general the whole of this region to the north of the river is entirely
free from beasts of prey, with the exception of jackals; but at present,
together with the rising water, which had entirely changed the character
of these districts, a lion had entered this desert tract, and one day
killed three goats, and the following one two asses, one of which was
remarkable for its great strength.
Remaining here a couple of days, on the evening of the 25th we had again
a long conversation, which was very characteristic of the different
state of mind of the Christian in comparison with that of the
Mohammedan. While speaking of European institutions, I informed my host
of the manner in which we were accustomed to insure property by sea as
well as on land, including even harvests, nay, even the lives of the
people. He appeared greatly astonished, and was scarcely able to believe
it; and while he could not deny that it was a good “debbára,” or device,
for this world, he could not but think, as a pious Moslim, that such
proceedings might endanger the safety of the soul in the next. However,
he was delighted to see that Christians took such care for the welfare
of the family which they might leave behind; and it was an easy task to
prove to him that, as to making profits in any way whatever, his co-
religionists, who think any kind of usury unlawful, were in no way
better than the Christians; for, although the former do not openly take
usury, they manage affairs so cleverly that they demand a much higher
per centage than any honest Christian would accept. I had a fair
opportunity of citing, as an instance, one of those merchants resident
in Timbúktu, to whom I had been recommended by Mr. Dickson, and who had
consented to advance me a small loan, under such conditions that he was
to receive almost triple the sum which he was to lend.
[Sidenote: December 25th.]
This day was also an important epoch for the inhabitants of the place,
the water having entered the wells, which are situated round the
southern and south-western part of the town; and this period, which is
said to occur only about every third year, obtains the same importance
here as the “lélet e’ nuktah” possesses with the inhabitants of
Cairo[144]; viz. the day or night on which the dyke which separates the
canal from the river is cut. The whole road from Kábara was now so
inundated that it was no longer passable for asses, and small boats very
nearly approached the town.
When my host made his appearance on the morning of the 26th, he was not
as usual clad in a black tobe, but in a red kaftán, with a white cloth
bernús over it. He began speaking most cheerfully about my approaching
departure, and had the camels brought before me, which now looked
infinitely better than when they were last conveyed from the other bank
of the river; but as I had become fully aware of his dilatory character,
I did not place much reliance upon the hope which he held out to me of
soon entering upon my home journey. We had heard of the messenger whom
he had sent to the Awelímmiden, in order to induce the chief of that
tribe to come to Timbúktu and to take me under his protection, having
reached the settlements of that tribe; but I was aware that the opposite
party would do all in their power to prevent the chief from approaching
the town, as they were fully conscious that the Sheikh wanted to employ
him and his host of warlike people, in order to subdue the Fullán and
the faction opposed to his own authority.
[Sidenote: December 27th.]
Feeling my head much better, and having recruited my strength with a
diet of meat and milk, I began to enjoy the rehála life, and, it being a
beautiful morning, I took a good walk to an eminence situated at some
distance north of my tent, from whence I had a distant view of the
landscape. The country presented an intermediate character between the
desert and a sort of less favoured pasture ground, stretching out in an
undulating surface, with a sandy soil tolerably well clad with middle-
sized acacias and with thorny bushes, where the goat finds sufficient
material for browsing. The streams of running water which, with their
silvery threads, enlivened these bare desert tracts, now extended a
considerable distance farther inland than had been the case a few days
before; and the whole presented a marvellous and delightful spectacle,
which, no doubt, must fill travellers from the north who reach Timbúktu
at such a season with astonishment. Hence, on their return home, they
spread the report of those numerous streams which are said to join the
river at that remarkable place, while, on the contrary, these streams
issue _from_ the river, and after running inland for a short time,
return to join the main trunk, though of course with decreased volume,
owing to absorption and evaporation.
All the people of the town who did not belong to any trade or
profession, together with the inhabitants of the neighbouring districts,
were still busily employed with the rice harvest; and this was a serious
affair for my horses, a much smaller quantity of býrgu, that is to say,
of that excellent nutritious grass of the Niger, which I have had
repeatedly occasion to mention, being brought into the town. Meanwhile
the price of the merchandise from the north went on increasing. A piece
of khám, or malti (unbleached calico), now sold for 5700 shells (at
least on the 26th of January), but in the beginning of February it rose
to 7200; this fluctuation in the prices constitutes the profit of the
merchants, who buy their supplies on the arrival of a caravan and store
it up.
The commercial activity of the town had received some further increase,
owing to the arrival of another caravan from Tawát, with black Háusa
manufactures, tobacco, and dates, so that I was able to lay in a good
store of this latter luxury, which is not always to be got here, but
which, in the cold season, is not at all to be despised. Besides
receiving a handsome present of dates from my noble Tawáti friend
Mohammed el ʿAísh, I bought two measures (neffek) and a half of the kind
called tin-áser for 4000 shells; for the “tin-akór,” the most celebrated
species of dates from Tawát, were not to be procured at this time.[145]
As for tobacco, I did not care a straw about it, and in this respect I
might have been on the very best terms with my fanatical friends, the
Fúlbe of Hamda-Alláhi, who offer such a determined opposition to smoking
upon religious principles. In a commercial respect, however, tobacco
forms a more important article in the trade of Timbúktu than dates,
although refined smokers here prefer the tobacco of Wádí-Nún to that of
Tawát. But even these had an opportunity of gratifying their inclination
at this season, for only two days after the arrival of the Tawáti
caravan, a small troop of Tájakánt traders, with eighty camels, entered
the town. The feud which raged between the different sections of this
tribe, which, as I stated before, chiefly keeps up the commercial
relations of Timbúktu with the north, on the one hand, and the war
raging between the whole of this tribe and the Érgebát on the other,
interrupted at this time almost entirely the peaceable intercourse
between Timbúktu and the southern region of Morocco.
The arrival of these people enabled me to purchase half a weight of
sugar, equal to six pounds and a quarter, with a corresponding quantity
of tea (viz. half a pound), for three dollars; for, as I have said
before, there had been no sugar previously in the market. Even when
there is plenty, neither tea nor sugar can be bought separately. These
articles must be bought together. It is remarkable that a similar custom
is still prevalent in many parts of Europe, and even in this country.
The arrival of these Tájakánt procured me also the luxury of a couple of
pomegranates, which had been brought by them from the Gharb, and which
gave me an opportunity of expostulating with the Sheikh on the
disgraceful circumstance, that such fruits as these are now only
procurable from the north, while this country itself might produce them
quite as well, and had in reality done so in former times. Even limes
are not at present grown hereabouts, and it was only from Jenni that I
had obtained some days previously a few specimens of this delicious kind
of fruit, which grows in such plenty in Kanó, and which might be raised
in almost any part of this region. Thus closed the year 1853, leaving me
in a most unsettled position in this desert place.
[Footnote 138: That is the singular form of the name Tájakánt.]
[Footnote 139: Of the amount of the zekʿa, I shall speak in another
chapter.]
[Footnote 140: El Bekrí, ed. de Slane, p. 181. ومعنى تادمكة هية مكة. See
Cooley, “Negroland of the Arabs,” p. 30, n. 52.]
[Footnote 141: See Vol. II. p. 129.]
[Footnote 142: The Tawárek must have attacked Park either far above or
below this narrow passage, where, as I afterwards found, the current is
very strong; and, as I shall relate further on, he seems to have passed
quietly by Tin-sherífen.]
[Footnote 143: See one of these native reports in Duncan’s account of
his exploration in Dahome. Journal Geog. Soc. vol. xvi. p. 157.]
[Footnote 144: Lane’s Modern Egyptians, ed. 1836, vol. ii. p. 255.]
[Footnote 145: The other kinds of dates of Tawát are: Áhartán, Tigáze,
Tazarzay, Tin-waríggelí, Tedemámet, Bú-Makhlúf, Tin-kásseri, Tin-dokán,
Tin-nijdel, Tilímsu, Timbozéri, Adíkkeli, Gófagús, Dággelet-núr. The
district of Aúléf is the most famous for its dates.]
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX I.
PRESENT CONDITION OF THE PROVINCE OF ZÁNFARA.
The province of _Zánfara_ in former times was far more extensive than at
present, its ancient capital being situated half a day (hantsi) east
from Sansánne ʿAísa on the road to Tóze, and this is perhaps Birni-n-
Zánfara, founded by the powerful chief Babári about a century ago. At
that time the province was a powerful kingdom; but at present it is in
the most distracted condition, half of the places belonging to it being
still under the rule of the Fúlbe, while the other half have revolted
successfully, and are strictly allied with the Góberáwa.
Under the rule of the Fúlbe or Fullán, are the following places:—
Zýrmi, with three governors: one, Ábu Hámid, who has ruled (in 1853)
seven, another Tarna, who has ruled fifteen years, and a third one, a
younger brother of Tarna, but who has exercised power for thirty
years[146]; Káuri-n-Namóda, at present governed by Mahamúdu, a younger
brother of the warlike and far-famed chief Namóda, who has ruled for the
last twelve years; Búnka, Bóka, Góga, Yánkaba, Dába, Banga, Birni-n-
Máddera, Módiki, Moríki with Ne-ébbúsuwa, Koré with Makauru, Dunfáwa,
Dúchi, Badaráwa, Katúru, Kanna, Dan Ísa, Waúnaka-n-Féllani (in order to
distinguish it from another town of the same name, which is allied with
the Góberáwa), Yangwoy, Kiáwa, Rúra, Waúni, Jirgába, Gabáke, Kangwa,
Kadámusá, Yanbúkki, Také-adoy, Birni-n-Mágaji, Birni-n-Torówa or
Márekay, with Dan Korgú, Tuddu Makángerí, Ráwiya, Bidáji, Chíbiri.
The independent places are the following:—
Ánka, residence of ʿAbdú, the rebel chief of Zánfara (Serkí-n-Zánfara);
Máffara, residence of Serkí-n-Tléta; Gummi, residence of the chief
Banyári; Zóma, residence of ʿAlí, and close by Gólli; Sabónbirni Dáragá,
residence of Bánagá; Marádu, residence of Serkí-n-Káya; Gáumaché and
Góra close by; Mátusgí, residence of Ajía; Gárbadú and Kággará, Munré,
Bokúra, residence of Serkí-n-Báwa; Damrí, Sabóngarí, Dúffwa Máffará, a
district, with the chief place, Rúwa-n-bóre; Dankó, Úya.
In order to arrange these places topographically, I shall first give _an
itinerary from Kanó to Sókoto_, by way of Káuri-n-Namóda:—
1st day. Rími-n-Gadó.
2nd. Shá-nóno, a large walled place, having passed Yángadá.
3rd. Kúrkejám or Kúrkejángo, first place of the province of Kátsena,
having passed Sábberé.
4th. Músáwa, a large walled town, with a market; short march.
5th. Yá-mántemáki, with a watercourse on its east side, running south;
having passed Úngwa Sámia.
6th. Sáwi, having passed Yá-músa, Shawáre, and Jigáwa.
7th. Ajja, a walled place of middle size.
8th. Kiáwa, very large walled place, formerly the capital of Zánfara, at
present rather thinly inhabited.
9th. Káuri-n-Namóda, residence of Namóda (brother of Mahamúdu), with a
market held every Monday and Tuesday, and a considerable watercourse on
the west side, once a very large and populous place. A short day’s march
south, a little west from this place, lies Riyáwa (not Ránia), and west
from it Búngundú, at present said to be the largest place in Zánfara
among those which belong to the faction of the Féllani; to its district
or territory belong the smaller places of Alíbawá, Bidáji, Kasaráwa,
Módomáwa, Fáddamáwa, Kontambáni, and the settlements of the Féllani-n-
Dáwaki, and the Féllani-n-Také-adoy.
10th. Birni-n-Góga, on the east side of the same watercourse.
11th. Kúsará, a small place inhabited by Fúlbe.
12th. Gwára, large walled place, having crossed a watercourse.
13th. Bakúra, large walled place, formerly residence of ʿAtíku, the son
of Hámedu, till the town was taken by the Góberáwa. To the territory of
this town belong the places: Sabóngarí, Dámmerí, Sála, Dogóje.
Bakúra from Ánka one long day south, farther than Gándi from Wurnó;
Bakúra from Gándi one good day south, passing by Gáumaché. The river
forms a large bend west of Bakúra, and at the angle lies Týmba.
14th. Týmba, walled place on the west side of the Gúlbi-n-Bakúra, at
present in the hands of the Ázena. Between Týmba and Bakúra lie the
towns Birni-n-Dámbo and Birni-n-Riyáde, and hereabouts are the places
Alíbawá, Bidáji, Kasaráwa, Féllani-n-Dáwaki, Féllani-n-Také-adoy,
Módomáwa, Fáddamáwa, Kontambáni.
15th. Galádi or Danfa, large place, with a pond of stagnant water.
16th. A place of elephant hunters.
17th. Sókoto.
I shall now connect Bánagá, or rather Sabónbirni Dáragá, as it is more
properly called, with a few other places, and shall then conclude this
Appendix, reserving for Appendix III. an enumeration of the towns and
villages situated along the course of the Gúlbi-n-Zóma to where it joins
the Gúlbi-n-Sókoto.
From Bánagá to Ánka is one long day north, just as from Gándi to Wurnó;
from Bánagá to Gúmmi three days W.N.W.
1st day. Adébka, Garí-n-serkí-Kiyáwa.
2nd. Birni-n-Týddu, on the south side of the Gúlbi-n-Zóma.
3rd. Gúmmi, passing by the town of Kaiwa.
From Bánagá to Kotórkoshé six moderate days’ march.
1st. Bíni or Béna.
2nd. Mutúmji.
3rd. Mágami.
4th. Samrí.
5th. Cháfe.
6th. Kotórkoshé.
N.B. Besides Bíni and Mutúmji, there are in the same quarter, the
district enclosed between Bánagá, Kotú-n-kúra—Kotú-n-kúra being from
Bánagá two days S.W.,—and Gwári, the small principalities of Machéri,
Bána, Morébbu, and Kumbáshi, all residences of petty chiefs, dependent
in some degree on the governor of Kátsena.
Between Bakúra and Zóma lie Damrí, Sabóngarí, Sála, Takáre; further on,
entering the territory of Zóma, Dangarúnfa, Másu, Matsáfa, Gúsará,
Bókuyum, Solli.
From Sókoto to Zóma, south, three days:—first day, Dan-chádi, the same
as from Sókoto to Wurnó; then a long night’s march, reaching in the
morning Birni-n-Mágaji, distance the same as that from Zékka to Búnka;
from Mágaji to Zóma short march. From Gandó the distance is shorter.
Zóma lies about half way between Ánka and Gúmmi, on a river called after
it, Gúlbi-n-Zóma; but I shall give all the particulars with regard to
the towns lying along this valley further on in Appendix IV., as this
river, which, lower down, is called Gúlbi-n-Gíndi, unites with the
Gúlbi-n-Sókoto within the boundaries of Kebbi.
I here subjoin a list of the places situated along the watercourse,
which lower down is called “Gúlbi-n-Sókoto,” between Sansánne-ʿAísa and
Dímbisó, but at present almost all of them are destroyed and deserted:
first, Tóze on the south side; Gawángasó, where the branch of Marádi and
Chéberi joins the greater trunk valley; Alkaláwa (written Alkadháwa),
the former capital of Góber, destroyed by the Fúlbe, Laijínge, both
south; Páday, north; Tsámay, north; Tsíche, north; Bóre, south; Kakákia,
north; Márennú, south; Maráfa, south; Kiráre, north; Shináka, south;
Giyáwa, Dímbisó. The valley, which probably has a very winding course,
must therefore approach Giyáwa a little nearer than it has been laid
down on the map.
[Footnote 146: Formerly there was in Zýrmi a powerful governor belonging
to the faction of the Góberáwa, called Dan Jéka, who ruled twenty years,
when he was murdered by Mámmedu (Mohámmedu).]
APPENDIX II.
A FEW HISTORICAL FACTS RELATING TO GÓBER AND ZÁNFARA.
(_a._) _Princes of Góber._
Sóba residing in Magále, one day west from Chébiri, made war against
Gurma and Barba (Bargu), beyond the river Kwára, wherein he discovered a
ford.
Úba Ashé succeeded to Sóba.
Babári, King of Góber, reigned about fifty years, was introduced by the
chief men of Zánfara into Birni-n-Zánfara, then a wealthy place, and the
centre of an important commerce (1764), which he conquered and
destroyed; whereupon he founded Alkaláwa, which then became the capital
of Góber. This was the origin of the national hatred which exists
between the Góberáwa and Zánfaráwa.
Dángudé, killed by the Ásbenáwa.
Báwa, with the surname Mayákí, the warrior, on account of his restless
and warlike character. During the eight years of his reign he only
remained forty days in Alkaláwa, waging war the whole time.
Yákoba, a younger brother of Báwa, reigned seven years, was killed by
Agoréggi, the ruler of Kátsena, which place appears at that time to have
reached its highest degree of power.
Búnu reigned seven years, died in Alkaláwa.
Yúnfa reigned forty-four years.
Dáne or Dan Yúnfa reigned six years, made war against ʿOthmán the
Reformer, son of Fódiye, when he was killed by Bello, son of ʿOthmán at
the taking of Alkaláwa.
Sálehu dan Babáliwá resided in Mázum, reigned two years, till killed by
Bello.
Gómki, seven years, slain by Bello.
ʿAlí, eighteen years, according to others twelve, slain by the Fúlbe,
together with Ráuda serkí-n-Kátsena.
Jibbo Táwuba reigned seven years, according to others three years,
residing in Marádi.
Báchiri seven months.
The present King of Góber, generally known under the name of Mayáki, the
warrior, on account of his martial disposition, son of Yákoba, has ruled
since 1836.
(_b._) _A few data with reference to the ruling families in Sókoto and
Gandó._
Bello built Sókoto, while ʿOthmán was residing in Gandó; from hence the
latter went to Sifáwa, or Shifáwa, thence to Sókoto, where he resided
ten years more.
_Rulers of Sókoto._
ʿOthmán died 3 Jumád II. 1817 (A.H. 1233), aged sixty-four years, having
resided thirteen years in Gandó and Sifáwa, and ten in Sókoto.
Bello, twenty-one years, died 25 Rejeb, 1837 (A.H. 1253), aged fifty-
eight years.
ʿAtíku, another son of ʿOthmán, succeeded him, reigned five years three
months, died in the beginning of 1843.
ʿAlíyu, son of Bello, had reigned ten (lunar) years four months in
April, 1853.
_Rulers of Gandó._
Abd Alláhi died 1827, Wednesday, A.H. 20 Moharrem, 1245.
Mohammed Wáni died 1836, A.H. 4 Ramadhán, 1250.
Khalílu was, A.D. 1853, in the eighteenth year of his reign.
_Children of Fódiye son of Mohammed._
ʿAlí, father of Módibo ʿAlí, }
}
Sheikh ʿOthmán, }
}
ʿAbd-Alláhi, } all born of one mother.
}
Hotíhun Máunuma, }
}
Enhatákko, a daughter, }
Mameñáro, }
}
Elfá ʿOmáro, }
} born of different mothers.
Mamma Júma, still alive, }
}
Bakódda, }
_Children of ʿOthmán dan Fódiye._
Mohammed Bisáda.
Sambo Wulíy.
Bello.
ʿAtíku.
Mohammed Bokhári, a very learned man died 1840, A.H. the 23 Háj, 1255,
aged fifty-five years three months.
Hassan, father of Khalílu dan Hassan.
Mohammed Hájo.
ʿAbd el Kádiri.
Hámed el Rufáy, }
} alive still, the former residing in Tózo.
ʿIsa, }
ʿAlí Jédi, the father of Ábú ’l Hassan, serkí-n-yáki; Moéji, an
influential chief of the tribe of the Wolóbe; and the serkí-n-Syllebáwa,
were the three principal advisers of ʿOthmán dan Fódiye, and were the
persons who placed his successor, Bello, upon the throne.
(_c._) _Fúlbe Tribes._
_Divisions of the Féllani-n-Sókoto._
Torunkáwa, Toróde, or Tórobe.
Torunkáwa Sabúni, thus called, because, when as yet nothing but
mʿallemín, or learned men, they prepared much soap in order to keep
their dress of the purest white.
Wolárbe, in Kebbi.
Féllani-n-Konne.
Úda, herdsmen.
Kasaráwa, in Zóma.
ʿAlebáwa, in Zýrmi.
ʿAláwa, in Kámmané.
Bidazáwa, in Dánkogí.
Féllani-n-danéji, in Kátsena.
Féllani-n-Delláji, in Kátsena.
Féllani-n-Bebéji.
Féllani-n-Yandótu.
Gezáwa.
Gátari, Féllani-n-Rúma.
Féllani-n-Takabáwa.
Jaúbe, dengi-n-ʿOthmán (the family of ʿOthmán).
_Féllani-n-Ádar._
Mansúbin Mohammedáni.
Bálerankoyen.
Ránerankoyen.
Baréngankoyen, dengi-n-ʿAbd el Kádiri.
Tamankoye.
Kugga.
Tánagamáwa.
Sunsunkoyen.
Kofayenkoyen.
Hirlábe.
Chiláwa.
Alínkoyen.
Alkámunkoyen.
Gúmborankoyen.
Bórotankoyen.
Sékke.
Mábberankoyen.
Sísankoyen.
Wewébe.
Bororoye.
Gurgábe.
_The Governors of Ádar._
To the N.E. of Sókoto lies the province of Ádar, with the chief market-
place Konni, ruled by four different chiefs or sáraki:—
Serkí-n-Ádar Hámidu, belonging to the Tauzamáwa, in Ázaw, a place four
days north from Wurno, fortified with a keffi or stockade.
Serkí-n-Ádar Mʿallem, likewise of the Tauzamáwa, in Illéle, five days
from Wurno, with keffi; one day from Ázaw.
Serkí-n-Ádar Yákoba, also Tauzamáwa, in Táwa, six days from Wurno, one
from Illéle.
Serkí-n-Ádar Sheríf, in Tsambo, four days from Wurno, one S.W. from
Ázaw.
APPENDIX III.
GÍMMUL SÉKHO ʿOTHMÁNO. SONG OF SHEIKH ʿOTHMÁN.
----- -----
ALLÁHO lámido dum essaláto burdo GOD, the Lord, he excels all in
fukka: superiority:
Domáda yá Áhmedu jenído lesde He is greater than you, Áhmed
fukka. (Mohammed); His light illumines
the whole earth.
Alláho gettaini omóje omojínde I praise the Lord God, who sent
neïmmo fukka. his blessing [mercy?].
Neloimo Áhmedu hinne kúbdo He sent Áhmed to all his
takélle fukka. creatures.
Annóro makko yokám wóni ásseli His light shines over all his
tákeli fukka: creatures:
Annóro hakkíllo non annóro gíde the light of intelligence, as
fukka: well as that of sight, all-
comprising;
Annóro Imáni Mumeníye toháute the splendour of the Imám of the
fukka; Faithful reaches everywhere;
Annóro yímbe Wiláya ka ánnaba kó all the splendour of the Weli
fukka: [holy men] and of the prophets:
Nange he lë́uru he móbgel and when sun and moon unite all
jenatódi fukka, that is splendid,
Fandáki ússuru jellimmádo fukka. their light does not reach His
resplendence.
Alláho búrnerí Íbrahíma tákele God blessed Abraham among the
fukka. whole of his creatures.
Bolídel wolwíde Músa der togéfe Moses obtained eloquence among
fukka. mankind.
Ahókki Ísa bosémbido roibo róho To Jesus was given strength and
fukka. spirit.
Amóbda mágiki bóluki non boyíde Thou hast obtained a sight of Him
fukka. (of God); thou hast obtained
eloquence and authority.
Alláho kamsódi Ádamu der togéfe God has distinguished Adam among
fukka. all mankind.
Nan súbtedí Núhu Íbrahíma woddu Thus Noah and Abraham were
fukka; distinguished in all their
dealings;
Kuréshe Háshimo der baléje makko Kurésh and Háshem in their
fukka. dwellings.
Wolláhe ansúbtida hesobbábe Alla By God thou hast been
fukka. distinguished over all God’s
creatures.
Toggéfo Alla bedó bébelés All the creatures of God, in
hekalfiníma: heaven and on earth, bless thee:
Toggéfo Alla bedó bébelés all the creatures of God, in
hetammihíma: heaven and on earth, praise thee:
Toggéfo Alla bedó bébelés bebé all the creatures of God, in
chappeníma: heaven and on earth, salute thee:
Toggéfo Alla bedó bébelés all the creatures of God, in
hedótaníma: heaven and on earth, do homage to
thee:
Kaunay halfeníma awesíle tákele all that is blessed in creation
fukka: is blessed through thee.
Subábe der takélle fú ídemá all those who have been
gamídemá bechúbba: distinguished among the
creatures, have been
distinguished on thy account:
Libábe der takélle fú gam all that has been created, has
gaingumá belíba. been created through thy grace.
Ajéjiam ojúdiam gardoimi dótoma On account of thy blessing have I
nonémbo: come to thee:
Gam nómbo hajá mererrétadúm tomá. for such a purpose have I
addressed thee.
Gam derje mábe [mada?] deǘm May God hear my prayer through
turoye dwaíjima. thy grace.
APPENDIX IV.
PARTITION OF KEBBI.
KEBBI, ACCORDING TO ITS PARTITION BETWEEN THE EMPIRE OF SÓKOTO AND THAT
OF GANDO.
_Garúrua-n-Kebbi, rába-n-ʿAlíyu._
That portion of Kebbi which belongs to ʿAlíyu.
Jekáwadú, Tózo (the residence of Rufáy, a younger brother of Bello),
Dánkala, Siláme, Gandí, Koido, Kalámmi, Birni-n-Gungu, Bubúche,
Aúgi[147], Tiggi, Lelába, Fadisúnko, Méra, all along the gulbi-n-Sókoto,
Dundáy, B. Gómashé, Sébera (close by the latter), Punári, Dangádi, B.
Gamínda, Bakále, B. Rúwa, Bínji, Gammagamma, Lokkëáwa or Lukuyáwa,
Bodínga, B. Magebéshi, Jarédi, B. Dandi, Danchádi, Wabábi, Bádo, Fóro,
Sirgi, Asáre, Gangam, B. Buldi, Shagári, Gadaráre, Bulonáki, Kajíji,
Jábo, Yábo (two towns of the name), Sañína, Kalángu, Saláhu, Mandéra,
Baiwa, Dankal or Dánkala, Gudáli, Dukké, Bangáwa, Gudúm, Réré, Tiggi,
Bágura on the N. shore of gulbi-n-Kebbi, Nátsini, Kalílladán, Deména
(near Aúgi), Túwo-n-sóro (W. near Aúgi), Bangáwa, Kaláng (W. of Sañína),
Matánkarí, Illéla, Gajáre, Dútsi-n-Kúra, Gankay (E. from Aúgi),
B.-n-Chéra, B. Yaréndi, Sassagíre, Bónkarí, Díddibá, Gannajáë, Arába,
Daráye, Túmmuní (E. of Aúgi), two towns of the name of Físsena, one of
them inhabited by Syllebáwa, Gallujíul garí-n-Syllebáwa, Gínnega, Baúje
G. Syllebáwa, Óri, Báäró, Kubódo, Laini, Gerterána (E. of Dánkala),
Tuddú-Mankéri, Denke (Syllebáwa,) Girábshi, Kalambéna (W. of Sókoto), B.
Gésseré (Syllebáwa), Hausáwa, Díngadí (Syllebáwa), Badáwa, Gúmbi,
Arkílla, B. Wásaké (Toronkáwa), Danajíwa, B. Séfe, Akátukú, Rékiná,
Shúni, Damba, Ríyo Sínsirgá, Bagaráwa, Báregay, Sangaláwa (Syllebáwa),
Basoyí (or Bajoyí), Bámgi, B.-n-Bodáye, B. Wagérro, Dange, Rúdu,
Sabadáwa, Sesséda, Gájará, Gántamó, Lámbo, Dangéda, Sárufé, Kutútturú,
B.-n-Gínnegá, Sifáwa, Jarédi, Gingáwa, Kimba, Chilgóri, Alkalíji, Ádiga,
Dandángel, B.-n-Musúro, Dagáwa, Rumde-maunde (the great slave hamlet),
Faká, Dóno, Búlbulí, Woäké (baki-n-dáji: on the border of the
wilderness), Zanzómo, B.-n-Sárahó, Danehádi, B.-n-Fóro (between Sókoto
and Zóma: mountainous), B.-n-Gírgirí, Gájerá, Dángoré, Bádo, B.-n-Fakku
(on the rock), B. Pangalalla, B. Móza, Yakurútu (all W. from Sókoto),
Gudáli, Labáni, Gédembé, Girébshi, Baidi, Gáwazé (garí-n-Bonkáno),
B.-n-Mamman Gabdú (W. of Gajúre), Löagóbi, Máchisí (garí-n-Róba),
Innáme, Ajóge, B.-n-Gungúnge, Kámbamá, Gertarána, Suráme, Léka,
B.-n-Fílfilé, B.-n-Kókilo (now deserted), Lokóko.
I here enumerate the towns and villages along the _gulbi-n-Zóma_,
although only part of them belong to Kebbi. This is a branch which joins
the gulbi-n-Sókoto at the town of Gindí, about eight miles S.E. from and
opposite Bunza, and is equal to it in the quantity of water, although
the whole valley (or fáddama) is said not to be of the same width.
Commencing from Bámaga you pass on the S. side of the river the town of
Zóma, which has given its name to the river, and is situated half-way
between Ánka and Gummi, and three good days S. from Sókoto—starting from
Sókoto you reach Danchádi, at the same distance as Wurno; thence to
Mágaji, a long night’s march the same distance as from Zekka to Bunka;
from here Zóma, the same distance as Rába from Wurno; then you pass Dan
Garúnfa, Jáka, Birni-n-Féllelé, B. Kaiwa (on the S. side of the river),
B. Tuddú (still in the territory of Zóma), B. Kágalí; B. Gummi (S.W.
from the river, with a small territory of its own), Gelénge, B. Gússurá
(in the territory of Gummi), B. Adábka, B. Gairi, Girkau (the first town
of Kebbi), Zabga, Dánganám, Birni-n-Kebbe (different from Kebbi). Along
the N. side of the river,—again beginning with B. Zóma: Takáre,
Sabónbirni, B. Mágaji, B. Gazúrra (where ʿAtíku the predecessor of
ʿAlíyu made a foray), Búkkuru, B. Solli, B. Fanda, B. Kunda (belonging
to the territory of Gummi) B. Falamgúngu (N. of Gairi); from hence Gindí
W. at a short distance. It is impossible to lay down the river from
these data with accuracy. Probably not all the towns have been given in
their natural order. According to other information, between Ánka and
Takáre, which lie on the N. bank, there are Birni-n-Tuddú káramí and
Bunkádo, and between Takáre and Gazúrra, Dan garúnfa and B. Mázu.
At Birni-n-Zondu, 25 m. from Gindí the máyo-rannéo, or dhannéo (a very
general name, also to be recognised in Clapperton’s Maiyarro), or fári-
n-rúwa, joins the gulbi-n-Sókoto, and is said to be larger than the G.
Zóma.
_Garúrua-n-Kebbi, rába-n-Khalílu._
Towns of Kebbi belonging to Khalílu, as far as they are inhabited by
Hausáwa and Fúlbe (or Féllani).
The chief places besides Argúngu, the residence of the rebel chief, and
the centre of the pagan worship with the holy tree (a tamarind-tree)
called “tunka,” are Gando, Birni-n-Kebbi, Támbawel[148], and Jéga[149];
the following list observes a certain topographical order. The direction
(W.S.) refers to Gando.
Madádi, Kóchi, Fágha, Mágaji-n-káda, Kaúri-n-ladán, K. Mammañédi,
Mangádi, Géfuru, Margay, Ráfi-n-bauna, Kangíwa, B. Báme, Dodá-n-gússuma,
Masáma, Kósgará, B. Bagári, Gumbaye (E. of Gando), Yelóngu, B. Mágu, B.
Kóldi (W.), Lígi (W.); Góra-n-Daháwa (S.), Góra-n-Kúttudú, B. Lalle,
Gurzaw, Shímferí, B. Másu, Bágidá, Ráfi-n-dorówa (all of them S.);
Gerge, Razáy, Chimbílka (between Alíru and Jéga), Gumbi-n-dári (between
Alíru and Alélu), Málissa, Dancha (close to it Dógo-n-dáji), Mamangóma
(all of them S. between Gondu and Gindí); Kóriyá, Marúda, Kosári,
Babanídi (E.), Lokerénga, Rúgga-n-dáwa, Rumbúki, B. Ráwa, Kalambaina
sófwa (between Gondu and Támbawel, at present deserted), Kalambaina
sábwa; Yóle (W., to the E. of Kámbasa), B. Yámamá (W. of Gondu, close to
Kalgo), Kamba garí-n-ʿAbd e’ Salámi, Sambáwa, Bákayá (close to Mádochi
on the river Gindí, E. of Birni-n-Gindí), Letséda (near Gondu), Sobáki
(between Gondu and Argúngu), Ambúrsa (between Argúngu and Zóro), Dútsiel
(E. of Gondu), Dálijam (N.), Dináu (N. on the fáddama-n-Argúngu, Ujáriyó
(E. of Ambúrsa, between this and Argúngu), B. Kósoró (between Argúngu
and Zóro), Zóro or Jéggara (W. of Gondu), Kallíul-ladán (E. of Gulma),
Gulma (on the gulbi-n-Kebbi), Kallíul Mamma Yídi, Birni-n-Gatágo, B.
Mádara (close to Gulma), Sówa (N. of Gondu), Zazagáwa, Kókosé (on the
border of the territory of ʿAlíyu and Khalílu, and commanding the ford
between Gulma and Argúngu—therefore called “serkí-n-rúa”), Ádamangutta
(W. of Sówa), B. Bunga, B. Mornánga (where natron is gathered), Súru (E.
of Bunza, on the gulbi, with a very white kind of salt); B. Geggi, B.
Kúka, Tilli, Zogírma, Gotómo, Aluwása, Félindé, Lígi (two towns of the
name), Kámbasa, Ambúrsa, B. Tári, Gúlumbé, B. Lága, Kardi, Zóro,
Hammáhi, Dógo-n-dáji, Randáli, Fulmungáni, Kermi, Gíwa-tazó, Maizumma,
Kéra, B. Gindí, Kimba, Alélu, Jadádi, Kalgo, Maddochí, Rómo, Dammádi, B.
Kaya, Bargá, Úmbutú, Girkau, Zabga (close to the frontier of Zóma); back
from Kebbi, Kóla, Júggurú, Díggi, Mutubári, Bangánna, Samáu, Maidehíni,
Gáradi, Rába, Sabó-n-birni, Basáura, Matánkarí (all these on the
fáddama-n-Kebbi).
Sections of the Féllani-n-Kebbi:
Njábtangkoyen, Jógadánkoyen, Magájiankoyen, Beyínkoyen, Terébbe,
Jarángankoyen, Kálinkoyen, Díkankoyen (the first tribe of the Fúlbe who
immigrated into Kebbi), Módibankoyen, Gúndarunkoyen, Tárasankoyen,
Kámakankoyen (regarded as the most warlike among these tribes),
Gúmborunkoyen, Dégelankoyen, Tafárankoyen (from Tafára near Gandi),
Tammankoyen, Jennankoyen.
[Footnote 147: Aúgi and Méra, the principal towns of Kebbi, together
with Koido, were destroyed by ʿAlíyu. Aúgi was situated N. from Señína,
the same distance as from Gáwasú to Sókoto, from Argúngo E.N.E. eight or
ten miles. Opposite Aúgi the dallul Gamínda joins the gulbi-n-Kebbi from
the N., and along it lie the following places: Birni-n-Gamínda, B. Rúwa,
Bakále, Alkalíji, Bizzer, Sakibiyáre, B. Buldi, Múza, Baiyáwa, Dankal,
Bubúche, close to the junction, and about eight or ten miles from
Argúngu.]
[Footnote 148: Támbawel, formerly the residence of the learned Bokhári,
at present that of his son ʿOmáro, two days N. from Yúna. Near Támbawel
Alíru. Yábo, two days E. of Birni-n-Kebbi, residence of Mohammed Nyello,
with the title “Serkí-n-Kebbi.”]
[Footnote 149: _Jéga_, a very important place S.E. from Birni-n-Kebbi,
at the same distance as Sókoto from Wurno; going there from Gando, you
pass the night in Alíro, whence the distance to Jéga is the same as that
from Wurno to Bamúrna. Jéga is the residence of Múslemu, a grandson of
ʿAbd e’ Salám.]
APPENDIX V.
PART I.
TOWNS AND VILLAGES OF DÉNDINA.
The Eastern part of the province of Déndina, in a political point of
view, is now comprised in the province of Kebbi.
Yélu[150], the principal place of Déndina, at present the residence of a
rebel chief. See what I have said, p. 250.
Gáya[151], on the east side of the river, a most important market-place
of Déndina.
Kalímmadhí (Kalímmorí).
Tara.
Tánda.
Komba, an important place for crossing the river.
Karimámma.
Sanáfiná, junction of the gulbi-n-Sókoto.
Débe.
Kúsará.
Dáki-n-garí. }
}
Birni-n-Zágha. } three important towns, very flourishing in former
} times.
Foná. }
Fingílla.
Kengakoye.—formerly very important.
Kamba.
Túnunga.
B. Kókkobá.
B. Dóle.
Bánamakáfo.
Chúso.
Bákway.
Matánkarí.
Kainíki, with a wonderful tree (an idol?)
B. Sengélu, with salt, close to Súru.
B. Ginga, with salt.
Bákoshi, with salt, which is boiled here.
Déndené, saltwork, baki-n-gulbi, on the bank of the Ísa.
Shábe or Sábe, salt.
Kéji }
}
Jakwa }
} all along the gulbi-n-Kebbi.
Tauro }
}
Bendu }
Birni-n-Lanne.
Girro.
Zondo.
B.-n-Búda.
Jáwaru baki-n-Kwára.
Aljennáre.
B. Kátaru, between Kéji and Foná.
Ungwa Mʿallem, east of Síko.
Koifa, east of Gíro.
Shíba, east of Bendu on the Kwára.
Baindi, between the Kwára and the fáddama Súru.
B. Zondu, near B. Súru.
Banimétte.
Lína.
Sólulú baki-n-Fógha.
B. Ríya baki-n-Fógha.
Banágagá, on the Kwára.
Dúde, on the Kwára.
B. Alahínne.
B. Táre, all these on the east side of the Kwára, E. and S.E. of Gáya.
B. Donubéni (almost deserted).
B. Kangnuáwel, between Gáya and Dóle.
Nyánsamá, south of Yélu baki-n-Fógha.
Latakírri, between Bunza and Fógha.
Géza, in the wilderness between Bunza and Fingílla.
Tórmushí baki-n-Fógha, south of Débe.
Rúma baki-n-Fógha.
Jókwa.
Séllowé, between Bunza and Zogírma.
B. Góde.
Síri, west of Góde.
Gedé, on a mountain in the fáddama, between Iléde and Zogírma.
B. Tarríkorá, east of Bakway.
Kébia, south of Tarríkorá.
Járiya, north of Kébia.
Bájurú, south of Járiya.
B. Íssedó, between Bakway and Gíro.
Kóla, baki-n-fáddama.
Toddul, east of Bakway, S.E. of Tarríkorá.
Hóre [Ilóre?], east of Súru, baki-n-fáddama.
Kahebóka, north of Súru.
Ballebómbori, on the Kwára, half-day east of Gáya.
Karjatáme, on the Kwára, S.E. of Ballebómbori.
Dumtínde, once destroyed by the governor of Zóma.
Dodíre, on the Kwára, S.E. of Karjatáme.
Sónkoro, west of Zágha.
B. Ánganá.
B. Wágguru, on an island in the river.
B. Niyaila, on the river.
B. Zagháy, on the river.
Búla, S.E. of Zagháy.
Ubínga.
B. Yógumu, on an island as large as Egga, and accessible by a ford in
summer.
Gullingáre, S.E. of Yógumu.
Dabbéje.
B. Mongóttere, on an island.
B. Sóka, between Jókwa and Tóro on the river.
B. Kormíssa, between Ráha and Bunza.
Sómbila.
Kullwa, an island, many Fúlbe.
B. Gabáilo, on the river.
B. Tutúbará, on the river S.W. of Dódime.
Kojángu.
Chíwa, in the fáddama west of Tutúbará.
Júngul, in the fáddama.
B. Gerkwa, on the Kwára, S.E. of Dáki-n-garí, once the residence of a
king of Kebbi, who fled before the king of Zánfara.
B. Kamagéme, south of Zágha.
B. Júgudí, north of Foná.
B. Dánia, on the river between Ráha and Nyanga.
B. Nánia, on the fáddama, a rocky eminence with plenty of deléb-palms.
B. Kíria, on the ford where the river is crossed to Íló (baki-n-
maikétare-n Íló).
B. Modibóji, on the river.
Kúllwa, in the Kwára, birádam gungu. Gungu-n-Gáya (Akétekú), island of
Gáya.
B. Dorówa, between Gáya and Tara, nearer to the former, on the river.
B. Baléa, on the Kwára, a small and populous town.
B. Buldi, between Gáya and Kengakoye.
B. Máddochí or Káhi, south of Túnunga, on the Kwára.
B. Káttika, south of Síko, on a branch of the Kwára, with plenty of
river horses.
B. Yáay on the Kwára, Féllani-n-Jogadáwa.
B. Béli, at a short distance north of Yógumu.
B. Kárufa, also called Jamde and Munday, on the fáddama of the Kwára.
B. Bokki-bodéhi (bokki means baobabs), east of Bákway, many Féllani.
B. Rufáni, close on the west side of Súru.
B. Gójia, called B. Biríji by the Fúlbe, on the west side of the river
of Bunza.
B. Fónia, on the same water.
B. Kusége, west of Bákoshi, between it and Matánkarí, south of Bunza.
Dembul, between Jinga and Bunza, west of Kermíssa.
Shéma, south of Bunza.
B. Íssafay, south of Bunza, with much agriculture.
B. Bókkiré, south of Bunza.
B. Dúkkishi on a ráfi, between Géza and Fingílla.
B. Kúkadó, at a short distance east of Débe.
B. Karíya, east of Kúkadó, south of Zogírma.
B. Ówa, on an eminence overhanging a water with crocodiles, east of
Karíya.
B. Belaide, south of Ówa.
B. Bamba, south of Yélu.
Kahínjanáwa, south of Bamba, east of Débe.
Búnu, east of Kahínjanáwa.
Wauna, between Débe and Gáya.
Dówa, west of Gíro.
Babá-abú, between Bendu and Gíro.
Barkéhi or Kalgo, between Tóro and Gíro, on a ford of the river.
Bilámo, south of Jókwa, between it and Gíro.
Yánderúdwel, formerly a hamlet, now a town in the fáddama.
Bólopássi, south of the former, and between it and Gíro.
Goljilláhi, on the Kwára.
_Towns inhabited, or colonies founded, by Dendi or Songhay on the west
side of the river, in the country of Barba or Burgu._
Íló, beyond the Ísa, one day from Búsa.
Garú.
Loló.
Birni-n-Sámiya, a Songhay colony, one day S.W. of Íló, on the Góru, a
shallow branch joining the Kwára.
Takku, one day south from Sámiya; the inhabitants have vindicated their
independence against the Fúlbe.
Shéguná, at no great distance W.N.W. from Takku.
Derénna, S.W. of Shéguná.
Ifínna, south of Derénna.
Súgu, residence of an independent governor.
Udíllo.
Garí-n-Danga, Lord of Géndané.
B. Girris.
Yántalá.
B. Táru.
B. Gésseró.
Láffagá, west of Beréwuay.
B. Búttulé, east of Íló.
B. Fúttufúttu, west of Búttulé.
B. Kóchi, west of Fúttufúttu, inhabited by people called Koi-jebába,
subjects of the governor of Gáya.
B. Genne, on the Kwára, rich in dorówa trees.
B. Búri, on the Kwára, east of Genne.
B. Bailil, on a rocky eminence on the Kwára.
B. Béfoye, west of Tanda, south of the Kwára.
B. Somsum, south of the Kwára, which separates it from Gáya.
B. Fárma.
I here add the itinerary of the track from Sókoto to Komba on the Niger,
which was the common route of travellers a few years ago, and which will
show the situation of several places mentioned in this and a former
Appendix.
1st day. Tózo, open place, having passed the gulbi-n-Sókoto.
2nd. Katámmi, territory of Khalílu.
3rd. Aúgi, walled place, skirted on the west side by a watercourse
navigable in the rainy season.
4th. Kánará, in the same valley.
5th. Gulma, at the foot of a large mountain, skirted on the east side by
a fáddama.
6th. Sáwa, rich in corn.
7th. Kaikayági, a village skirted on the south side by a fáddama.
8th. Kúka, birni, with a fáddama on the south side.
9th. Dáji (wilderness; no town).
10th. Débé, birni.
11th. Yélu, birni, in the valley of Fógha, where salt is found.
12th. Tunga, a hamlet on a fáddama, with plenty of rice and fish.
13th. Sánehína, on a fáddama or backwater of the Kwára.
14th. Komba, on the other side of the Kwára, which you here cross. The
latter places, beginning with Débé, inhabited by Songhay or Jermábe.
PART II.
A FEW REMARKS ON THE PROVINCE OF YÁURI, AND ON THOSE OF MÁURI AND
ZABÉRMA.
Mohammed, the elder brother and predecessor of Khalílu, granted imána to
Dan-Ay, a Nyffáwi by birth, who ruled Yáuri for thirty years, and was
succeeded by Mafóri, who governs Yáuri at the present time.
The annual tribute which Yáuri pays to Gandó consists of 500 shirts, and
from thirty to fifty slaves; while that of Núpe consists of 1000 shirts
and 300 slaves.
I will here add a few remarks with regard to Núpe or Nyffi. The northern
frontier of Núpe or Nyffi is Fáshi; the eastern border towards Gwári is
Líffe; the southern one, Kóro, towards Yúguchi and Búnu. The large town
Charági, inhabited half by Yorubáwa, half by Nyffáwa, is two days from
Rába by way of Karákará. It is the Yorubáwa who call the Núpe people,
Tápa. The Nyffáwa themselves call the Háusáwa, Kenchi, and the Fúlbe,
Goy. The Háusáwa call the Nyffáwa, as well as some other related tribes,
Baibay. The rivulet or fáddama called Kontagóra separates the territory
of the Abéwa or Ebbáwa from that of Núpe, while on the other side it
borders upon Yáuri. On the Kontagóra is the large town Kúra, belonging
to the Kámbari. The Abéwa live especially on the Manjára, are said to
have an idiom of their own, and are armed exclusively with arrows. The
people of Núpe Proper are exclusively cavalry.
Principal towns and villages in the province of Yáuri, beginning from
Bessekúttu:—Shenga, Kákaté, Dukku, B. Yáuri, Gangwo, Sáwasi, Tondi,
Funtu-n-dúchi, Fombo, Sombo, Árgidá, Shóbbonó, Rábakó, Bágedé, Mofóngi,
Lúchi, Móchipá, Ngáski, Águrá, Óbaká (large place), Berway, Kwéne,
Zente, Mojínga, all near to B. Yáuri; Mófiló (domain of the heir
apparent or “dan serkí,” half a day E. from Yáuri), Wára (a place of
embarcation, “báki-n-makétare,” on the Kwára), Jatáwu, Kawóje, between
Yáuri and a place called Dandi Féllani; Bokki-júrurú, Lanne, Sonwuay,
Dúchi- or Dútsi-n-Mári. Now follow the islands, or “gúngu,” in the
river, all of which are inhabited by Kámbari: Shíshiya, Rópiya, Gabáilo.
The principal towns of the independent Kámbari are: Rejó, Béto,
Fantandáchi, Áchira, Shébbenó, Rába-n-Kámbari, Ubakka.
I here add the seats of three particular tribes settled in the
neighbourhood of Yáuri: the Bangi, between Yáuri and Kotórkoshe; the
Shengáwa in Jakwa, between Yáuri and Haúsa; and the Dekérkeri settled in
Tabé, Zúru, Bangen-jatáwa, and in Kagaye.
FROM BUNZA TO YÁURI.
(_a._) _Western road._
1st day. Tsáru.
2nd. Állelú, on a river of the same name.
3rd. Dáji, perhaps the word meaning wilderness; no town.
4th. Gangu (gúngu, “the island” [on the Kwára?]).
5th. Yáuri.
(_b._) _Eastern road._
1st day. Bussukúttu, according to this information, a village of Kebbi;
but generally regarded as belonging to the territory of Yáuri.
2nd. Kúsará, lying on the other side of a rivulet called Gulbi-n-Chúso;
here you sleep, when the river is full of water, the crossing of it
occupying a long time; else proceed, and halt in Zángo-n-dúmmia.
3rd. Gangwo.
4th. Yáuri.
I here give, as I have no other place, a short itinerary from Yáuri to
Kotú-n-kúra, or rather Kotá-n-koró.
1st day. Rágadá, belonging to the territory of Yáuri.
2nd. A hamlet of the Kámbari.
3rd. Kotá-n-koró, a place larger than Zínder, under the dominion of
Kátsena, with a daily market.
ZABÉRMA.
The province of Zabérma, or Zérma (Jérma) is bordered towards the south-
west by the Niger: towards the south by the province of Déndina and the
district of Támkala; and towards the south-east by the province of
Máuri. Its northern, or rather north-western, border cannot be well
defined with the insufficient knowledge which we possess of that
quarter; although thus much is clear, that the district of Ímmanan,
which lies between the former and Kidal, the province of the Debbákal,
or the Benú Sékki, is to be sought for in that neighbourhood. It is
inhabited by a race of Songhay and Tawárek, but, apparently, of a
degraded and mixed character, who give to the country, or at least to
the eastern portion of the province, the name Chéggazar, which however
seems to attach to one locality in particular; the people of this tract
appear to have a chief of their own named Hatta. The country, with the
exception of one or two open places, appears scarcely to have any
centres of a settled population; and the chief interest attaching to it
seems to be the broad valley, rich in natron, which intersects the
province. (See Itineraries in the note.[152]) The trees most common in
the province are the góreba or dúm-palm, the ákkora, and the gʿaó, and
the valley is said to be girt by fine tamarind trees. This province is
also famous on account of its rich pasture-grounds, and is for this
reason frequented also by a good many sections of the Fúlbe or Féllani,
during some months of the year, if the state of the land is favourable,
even the cattle of the Féllani-n-Kátsena pasturing in that country.
I here give a list of the sections of the Fúlbe or Féllani who usually
pasture here.
Féllani-n-Zabérma:
Jelgóbe, Démbubé, Kurmé, Señínankoye, Módibankoye, Wárbe, Fíttuga,
Nibángankoyen, Kúlasankoyen, Jáborinkoyen, Chenbángankoyen, Dárëankoyen,
Fármaké[153], Báliyankoyen, Túkankoyen, Kúdurankoyen, Gargánga.
The Féllani-n-Háusa call all those countrymen of theirs who are
scattered over these western districts by the nickname Menénnata Háusáre
(properly, “I do not understand Háusa”); proving by such a name, which
is an opprobrium to themselves, their own loss of nationality, and that
they, although Fúlbe, usually address their own people more in Háusa
than in their own idiom, the Fulfúlde language.
LIST OF PLACES IN MÁURI OR ÁREWÁ.
Zormakoye (residence of a special governor), Lokoye (the capital of the
province in former times), Gíwaye, Dámana or Dammána, Tiwellíje
(Séberi), Gómbora, Birni-n-Máuri, Bébe (with caverns), Gálewa, Degéji,
Sákari, Báki-n-dútsi[154], Lóga.
[Footnote 150: Yélu, one day from Zogírma through forest, one day W.
from Bunza, south of the former road, and about 8 m. S. of Kallíul, on
the dallul Fógha.
From Yélu to Gáya, one day S.W., passing through the following
places:—Bamba, a large hamlet, Kahínjanáwa, Fatagásu, Rúwa-n-kangwa
Zagónji, Póde-bodéji, a hamlet of Fúlbe, or rather Zargábe; then Birni-
n-Gáya.
From Yélu to Yáuri, S.S.E., 8 short days.
Foná, formerly a large town, which gave its name to a whole province.
Kúsará.
Windefáda.
Bessekúttu, a hamlet belonging to the territory of Yáuri.
Shenga.
Sáwasi.
Tóndi.
Birni-n-Yáuri.]
[Footnote 151: Between Gáya and Kirotáshi, another town higher up the
Niger, about 15 m. S. from Say, lie the following places:—Tara,
Sanáfiná, and Bángagá. At Kirotáshi, the ráfi-n-Zabérma, which skirts
the east side of Támkala, joins the Ísa, or Niger.]
[Footnote 152:
1.—_Itinerary from Aúgi, along a winding track, by way
of Máuri and Zabérma, to Támkala._
1st day. Kókoshé.
2nd. Dámbugél, belonging to the territory of Máuri or Árewá.
3rd. Dammána.
4th. Karákará, at the western frontier of Árewá.
5th. Fergéza, village of elephant-hunters, the first place (mafári) of
Zabérma.
6th. Tembekíre.
7th. Dóso, open capital of Zabérma; residence of Dáúd, son of Hammam
Bákara, during the period of my journey independent. Beside him, there
seems to be another chief in Zabérma, named Hammam Jymma. From here
direction S. or S.E.
8th. Yéni, on the eastern side of the broad dallul Bóso, or Bosso, which
comes from Kúrfay, and rejoins the Kwára at Kirotáshi; it is full of
natron, but along the border of the valley there are wells of fresh
water one fathom in depth.
9th. Támkala.
2.—_Indication of Route from Yéni to Kúrfay, in very long marches in a
N.W. direction along the natron valley._
1st station. Téghazar, or Chéggazar, on the west side of the dallul, at
several miles’ distance, and evidently E. or N.E. from Dóso. The data
furnished by Mohammed el Másini are of the utmost importance, and fully
confirmed. Jérma (Zabérma) _on the right_, probably S.E., of Téghazar,
and extending down to the very border of the river Kwára: Téghazar, on
the contrary, three days’ from the river, through a barren desert full
of wild beasts, and the deep stream running at half a day’s distance.
2nd station. Ímmanan, likewise on the western or rather north-western
side of the dallul.
3rd station. Kurfay.]
[Footnote 153: Whether the name of this tribe has any connection with
the name of the province Fermágha to the W. of Timbúktu, I cannot say.
Mr. Cooley suggests to me that it may have some relation to the
Mandingo.]
[Footnote 154: It is very remarkable, that while this town is mentioned
in that excellent little geographical treatise of Mohammed Ben Áhmed
Másini, appended to Captain Clapperton’s Second Travels, p. 332, as
belonging to the country or district of Emanoo, none of the other towns
of Máuri which I have enumerated are there named, with the exception of
Lokoye (Lu-koo-yow), but in their stead four others of which I heard
nothing. But those places which then were the most considerable may have
been since either greatly reduced, or even destroyed. There can be no
doubt that Mohammed’s Emanoo is the district Ímmanan, mentioned by me as
lying between Téghazar and Máuri.]
APPENDIX VI.
INFORMATION WITH REGARD TO THE PROVINCES OF GURMA, MÓSI, AND TOMBO.
The whole triangle interposed between the Niger towards the north, and
the country of the Eastern Mandingoes or Wángaráwa towards the south,
appears to be inhabited by a single race of people, whose language,
although they are divided into several different states and nations,
nevertheless appears originally to have been of the same stock. It is
very probable, that this race in ancient times occupied the whole upper
course of the Niger, and that this tract may have been wrested from them
in later times by the Songhay, and the Mandingoes, especially that
section of the latter which is generally called Bámbara. These are the
Gurma towards the N.E., the Tombo towards the N.W., and between them the
Mósi, or, as they appear to call themselves, Móre. Gurma, also, does not
appear to be the indigenous name by which those people designate
themselves, but is, I think, of Songhay origin. The Gurma, on account of
the neighbourhood of the centres of the Songhay empire, appear to have
lost almost their whole independence and nationality, the Songhay
conquering from them great part of their territory, and wasting the
remainder by continuous predatory expeditions; but the former seem to
have recovered part of their strength since the weakening of the power
of the Fúlbe in these quarters, who followed upon the heels of the
Songhay, and who appear to have formed settlements all along the great
high road from Másina to Háusa, having established themselves firmly in
the latter province from very remote times. The strongest among these
pagan kingdoms five centuries ago, and even at the present moment, is
that of the Mósi, although the country is split into a number of small
principalities, almost totally independent of each other, and paying
only some slight homage to the ruler of the principality of Wóghodogó.
The Mósi are called Morba (perhaps originally Móre-bá; bá being, as Mr.
Cooley informs me, a formative of personal nouns in the Mandingo
language) by the Bámbara; they themselves give peculiar names to the
tribes around them, calling the Fúlbe, Chilmígo; the Songhay, Marénga;
the Gurma, Bimba; the Wángara, Tauréarga; the Háusa people, Zángoró; the
Asanti or Asianti, Santi. The inhabitants of Gurma call the Háusáwa,
Jongoy; but the name of the Fúlbe they have changed only very slightly,
calling them Fuljo in the singular, Fulga in the plural form. The
Bámbara give to the Áswánek or Swanínki the name Marka. With regard to
the line of Mandingo or Wángara settlements, which extend through the
whole breadth of this tract along about the tenth meridian of north
latitude, I shall say more further on. I will here only remark that Mr.
Cooley (“Negroland of the Arabs,” p. 79) seems to have been right in his
supposition respecting the original settlements of that eminent African
race.
Besides the nationalities mentioned, there are in the tract described
several smaller tribes, the degree of whose affinity it is not so easy
to determine, especially as the names are more or less corrupted by the
traders: Tuksáwa, Gurúnga, Basánga, well known also from other sources,
with the chief places Lárabu and Tangay, the Susámga, Samgay, Kántantí,
Kárkardí, Chókoshí, whose chief place situated on an eminence seems to
be Gambága, formerly supposed to be the name of a country; Choksáwa is
probably only the Háusa form of Chókoshí.
The Tombo[155] seem to have been very powerful in former times,
extending probably to the very banks of the Niger at Timbúktu, and
became known to the Portuguese from the end of the fifteenth century;
but having still, in the latter half of the last century, constituted an
important political power, they seem since to have suffered very
severely by the continual attacks of the Fúlbe, who have invaded their
territory from two different quarters at the same time, from Másina
towards the N.W., and from Gilgóji towards the N.E., the latter province
being entirely wrested from them, so that they have lost all national
independence, although they still retain a large territory of about 150
miles in every direction. I will here at once proceed to communicate the
little information which I have been able to collect with regard to
them, in order then to subjoin a network of routes which will constitute
a fair framework whereupon to lay down in an approximate manner the
topography of Gurma and Mósi.
The country of the Tombo at present extends from the province of Gilgóji
in the N.E., the greater part of the inhabitants of which belong to the
same race, and Dwentsa in the N., and from near Konna towards the N.W.,
to the territory of Benendúgu, or country of the Beni, in the S., and to
that of Yádega in the S.E. From the latter they seem to be separated by
the territory of the Urbá and Tinógel, who, however, evidently belong to
the same stock. The eastern and western portion of the region thus
included is mountainous, the central part more level, and clothed with a
rich vegetation of tamarind and other trees. The chief place of the
whole territory is said to be Árre, situated fifteen days from Gilgóji,
and fifteen from Dámmajé, a place on the road to Wóghodogó, nine days
from Sofára; and the next in importance are said to be the following
towns or villages:—Nínge, one day south from Dwentsa, Bambar, Kája,
Nayámma, Hónduk, Dímbilí, Kong, Shóle, Ámmalá, Kómmogam, Shógo, Kaulu,
Yelme, Kul, Tiyaugu, Shanger, Wódibú, (apparently inhabited, at least
partly, by Mandingoes), Kána, Andúl, Gímle, Índe, Káwar, Fanjékkara,
Kommaige, Tamtóngo, Mówe, Tímmin, Ulúl. All these places or towns are
said be of considerable extent, and to have each its own chief.
I now proceed to give the itineraries illustrating the geography of
Gurma and Mósi. But I must first say a word about Mr. Duncan’s route
from Abóme to Ada-fudia[156], or, as he writes, Adda-foodia, which will
be found to coincide partly with the region here described by myself.
This route of Mr. Duncan will be found in course of time to contain a
few gross mistakes, to say the least. It is quite impossible for an
African traveller to go over such distances in so short a time as Mr.
Duncan did, who one day counts his journey at not less than forty-four
miles.[157] It is not clear from his journal whether the population of
the places visited by him be Mandingo or Fulfúlde; although it appears
to be evident from certain hints which he throws out, that he supposes
it to consist of these two elements[158], but in reality the more
northern part of the route travelled over by him is entirely inhabited
by native tribes. Supposing the population of the country thus traversed
consisted of Felláta or Fúlbe, it seems very unlikely that these people,
who are so suspicious, should allow a traveller to hurry on at this
rate, without any stoppages. Moreover, I doubt very much whether in any
of the countries hereabout dromedaries and elephants will be found
tamed, such as Duncan found in Sogbo; and whether the sugar-cane and the
oil-palm grow there. I have not been able to connect any of the towns
between Assafúda and Adá-fudía, as laid down by Duncan, with my
itineraries, nay, I have not been able to learn the names, or become
aware of the existence, of any such places; but this I leave to future
travellers, who may have the fortune to visit that quarter.
I now give first an itinerary from Komba on the Niger to Sansánne
Mangho, in order to circumscribe the country of Gurma on its south-
eastern side, and thence to Selga, the great entrepôt of the gúro-trade.
A.—_Route from Komba to Sansánne Mangho._
1st day. Korkojángo garí-n-ʿAbdu Féllani, a Púllo settlement.
2nd. No village.
3rd. Mákuru, on a watercourse without a current, numbers of wild beasts.
4th. Dágu, a village, belonging to Gurma, and skirted by a fáddama on
its west side.
5th. Sófo-n-Dágu “Old Dágu,” at present uninhabited.
6th. Bizúggu or Bisúgu, large place, residence of chief Yanjo. Between
Dágu and Bizúggu, one day perhaps is left out; at least, other
travellers make three stations between these two towns, the first in
Súdo-melle, the next in Zokóga a Gurma village, the third in Mekkéra,
another Gurma village.
7th. Tanga, a hamlet, bordered towards the south by a mountain, and
skirted on the east side by a watercourse running from W. to E.
8th. Majóri, a hamlet, on the north side of a large mountain.
* * * * *
I here add another direct road from Komba to Majóri without passing by
Bizúggu:
1st day. Korkojángo.
2nd. Féllalé, a mountain, and therefore called Féllalé-n-dútsi (dútsi
meaning mountain in Háusa), with a watercourse.
3rd. Small watercourse, with water occasionally.
4th. Dágu, a village of Gurma.
5th. Súdo-melle, a large market-place of Gurma, probably a settlement
of the Wángara, who are always called by the natives of this district
Wángara-Melle; “súdo” means dwelling, in Fulfúlde.
6th. A village belonging to Barba or Búrgu.
7th. A village of idolaters, in a mountainous district.
8th. Sabálg_a_, a pagan village, still under Gurma. Bizúggu, one day
west from here.
9th. Sabálg_u_, a small village, the whole country mountainous.
10th. A small watercourse.
11th. Majóri now deserted.
* * * * *
9th. Halt in the wilderness “on the bank of a river” (baki-n-gulbi),
which is crossed on skins.
10th. Barbar, a hamlet.
11th. Famma; a mountain towards the east.
12th. Halt “on the bank of a river” (baki-n-gulbi) in the wilderness.
13th. Fálalé or Féllalé, a large village, inhabited by native Gurma,
naked and only protecting their hind quarters with a wisp. Mountainous.
“Fálalé,” as I have said, means mountain or rock.
14th. Belgu, called by the Háusa-traders “maigigíña,” on account of its
being so rich in deléb-palms. Situated on the bank of a river in a
mountainous district.
15th. Sansánne Mangho or Mango (“the camp of Mohammed”), an old
settlement of the Mandingoes or Wángaráwa, who seem to have been settled
in this quarter from ancient times, engaged in the gold trade between
Kong and Kúkia (the old capital of Songhay), which received its gold
from hence. Even now a peculiar weight of mithkál (see Vol. V. p. 23) is
still used here. The number of inhabitants about 3000. The name of the
present governor is Kancho. From hence a track leads to Wóghodogó.
16th. Halt on the border of a river, having crossed another river in the
course of the day.
17th. A well inhabited (probably Mandingo or Wángara) place called by
the Háusa traders “garí-n-maíbéndega,” on account of the people being
all armed with muskets. Territory of governor Mangha.
18th. Sakoiga, territory of Yendi.
19th. Yendi, an important place, but not near so large as was believed
formerly, from the account given by the travellers to Asianti, it
appearing in reality to have a population of about 5000. They are
idolaters, and drink búza or péto in great quantity. The name of the
governor is Kirgángu, before whose house two baskets of meat are daily
given to the vultures, to whom a sort of worship seems to be paid.
20th. Sambo, a village situated on the other side of the river.
21st. Kóbier or Kóbia.
22nd. A halt on the bank of a river, no village.
23rd. Sungúngu.
24th. Túru, a village.
25th. Yánsalá.
26th. Salga, or Selga, capital of the province of Gonja, residence of a
governor; population about 1000 inhabitants, the market of the gúro
trade, and destitute of water, which is brought from a rivulet at some
distance called “gulbi-n-baráwu,” on account of its being occasionally
infested by robbers.
I will now give at once the route from this place, which is connected
with Kumássi the capital of Asianti by a tolerably ascertained route, to
Tañéra or Tangréra, an important point approximatively laid down
according to Caillié’s route.
B.—_Route from Selga to Tañéra by way of Kong, very short marches._
1st day. Súgunkollo, a small town belonging to the province of Gonja,
but ruled by a governor of its own.
2nd. Kónkorosú, a place in a district rich in gúro trees.
3rd. A rivulet called by the Háusa traders “kúrremi-n-fítta,” on account
of its banks being richly clad with the tree which supplies the leaves
called “fítta,” wherein the gúro is packed up in the little baskets
called “wágha.”
4th. Halt in the wilderness, traversed by a rivulet, and frequented by
elephants.
5th. A rivulet containing gold particles in its sand, and therefore
called “gulbi-n-zinária.” Territory of Gonja.
6th. Bitúgu, a large town, residence of a governor of the name Adángara,
who acknowledges the supremacy of Asianti.
13th. Another river with gold, called therefore “gulbi-n-zinária.”
26th. Kong, a large town, the houses consisting entirely of clay
dwellings. The inhabitants, Mandingoes or Wángara, and most of them
Mohammedans. Also Fullán or Fúlbe are found there. They have a good deal
of weaving, and their cotton is very celebrated, especially the kind
called “el harrotáfe” in Timbúktu, with alternating stripes in red and
black.
27th. Náfaná, a village.
28th. Halt in the fields of Náfaná.
29th. A village belonging to the territory of Tágonó, which stretches
southward to the neighbourhood of a considerable place called Árna.
30th. A large place, likewise in Tágonó.
31st. Halt on the bank of a rivulet running from N. to S., navigable
during the rainy season, and then animated by river horses, but without
water in the dry season.
32nd. Kému, a large town of the territory of Tágonó, with a considerable
mountain towards the south, and many small watercourses.
33rd. Another village of Tágonó.
34th. Village belonging to the territory of Fúluná.
35th. Another village of the same.
36th. A village of the territory Kurdúgu. All these different
territories are inhabited by Mandingoes or Wángara.
39th. Kanyénni, a large town situated on a kúrremi or a small
watercourse and an important market-place, the most important one of
this whole tract with the exception of Furá. The inhabitants Wángaráwa,
moslemín, and idolaters.
40th. Ségganá, on a watercourse, as it seems, the same as that of
Kanyénni.
50th. Ganóni, an important market-place of the Fúluná.
59th. Tañéra, another place of the Fúluná larger than Ganóni, and built
of clay. This is evidently Caillié’s Tangréra (i. p. 385, _et seq._). In
going from Tañéra to Yámina, or Nyámina, a journey of twenty-nine short
marches, the traveller reaches on the fourth day a large river (probably
the Bagoë of Caillié), on the other side of which the territory of
Yámina commences.
C.—_From Kirotáshi, a town on the east side of the Niger, one day south
of Say, to Wóghodoghó._
1st day. Halt on the west side of the Kwára or Ísa.
2nd. Bóti, residence of a chief of Gurma.
3rd. Wilderness.
4th. Wilderness.
5th. San-katatúgu.
7th. Bizúggu, called by the Háusa traders “Fáda-n-Gurma,” “palace of
Gurma,” and residence of a chief called by them Tobáni-n-kífi.
8th. Yenga, the frontier town of Mósi in this direction.
9th. Bennanába (or rather Be-nába) or Nungu, called Nomma by the Fúlbe,
Fáda-n-Gurma by the Háusa people, the residence of Bojjo the supreme
chief of Gurma: the name of his predecessor, it seems, was Chenchírma or
Yengírma. The distance from Bizúggu to the latter place seems rather
long for two common marches, although it certainly does not exceed sixty
miles; other people make four halts, the first in Landó; the second in
Burgu; the third in Kankancháli, a large town; and the fourth, in a
place called by the traders “Garí-n-Magájia.”
I here subjoin a route leading from Champagóre to Landó or Lendó, a
place which is of considerable importance on account of its being the
residence of the warlike chief Wintélle, whose princely title is Fan-
du. From Champagóre:—Mayánga a hamlet inhabited by slaves of the
Fúlbe; Champelga, already belonging to the territory of Lendó; Lendó.
10th. Tánkurgú.
13th. Kulféla, a well-frequented market-place of Mósi, and of greater
importance than all the other towns of Mósi; the governor’s name is
Nábere Gáger. The inhabitants are celebrated archers. Another informant
going from Kulféla to Tánkurgú makes three stations, the first in
Ligílde Málgumá, a large town, the second in Lúlugú, and the third in a
village called Kógo.
15th. Wóghodoghó.
N.B.—If this were a tolerably direct road it would have a great
influence upon the position of the various places mentioned; but it
would seem that my informant turned away from his direct track in order
to visit the market-place Kulféla. Other people, in going slowly from
Kulféla to Wóghodoghó, spend eight days on the road, sleeping the first
night in Páshipánga, the second in Tángay, the third in Zorógo, the next
in a place ruled by a man called Máne Bogónje, the fifth in another
village called Tángay, and reach Wóghodoghó on the eighth. I shall here
join Tánkurgú with Sansánne Mangho by an itinerary, which, however, does
not lay claim to completeness.
1st day. Benda, belonging to the territory of Busánga.
2nd. Samga, a large town.
3rd. Kántantí, residence of a chief of its own.
4th. Yanga.
5th. Sansánne Mangho.
D.—_From Yágha to Belánga (long marches)._
1st day. Kábo, a village of Yágha.
2nd. Selúngu, a Gurma village belonging to the territory of Belánga.
3rd. Jafánge, a large Gurma place (long march).
4th. On the bank of the river Shirba in the wilderness.
5th. Beláng or Belánga, residence of one of the Gurma chiefs, styled
Bélem-béttu (béttu means chief, king, in the Gurma language), who at
present is one of the most powerful rulers of that country; his
territory extending about four days’ good march in every direction,—the
more important places being Yamba, Sírbalé, Jepángalé, Basérilú, Balga,
Tubga, Déngo, Tampódo, Mokka, Yopónga, Japángo, Béla.
From Belánga to Nungu or Be-nába there are four very short days, passing
by Yamba, a large place, Yébel-yébel, and Tubga.
E.—_From Jíbo, capital of the province of Gilgóji or Jilgódi (about 60
miles S. from Mundóro, 55 W.S.W. from Áribínda, and 35 S.S.W. from
Tínge), by way of Kaye, to Máni and Wóghodoghó (very short marches)._
1st day. Káje.
2nd. Sebbe.
3rd. Gánkomá (not Gaikomá).
4th. Tóngomelle or Tóngomaye, a market-place of some importance, which
may be reached on horseback in one day from Jíbo.
5th. Nyange.
6th. Kóbay.
7th. Surgúsumá, the last place of the territory of Gilgóji.
8th. Kélbo, the first village of the territory of Mósi. The border-
district in general is regarded as very unsafe.
9th. Déffia.
10th. Sokkopéndu.
11th. Kondu-bétto (probably not the name of the place, but that of the
chief; this is perhaps the place Kondu or Kamgo, which is said to have
resisted successfully an expedition of Sheikho Áhmedu).
12th. Sába.
13th. Mákkeri.
14th. Kaye, an important place, where several roads meet.
_From Kaye to Wóghodoghó._
1st day. Jetínga.
2nd. Nessemetínga.
3rd. Lúda.
4th. Máku.
5th. Bússumo (or as it is called by the traders “Fádan Bússumo”), an
important place, residence of a powerful chief, probably the most
powerful of the Mósi chiefs at the present time, especially with regard
to cavalry.
6th. Kurzumógo, residence of a governor (“yeríma”) under Bússumo.
7th. Máni, another residence of a powerful chief who, however, in a
certain degree seems to acknowledge the supremacy of Bússumo.
8th. Yáko, a considerable place.
10th. Wóghodogó.
F.—_From Máni—Yádega._
1st day. Yáko.
2nd. Kurzomógo, not identical, as it appears, with the synonymous place
mentioned in the previous itinerary; residence of a governor under
Yádega.
3rd. Jegá, a considerable place, with huts of reed.
4th. Zámche.
5th. Damméko.
6th. Píssela.
7th. Yerímchí (probably only a name given to the place by the traders as
being the residence of a yeríma or governor).
8th. Yádega.
G 1.—_From Máni to Kong and back by a more easterly road._
1st day. Temma.
2nd. Yáko.
3rd. Lá.
4th. Sarma.
5th. Bófori.
6th. Sáfané.
7th. Langaféra.
8th. Ditóri.
9th. Téberé.
10th. Kong, a large place, according to informant, inhabited by Bámbara.
It can scarcely be identical with the well-known town Kong, if the
itinerary be correct; but nevertheless it may be the case.
G 2.—_Return from Kong._
1st day. Furá, a large market-place.
2nd. Dálo.
3rd. Kebéne.
4th. Dúllugu.
5th. Dakay, a place belonging to the territory of Mósi.
6th. Kamshégo.
7th. Neténga.
8th. Lúmbilé.
9th. Jéngaré.
10th. Tenga.
11th. Yáma.
12th. Ímigu.
13th. Máni.
H.—_From Kaye to Belússa, and thence to Belánga._
1st day. Dimla, a large town of Mósi, with a warlike population,
therefore called “maimáshi” (mistress of spears) by the traders.
2nd. Ponsa, also a considerable place.
3rd. Píssela.
4th. Belússa, a large town, seat of an independent Gurma chief who
possesses numerous cavalry.
From Belússa a person on horseback reaches Belánga comfortably the
second day, the great station between these two towns being Alitínga,
still belonging to Mósi, and an important place, inhabited by Mósi and
Háusa traders; but common native travellers generally halt twice between
Belússa and Alitínga, in Nyennyéga and Kobúri, and once between Alitínga
and Belánga in a Gurma village called Yamba. Belússa seems to be
situated from Belánga not true W., as I have placed it in the map which
I sent home, but a little more to the N.
Between Belússa and Kulféla lie the following places:— Jíga, Zámche,
Sálugu (still belonging to the territory of Belússa), Kumshégu, Sóre (a
market-place), Wunógo, Yirnába (residence of a Mandingo or Wángara
chief, whom the traders call Yergáwa), then a village belonging to a
Púllo resident in Kulféla (“ungwa serkí-n-Féllani-n-Kulféla”); Futínga,
Nakálba, Ligíddemél-demá, and Kulféla.
I.—_From Píssela to Dóre in Libtáko (very short marches)._
1st day. Nagabíngo.
2nd. Ponsa, a large place, the same as that mentioned in the preceding
itinerary.
3rd. Gungay.
4th. Nantínga.
5th. Lógu.
6th. Sambánga.
7th. Nákorí.
8th. Kéum.
9th. Belga.
10th. Néba.
11th. Kwála.
12th. Tambo.
13th. Marárraba, belonging to Libtáko, and inhabited by Fúlbe. Marárraba
means “half-way” in the Háusa language; and it would be important to
know what the names of the two places are between which this village is
considered as lying half way.
14th. Kála, also inhabited by Fúlbe.
15th. Débbero-ónkoy, Fúlbe.
16th. Láraba.
17th. Dóre.
K.—_Route from Ségo on the Niger to Méggará in Mienka or Menka._
1st. day. Fenya, having crossed a considerable river called Bábelé
Sirsénkené.
2nd. Fáraní, a place inhabited by Dhiúli, Júli, or Mandingoes.
3rd. Fínyaná (ditto).
4th. Kaya, inhabited by Júli and Bámbara.
5th. Gondígasó.
6th. Sinsúnkoró, Bámbara.
7th. Enjénené.
8th. Furá, a village inhabited by slaves of the Fúlbe.
9th. Konobúgu, Bámbara.
10th. Sanánkoró, Bámbara.
11th. Kónina, Bámbara.
12th. Segebúgu.
13th. Yensa, in the territory of the Fóngfoná.
14th. Yessímaná.
15th. Jinna or Jinniná, in the territory of Menka.
16th. Jitámaná, residence of the chief of Menka.
17th. Méggará. Here the territory of Bóbó begins. Tenyéra from here ten
days S.S.W., and Kong about twenty-three, by way of Fó and Natkhe, S.E.
[Footnote 155: The Tombo call the Songhay “Jennawélam.”]
[Footnote 156: Duncan’s Travels.]
[Footnote 157: Vol. ii. p. 82. From Baffo to Zafoora. “I had travelled
forty-four miles (in one day), almost without halting.” A still greater
rate of travelling occurs p. 145.]
[Footnote 158: Duncan says (vol. ii. p. 96) that the Niger appears to be
known here only by the name Joleeba, not Joliba. Whatever the form, that
name is Mandingo: nevertheless, he states the population expressly to
belong to the Felláta (or Fúlbe). The latter, from what he says (pp. 109
and 126), seem to hold the dominion of the country; but none of the
names which he gives belong to that language. Then the customs do not
agree at all with such a state of society, neither the péto (pp. 101,
116, 119), nor the prostration (pp. 104, 111, 151, 155, 160, 173).]
APPENDIX VII.
PEDIGREE OF THE SHEIKH SÍDI ÁHMED EL BAKÁY.
Sídi ʿUkbå, son of ʿOmár with the surname El Mústajáb, the great
conqueror of Barbary.
Sakéra.
Yadrúba.
Sʿaíd.
ʿAbd el Kerím.
Mohammed.
Yakhsha.
Domán.
Yahia.
ʿAlí.
Sídi Áhmed, or Mohammed, el Kuntí, born of a Limtúna mother called
Yágedásh. He is said to have died in Fask, a district W. of Shingít.
Sídi Áhmed el Bakáy, died in Waláta.
Sídi ʿOmár e’ Sheikh, is said to have changed the cruel custom,
prevailing in the family before him, of murdering all the (male)
children except one,—and to have left all his three sons alive. For this
reason it is that his name occupies a prominent position in El Bakáy’s
poem. He was a great friend of ʿAbd el Kerím ben Mohammed el Maghíli,
and is said to have visited, in his company, the learned Sheikh e’
Soyúti in Egypt. He is said to have died A.H. 960 (A.D. 1553), in the
district of Gídi or Ígídi, E. of the Sákiet el hamra.
Sídi el Wáfi, although Sídi ʿOmár’s second son, succeeded his father as
Welí, while the Sheikhdom rested with his elder brother Sídi Mukhtár,
who died in the sanctuary or chapel called Zawyet Kunta, situated in the
neighbourhood of Bú-ʿAlí, the ksar or village of Tawát where the family
of El Maghíli resided. El Wáfi’s younger brother was Sídi Áhmed e’ Regá.
Sídi Haiballa (Habíb-allah). }
}
Sídi Mohammed. } These four were only Welíye, without
} having the dignity of Sheikh.
Sídi Bú-Bakr. }
}
Bábá Áhmed. }
Mukhtár, also called Mukhtár el kebír, in order to distinguish him from
his grandson. With him the dignity of Sheikh was transferred into this
branch of the family. He died, A.H. 1226 (A.D. 1811). A dream, or sacred
vision, which he had in the year 1209, is very famous in those parts of
Negroland.
Sídi Mohammed e’ Sheikh died 2nd Shawál, 1241 (10th May, 1826), during
Major Laing’s residence in the hilleh in Ázawád.
Mukhtár, his eldest son, died 1263, in Timbúktu.
Sídi Áhmed el Bakáy, Mukhtár’s younger brother, the present chief.
APPENDIX VIII.
TWO POEMS OF THE SHEIKH EL BAKÁY, WHEREIN HE SATIRIZES THE FÚLBE OF
MÁSINA.
* * * * *
الحمد لله وحده وصلى الله على من لا نبى بعده
ولشيخنا وسيدنا احمد البكاى بن شيخنا وسيدنا محمد بن شيخنا وسيدنا المختار
يخاطب الجماعة الفلانية الماسنية لما ارادوا ضيفه عبد الكريم بارث الانكليزى
النصرانى
قُلْ لِجَيْشِ الفُلَان قُلْتُ شَنِيعا رِمْتُ امْراً امْراً عظيما فظيعـــا
قد طلبتُمْ ضيفى سَتَلْقَوْنَ ضَيْفِى يَوْمَ تلقَوْنَهُ عزيزا منيعـــا
ضيفَ حُرٍّ لحرّة بنتِ حرّ وابوه حرٌّ اجاد الصنيعـــا
لم تَلِدْنى إِماؤٌ ثم ما ربْــــــبَيْنَنِى فى حجورهِنّ رضيعـــا
ما عردنا من سام الّا كريما أَبْيَضَ الوجه سيّدا او قريعـــا
وابى مَنْ عَرَفْتُمُ وابوه ما عردنا مِنْ سامَ الّا رفيعـــا
ليس فى اُمَّهاتهمْ بنتُ عبدٍ تَحْمل الفَحْمَ مِثْلَها أَنْ تَبيعـــا
ابنها ربها ولاكِنْ ابوه ربُّه بَتَّ عتْقَه مُسْتَطيعـــا
لم تلدنى بنتٌ لِحامَ ولا ٱبْنٌ لبنى حامَ الأَلِىِ لَنْ اطيعـــا
لبى حام الالى لا يرون الضْــــــضَيْفَ الّا شهيرةٌ وبديعـــا
انّ ضيفى عِرْضى وما كان عرْضى بمضاعٍ فضيفُه لَنْ يضيعـــا
انّ عبد مناف بن قُصَى بــــــن كِلاب بن مُرّة المستنيعـــا
ولوى بن غالب ونرار بــــــن معدّ أَوْصوُا بِأَنْ لا أَكيعـــا
ونهانى فَهْرُ بنُ مالكِ بْنِ النْــــــنَضْرِ أَنْ أَسْتَرِيبَ او أَسْتَرِيعـــا
عمرَ الشيخ من بنى احمد البكــــــاءِ يَنْمى الوافِىُّ حُرّا نصيعـــا
ونماه الكُنْتِىُّ نجلُ علِىٍّ كان من عُقْبَةَ المجاب صريعـــا
تِلْكَ آبائِىِ الكِرامُ وكانوا ضيفُهُمْ لا يَمُوتُ فى الدَهْرِ ضَيْعـــا
لا يَخافُ السلطانُ أَنَّ حَيْفَ أَوْ أَنَّ بَيْعَ السلطانِ لَيْسَ مَبِيعـــا
منكم لن يراع الا اذا السلــــــطان عبد المجيد من نكمه ريعـــا
دُونَ ما تَطْلبونَ حَرْبٌ وضَرْبٌ وطعانٌ فى الزِنْجِ يُزْجِى النجيعـــا
دون ذاك الفتى وسمر العوالى ومصاعُ السُيُوفِ حَوْلًا كتيعـــا
واحْتِباطُ لأَنْفَاط هنّا وهنّا كَرُعُودٍ قَصَفْنَ ريحًا وريعـــا
تَحْمِلُ الموتَ فيه فِتْيانُ ضَرُّوا تَحْسِبُ الموتَ رَوْضَةً وربيعـــا
مِنْ رَعاريعَ أَوْ غطاريفَ مُرْدٍ وكهولٍ شاختْ فى العزّ جميعـــا
فَوْقَ جُرْدٍ من الجياد عناجيــــــجِ يَعابيِب عُوِّدَتْ انْ تميعـــا
من سِبَطْرٍ نُمْرٍ رباع شناحٍ كان غُرْبًا سكْبا ذريعا سريعـــا
ونشاصيةٍ مطهّمةٍ سلــــــهبةٍ أَوْ ثَقَتْ قَرًى ودسيعـــا
من عِرابٍ للْحوض او لثكانَتْ او كِدالٍ تُسْقُوا الحَليبَ النقيعـــا
شَحْمتى فى قَلَعَتِى مَنْ تصدّى لِشِقاقى اضْحى قميعا قليعـــا
حَسَبى الله ربُّ موسى وعيسى والنبيين أَنْ ارانى كنيعـــا
آيَدَ الواحدَ الفريدَ بنصرٍ فاظلّ الجموع منه الجميعـــا
إِنَّ فِرْعَوْنَ كان أَغْوَى وأَقْوَى ضَلَّ فى اليمّ والجموع صريعـــا
ماسِنَى عَقِّلوا اخاكم يكُنْ لى مِثْلَ بَلِّ ٱلإِمامِ خِلًّا تَبِيعـــا
او يكُنْ لى كما مضى ابواه إِنْ هُما لَمْ يُصابِرا لَمْ يليعـــا
أَوْ يَدَعْنِى مِنْ شَرِّهِ وَأَدَعْهُ إِنَّ خيرا فى الشرّ أَنْ لا يشيعـــا
إِنَّ الاعْلامَ اهل الاحْلامِ مِنْكُمْ آلُ فُودِىَّ ما تَبَنُّوا رفيعـــا
ماتبنّوا الَّا فَتًى أَحْوَذِيًا فى طريقِ العلِى بصيرا سميعـــا
يُكْرِمون الكِرامَ إِذْ مِنْهُمُ هُمْ ثم لا يصحبون خلقا خليعـــا
ثم لا يصحبون الّا ولِيًّا عالمًا شارعاً تقيًا وريعـــا
احْنوا مِنْ جوارنا ما أساتُمْ فلَدَيْنا الوِدادَ أَبْقوا وديعـــا
ولَدَيْنا الثناءَ أَبْقوا ربيطا ولدينا الإخاءَ أَبْقوا وضيعـــا
لَوْ تَشاعونَ مِثْلَهُمْ فيه كُنْتُمْ فَأَجَرْتُمْ رايًا مَعًا وصنيعـــا
لا كِنِ ٱلطَّبْعَ مالِكٌ فَلَوَ ٱسْطَا ع جبنُ الوَرَى لأَضْحَى شجيعـــا
* * * * *
وله ايضا يخاطب الفلان فى شان ضيفه
أَحَقًّا اتى مِنْ عِنْدَ أَحْمَدَ احمد محمّد سِيد العَبْد والعبد اسْوَد
يُسَايِلُ عن ضيفى لِيَرْجعَ ضيفَه فَيَسْلبه من ماله ويُقَيَّدُ
ويجعله ضيفًا لِكاوُورِ عنْدَه وصن شِرْفُ ما ضَيْفِى لِهَذَا مُعَوَّدُ
أَيقطانُ قال القول ام هم حالم بلى حالمٌ والله احمد احمد
ومن دون ضيفى عاقِلٌ ويَلَمْلمٌ وَرِضْوَى وهَمْلانٌ وقُدْسُ وذُرْوَدُ
اياخذه من قَبْلَ أَنْ تاخُذَ الفَنَى على راسِه والمَشْرَفِىُّ المُهَنَّدُ
اياخذه والسيف والرمح نائمٌ على سَرَقٍ إِنَّ الوشيجَ مُقَصَّدُ
اياخذه أَيْنَ التوارقُ كلُّها ومِنْ عَرَبٍ شيخٌ وكَهْلٌ وأَمْرَدُ
بنو الشيخِ عُثْمانَ بْنِ فُودِىَّ جُنْدُنا ومِنْ جُنْدِنا موسى بنُ بوضالَ يَشْهَدُ
وتَرْغَيْتَمُوتُ الُاسْدُ يَقْدُمُ حَيَّهُمْ لِكاوَى بن ام القُطْبى يُبْرِقُ يُرْعِدُ
وإِخْبِى بْنُ سالَمْ حَوْلَمُ إِيݤَوَدَّرَنْ ولِلْوَغْدُ أَݤَّ الحِنَّ جيشٌ محشّد
وفى تِنْݤِرِيݤِيفٍ رِجالٌ أَعِزّةٌ بنو حَمَّلاسِ القومُ فيها تَسَوَّدُ
وتَنْصُرُ ضيفى مِنْ كَلَسّوقِ فِتْيَةٌ لهم أَسَدٌ فى النايِباتِ وأَسْوَدُ
هُمُ القوم فى الإسلام لا يَخْذَلُونَنىِ وهم اخوتى اجدى الىّ وانجد
ولى من بنى الفلان الارض عصبة الى نصْرِ دينِ الله تَسْعى وتحفد
أَحَبُّ اليهم مِنْ بَيْتِهم واهْلهم وأَنْفُسِهِمْ دينُ ٱلْإِلَهِ يُؤَيَّدُ
اذاما راوا كفرا وعصْيانَ ربّهم ابوا ونبوا من كلّ مَنْ هو هومُفْسِدُ
ولى من رجال الله فى الا رض ثم مِنْ ملائكةٍ نصرٌ وجيش مشرّد
وحَسْبى فَحَسْبى اللهُ جلّ جلالُه فما النصر الّا مِنْه والله أَمْجَدُ
فما النصر الّا منه لا من مَلايِكٍ وإِنْ كَثَرُوا جِدًّا وعَزُّوا وحُمِّدُ (او)
هو الله جلّ الله عَوَّدَ نصْرَه على كلِ جبارٍ يَضُرُّ ويَعْنَدُ
وانّى لَتَكْفِينِى مِنْ احمدَ دَعْوَةٌ إِلى الله فى جَوْفٍ مِنَ اليل تَصْعَدُ
ٱسَدِدُها سَهْمًا اليه بِسُحْرَةٍ فَيُصْبِحُ منها وَهْوَ بِالْمَوْتِ مقْصد
فإِنْ تابَ يومًا فَهْو خير له وان ابى لم يَتِبْ فَٱلأَمْرُلِلّه مَسَنَّدُ
فمن قبله فرعونُ نمرودُ قبله وعاد وشدادُ بْن عاد تَمَرَّدُ او
فكلٌّ عليه قَدْ دعى انْبِيَاءُهُمْ ففادوا وبادوا كلّهم وتَفَرَّدُ او
دعى ربَّه موسى وعيسى وصالح وهود وابراهيم ثم محمد
فَمَدْعُوُنا سُبْحَانَهُ واحدٌ كَمَا اجيبوا يُجِيبُ المومنين وينجد
فيا ربِّ اُنْصُرْنِى كَمَا قَد نَصَرْتَهُمْ فإِنَّك لا حجرٌ عليك ولا يَدُ
وصَلِ عليهم ثم سَلِّمْ مُبارِكًا فما مِنْهُمُ الا حمِيدُ وأَحْمَدُ
TRANSLATION OF THE TWO POEMS OF ÁHMED EL BAKÁY.
BY DR. JOHN NICHOLSON, PENRITH.
“IN the name of GOD,” &c.
“And our Sheikh and Lord, Áhmed el Bakáy, the son of our Sheikh and Lord
Mohammed, the son of our Sheikh and Lord El Mukhtár, said, addressing
the assembly of the Fulán of Másina, when they attacked his guest, ʿAbd
el Kerím Barth, the Englishman, the Christian. (The metre is khafíf.)
“TELL the host of the Fulán,—I say, shameful! I am attacked in a great
and weighty matter. Ye have sought my guest: you will find him, when you
do find him, mighty, protected, the free guest of a free man, who is the
son of a free woman who was daughter of a freeman, and whose father was
a freeman, who lavished benefits. No slave bore me, nor did such foster
me in their bosoms as a suckling; and my father is he whom you know, and
his father. We have not descended from Sém, except as noble, as
munificent, as white of face, as lords or chieftains. Among their
mothers there is no daughter of a slave who bears coals, like herself,
that she may sell them; whose son is her master, whereas his father is
his master; who effected his manumission, as being obedient. No daughter
nor son of Hám was my parent, nor will I obey the sons of the lazy Hám.
Among the sons of the lazy Hám none but fat women and corpulent men see
guests [?]. My guest is my honour, and my honour never was in jeopardy;
therefore its guest shall never be imperilled. ʿAbd Menáf ben Kosay ben
Kiláb ben Morra, my ancestor, and Luway ben Gháleb, and Nizár ben Mʿadd,
admonish me not to fear; and Fehr ben Málik ben El Nadhr[159] forbids me
to entertain alarm or suspicion. El Wáfi increases ʿOmár, the Sheikh of
the sons of Áhmed el Bakáy, by the addition of a fair, freeborn man; and
El Kuntí increased him—the progeny of ʿAlí—who sprang from ʿUkbå the
Accepted, who perished heroically. Such were my ancestors, noblemen, and
their guest never died in agony.
“The Sultan is not alarmed that the homage and allegiance of the Sultan
will not be duly paid.[160] He will not be afraid of you, until the
Sultan ʿAbd el Mejíd is afraid of Nukmah.[161] War and blows are to be
found elsewhere than where ye seek; and wounds among the Zinj drive
forth the flowing blood,— without molesting this man,—and long spears
and cuts of swords round about on all sides, and the explosion of
cannons hither and thither, like thunders which crash in blasts and
reverberations. They consider the death in which men are destroyed,—they
count it a garden and a vernal season of noble youths and gallant lads,
and mature men who have grown old together in dignity, mounted on sleek,
swift horses, steeds, coursers, trained to run, tall piebalds, five-
year-olds, tall, fleet, wide-stepping, rapid, apple-rumped, plump, long-
boned, strong in back and neck, Arabian blood-horses of El Hódh, or
Tagánet, or Kidál[162], that are fed upon cooling milk.
“I am secure in my position.[163] He who attempts to contend with me
will be cut off, overwhelmed. I rely on ALLAH, the Lord of Moses, and
Jesus, and the Prophets, that I may see myself contented. HE aids the
solitary and deserted with His help, so that He overwhelms the multitude
altogether. Lo! Pharaoh was very wicked and very mighty: he lost his way
in the sea, and the host were laid low.
“Oh, Másina! reprove your brother, that he may become a submissive
friend to me, like the Imám Bello; or that he may be to me as both his
parents were before: if they did not suffer, they did not fear. Or, let
him leave me alone with his evil, and I will leave him alone. The best
of evil is that it should not manifest itself.
“Behold! the learned and the humane among you, the Ál Fódiye[164]; they
do not adopt a chief; they do not adopt any but one who is wise about
the way of the Most High, and who sees and hears. They respect the
honourable, because they are themselves such. They do not associate with
the ignoble: they only consort with those that are saints, learned,
poets, pious, abstemious. Repair the evil ye have done our neighbour;
and preserve affection for us, preserve for us unfailing gratitude and
inviolate brotherhood. If ye were willing, like them, ye should be in
it, and would earn both fame and benefits. But nature is queen. If
cowards only could, they certainly would be brave.”
“And he said again,—addressing the Fullán on the subject of his guest.
(The metre is Tawíl.)
“DID Mohammed Síd, the slave, and that slave a black one, really come
from Áhmed [ben] Áhmed, to inquire about my guest, in order to make him
return as [become] his guest, that he might plunder him, and fetter him,
and make him a guest of Kaúri with him, and with San-Shirfu?[165] My
guest is not accustomed to this! Or did Yaktán say the speech? Is he not
a dreamer? Yes, a dreamer, by ALLAH! Áhmed, Áhmed! And, besides my
guest, there is ʿAákil, and Yalamlam, and Ridhwa, and Hamlán, and Kudsu,
and Dhurwad.[166] Will he take him before death and the Indian scimitars
seize on his own head? Will he take him while the sword and the spear
are asleep, by stealth? Lo, the lances do not miss their aim! Will he
take him where all the Tawárek are, and of the Arabs, a Sheikh, and a
mature man, and a lad?
“The descendants of the Sheikh ʿOthmán ben Fódiye are our army; and of
our army Músa ben Bodhál is a witness; and Targaitamútu, the lions,
whose tribe Likáway[167], the nephew of Alkúttabu, leads, who lightens,
thunders; and Ákhbi ben Sálem, round whom are the Igwádaren, and Woghdu
Agga ’l Henne has a gathered host. And among the Tinkiríkíf there are
noble men, the Benu Hammalása, whose troop shows valour; and young men
from the Kél e’ Súk, who are lions in calamities, and who are brave,
assist my guest. These are the people in El Islám: they do not
disappoint me, and they are my brothers, and very useful and helpful to
me. I have among the tribe of the Fullán a body of men in the land who
run and hasten to defend the religion of ALLAH. Dearer to them than
their house and family and souls is the religion of ALLAH, who is
mighty! Whenever they see infidelity and rebellion against their Lord,
they resist, and go aside from every impious person. And I have some of
the men of ALLAH in the land, and also of the angels, as an auxiliary
and a scattering host. And my trust—my trust is in ALLAH, whose majesty
is great! and there is no help except from Him; and ALLAH is most
mighty! So there is no help except from Him; not even from the angels,
though they be mighty and worthy of praise. He is GOD, who is great! He
redoubles His aid against every oppressor who is violent and exorbitant.
As for me, it is sufficient protection against Áhmed that I should pray
to ALLAH in the belly[168] of this night that approaches. I will aim my
prayer at Him, at the dawn, like an arrow. He shall find himself, when
he sees to-morrow, smitten with death. But if he repents one day, that
will be best for him. But if he refuse,—will not repent,—then the matter
is referred to ALLAH. Before him, Pharaoh, and Nimród, and ʿAád, and
Sheddád ben ʿAád rebelled: but all those on whom their prophets invoked
vengeance perished, and disappeared, and were desolated. Moses, and
Jesus, and Sálih, and Húd, and Abraham, and subsequently Mohammed,
called on their Lord. He alone then—glory to his name!—is the One we
invoke. Just as they obey, so will He answer and help the faithful.
Then, help me, O LORD, in the same way as Thou didst help them: for
there is no defence and no help above Thee. And bless and prosper them
with benedictions; for there are not any among them but those that
deserve praise and honour.
“Finished with the help of GOD,” &c. &c.
[Footnote 159: All the preceding names are those of well-known ancestors
of Mohammed, the prophet: those that follow are the poet’s own.]
[Footnote 160: I cannot approve this translation of Dr. Nicholson. I
read صببعا and translate—“The sultan is not afraid, lest he may not be
feared, or obedience not be paid him. The Sultan (ʿAbd el Mejíd) is not
a young lad.” El Bakay, I think, opposes here the Sultan ʿAbd el Mejíd
to the young chief Áhmedu ben Áhmedu, who was quite a young man. Dr.
Nicholson observes that there is a great fault in the metre of the first
hemistich; but that the consonants of the text are strictly those of the
MS.—H. B.]
[Footnote 161: This place, Nukmah, or Núgguma, is probably the small
place of that name in Másina, and not the village called also “Ksar el
Mʿallemín,” mentioned above, p. 250. But I am not quite certain about
it.—H. B.]
[Footnote 162: Three districts celebrated for their breed of horses.
Kidál lies between Mabrúk and the country of the Awelímmiden.—H. B.]
[Footnote 163: Literally, “My fat is in my wallet.” Freitag, “Arab.
Prov.” i. p. 664.]
[Footnote 164: The poet here exhibits to the hostile ruler of Másina the
docile behaviour of his friends, the rulers of Sókoto, the successors of
the Sheikh Fódiye.—H. B.]
[Footnote 165: San-Shirfu is the name of one of the two kádhis of
Timbúktu. Kaúri is the name of the emír.—H. B.]
[Footnote 166: This passage about Yaktán neither I nor Dr. Nicholson are
able to clear up fully.—H. B.]
[Footnote 167: See what is said about this man, whose name is generally
pronounced Elágwi, in the Appendix III. to Vol. V. p. 553. Ákhbi,
Woghdu, and the other people are mentioned repeatedly by me.—H. B.]
[Footnote 168: _i.e._ The latter third.]
APPENDIX IX.
* * * * *
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE
OF THE
HISTORY OF SONGHAY AND THE NEIGHBOURING KINGDOMS.
* * * * *
+-------------------------+---------+---------+-------------------------+
| Songhay. | A.D. | A.H. | Neighbouring Kingdoms. |
+-------------------------+---------+---------+-------------------------+
| | | | |
| | 300 | |The kingdom of Ghána, or |
| | | |Ghánata, the central |
| | | |portion of which |
| | | |comprised the present |
| | | |province of Bághena, |
| | | |founded by Wakayamagha or|
| | | |mangha (mangho = great? |
| | | |Magha = Mohammed?) about |
| | | |three centuries before |
| | | |the Hejra; the ruling |
| | | |family whites |
| | | |(Leucæthiopes? Fúlbe?). |
| | | |At the commencement of |
| | | |the Hejra twenty-two |
| | | |kings had ruled.[169] |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Zá Alayámin (Zá el |Begin. of|Beginning| |
|Yemeni) comes to Kúkíá | 7th |of Hejra.| |
|(El Bekrí’s Kúgha, Ca da | century.| | |
|Mosto’s Cochia), a very | | | |
|ancient place, and the | | | |
|older residence of | | | |
|Songhay, and founds the | | | |
|eldest dynasty of the Zá.| | | |
|The Libyan origin of this| | | |
|dynasty, of which that of| | | |
|the Sonní was a mere | | | |
|continuation, is very | | | |
|distinctly intimated by | | | |
|Leo Africanus, in the | | | |
|words “della stirpe di | | | |
|Libya.”[171] | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 679-80 | 60 |Already at this early |
| | | |date an extensive |
| | | |Mohammedan quarter |
| | | |existed in Ghánata, |
| | | |containing 12 |
| | | |mosques.[170] There is |
| | | |considerable doubt with |
| | | |regard to the accuracy of|
| | | |the date. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 837 | 222 |Death of Tilútan, chief |
| | | |of the Limtúna, very |
| | | |powerful in the desert; |
| | | |he adopted Islám, and |
| | | |converted the |
| | | |neighbouring Negro |
| | | |tribes. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Gógó, an important | 893 |about 280| |
|commercial place, where | | | |
|Makhled Ébn Kaidád, with | | | |
|the surname of Ábú Yezíd,| | | |
|that great revolutionist | | | |
|who brought so much | | | |
|mischief over Northern | | | |
|Africa, was born. His | | | |
|father came often from | | | |
|Tózer to this place for | | | |
|trading purposes[172], | | | |
|evidently by way of | | | |
|Wárgelá, that most | | | |
|ancient trading place on | | | |
|the northern border of | | | |
|the desert. We thus see | | | |
|that _the commerce | | | |
|between Northern Africa | | | |
|and Negroland was | | | |
|infinitely older_ than it| | | |
|has ever been supposed. I| | | |
|may here add, that I have| | | |
|not the slightest doubt | | | |
|that Wárgelá is meant by | | | |
|the Bakalitis of Ptolemy | | | |
|(lib. iv. c. 7, p. 305., | | | |
|ed. Wilberg.), which he | | | |
|describes from the side | | | |
|of Egypt as lying beyond | | | |
|Fezzán, although no Roman| | | |
|ruins exist in Wárgelá. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 900 | 287 |Death of Ilettan, the |
| | | |successor of Tilútan. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 918 | 306 |Temím, the successor of |
| | | |Ilettan, slain by the |
| | | |Zenágha or Senhája, after|
| | | |which a division takes |
| | | |place among the Berber |
| | | |tribes established on the|
| | | |border of the Desert and |
| | | |Negroland. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Kúkíá still the ordinary | 961 | 350 |Tin-Yerútán, king of, or |
|residence of the king of | | |rather a Berber chief |
|Songhay, who already at | | |having his residence in, |
|that period becomes very | | |Aúdaghost, an important |
|powerful. | | |trading colony of the |
| | | |Zenágha, who appear at |
| | | |that time to have |
| | | |dominated over the whole |
| | | |of the neighbouring part |
| | | |of Negroland, including |
| | | |Ghánata. In the very year|
| | | |mentioned, this place, |
| | | |which carried on at that |
| | | |time a most flourishing |
| | | |trade with Sijilmésa, was|
| | | |visited by the Arab |
| | | |geographer, Ébn |
| | | |Haúkal.[173] Kúgha |
| | | |(Kúkíá) was at that |
| | | |period so powerful that |
| | | |the king of Aúdaghost |
| | | |thought it prudent to |
| | | |make presents to the king|
| | | |of that place (the king |
| | | |of Songhay), in order to |
| | | |prevent him from making |
| | | |war upon him. |
| | | |Nevertheless twenty-three|
| | | |Negro kings are said to |
| | | |have been tributary to |
| | | |another king of |
| | | |Aúdaghost, named Tinezwa,|
| | | |in the fourth century of |
| | | |the Hejra.—The site of |
| | | |Aúdaghost is quite |
| | | |evident from El Bekrí’s |
| | | |excellent itinerary:—“You|
| | | |march five days in the |
| | | |sandhills of Warán, till |
| | | |you come to the copious |
| | | |well of the Bení Wáreth; |
| | | |then further on the well |
| | | |Warán; then a well |
| | | |watered district of three|
| | | |days.” At the same time |
| | | |the abundance of gum |
| | | |trees near Aúdaghost |
| | | |proves distinctly that |
| | | |the distance of fifteen |
| | | |days intervening between |
| | | |Aúdaghost, or Ghánata |
| | | |(near Waláta), is to be |
| | | |reckoned in a westerly |
| | | |direction, and that |
| | | |Aúdaghost therefore is to|
| | | |be sought for in the |
| | | |neighbourhood of Tejigja |
| | | |and Kasr el Barka, and |
| | | |not to the north-east of |
| | | |Waláta. I shall say more |
| | | |on this subject in |
| | | |another place.—At that |
| | | |time Aulíl was the great |
| | | |place for salt. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 990 | 380 |Intercourse established |
| | | |with Negroland, according|
| | | |to the statement of |
| | | |Leo.[174] |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Zá Kasí, the 15th prince | 1009 | 400 | |
|of the dynasty of the Zá,| | | |
|adopts Islám. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1034-5 | 426 |Ábú ʿAbd Allah, son of |
| | | |Tifaut, surnamed Naresht,|
| | | |again unites under his |
| | | |sway all the Berber |
| | | |tribes of the desert; |
| | | |makes a pilgrimage; dies |
| | | |429. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1040-1 | 432 |Warjábi, the Mohammedan |
| | | |apostle of Tekrúr, died. |
| | | |Among others, the |
| | | |inhabitants of Silla were|
| | | |converted by him. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1043-4 | 435 |Jinni is founded[175], |
| | | |and soon becomes wealthy,|
| | | |owing to the trade in |
| | | |salt (from Tegháza) and |
| | | |gold (from Bítu). |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1048-9 | 440 |ʿAbd Allah Ébn Yasín |
| | | |begins to teach and to |
| | | |reform. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1052 | 445 |Aúdaghost, which had |
| | | |become dependent upon |
| | | |Ghánata, conquered and |
| | | |ransacked by the |
| | | |Merábetín, the disciples |
| | | |of ʿAbd Allah Ebn Yasín, |
| | | |in the same year as |
| | | |Sijilmésa. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1055-6 | 447 |Yahia Ébn ʿOmár, chief of|
| | | |the Merábetín, dies, and |
| | | |is succeeded by his |
| | | |brother Ábú Bakr. The |
| | | |king of Ghánata, |
| | | |Tankámenín, son of the |
| | | |sister of Besí, an |
| | | |excellent king, evidently|
| | | |dependent on Ábú Bakr. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1061 | 453 |Ábu Bakr ben ʿOmár makes |
| | | |an expedition on a grand |
| | | |scale against the Negro |
| | | |tribes. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| _Ábú ʿObaid Allah el Bekrí’s invaluable Account of Negroland._ |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Gógó[176], or Gágho (the | 1067 | 460 |The Senhája at this |
|capital of Songhay), | | |period ruled over the |
|consisting of two towns, | | |whole western part of the|
|one the residence of the | | |desert, and spread Islám |
|king and the quarter of | | |over the neighbouring |
|the Mohammedans, the | | |parts of Negroland, |
|other inhabited by | | |especially towards |
|idolaters. | | |Ghánata. |
| | | | |
|The Mohammedan worship so| | |Further eastward, between|
|predominant already, that| | |the southerly bend of the|
|none but a Moslím could | | |Niger and the later town |
|be king; nay, on the | | |of Ágades, were the |
|accession of a new king | | |Seghmára, under the |
|three royal emblems, | | |dominion of the |
|consisting of a ring, a | | |Tademékka, who had a very|
|sword, and a Kuran | | |large town (Tademékka), a|
|(مصحٮ), which were said | | |great commercial centre, |
|to have been handed down | | |nine days from Gógó, and |
|from former times, having| | |forty from Ghadámes. |
|been sent by an Emír el | | | |
|Múmenín (evidently from | | |Between Tademékka and |
|Egypt), were given to | | |Ghánata there was a |
|him. Thus we see, that | | |commercial place of |
|already at that early | | |importance called Tirekka|
|period the king of | | |(see Vol. V. p. 150.). |
|Songhay was a Ruler of | | |Sáma and Hómbori, |
|the Faithful, and the | | |considerable seats of |
|account of Áhmed Bábá, | | |power. |
|who dates Islám in this | | | |
|kingdom from the year | | | |
|400, is confirmed in a | | | |
|remarkable manner. El | | | |
|Bekrí calls the then | | | |
|ruling king Kandá, and he| | | |
|is most probably | | | |
|identical with the Zá | | | |
|Bayuki or Bayarkoy Kaima | | | |
|(of Áhmed Bábá), the | | | |
|third successor of Zá | | | |
|Kasí. | | | |
| | | | |
|Gógó already at that time| | | |
|was an important market | | | |
|place, chiefly for salt, | | | |
|which was brought from | | | |
|the Berber town Taútek, | | | |
|six days beyond | | | |
|Tademékka, which place | | | |
|was nine days from Gógó. | | | |
| | | | |
|El Bekrí, besides Gógó, | | | |
|gives a very interesting | | | |
|account of Kúgha, but, | | | |
|unfortunately, he | | | |
|gives[177] no particulars| | | |
|with regard to its | | | |
|situation, except the | | | |
|distance of fifteen days | | | |
|from Ghánata, and | | | |
|especially neglects to | | | |
|determine its situation | | | |
|with regard to Gógó; but | | | |
|there is no doubt that it| | | |
|was identical with the | | | |
|Kúkíá of Áhmed Bábá, the | | | |
|old capital, Ca da | | | |
|Mosto’s Cochia.[178] | | | |
| | | | |
|This town, therefore, | | | |
|which was lying at the | | | |
|very outset of the | | | |
|Egyptian caravan road, | | | |
|already at that time was | | | |
|inhabited exclusively by | | | |
|Mohammedans, while all | | | |
|around were idolaters. It| | | |
|was the greatest market | | | |
|for gold in all | | | |
|Negroland, although the | | | |
|quality of the gold | | | |
|brought to Aúdaghost was | | | |
|better than that exported| | | |
|from Kúgha. Besides gold,| | | |
|salt, wodʿa or shells | | | |
|(from Persia?), copper | | | |
|and euphorbium (فربيون?) | | | |
|were the chief articles | | | |
|of trade. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1076 | 469 |Ghánata conquered by the |
| | | |Senhája, and great part |
| | | |of the inhabitants, as |
| | | |well as the neighbouring |
| | | |districts of Negroland, |
| | | |compelled by the |
| | | |Merábetín to embrace the |
| | | |Mohammedan faith. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Towards the end of the | | |Ábú Bakr ben ʿOmár takes |
|fifth century of the | | |up his residence in this |
|Hejra, Timbúktu, or | | |part of Negroland. |
|Túmbutu, founded by the | | | |
|Ímóshagh (Tawárek), | | | |
|especially the tribes of | | | |
|the Ídenán and the | | | |
|Imedídderen, after it had| | | |
|been for a time their | | | |
|occasional camping | | | |
|ground, just as was the | | | |
|case with Árawán. First | | | |
|settlement at Bósebángo. | | | |
|It was at first a small | | | |
|market place for the | | | |
|inhabitants of the | | | |
|province of Rʿad. (?) | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1087-8 | 480 |Ábú Bakr ben ʿOmár dies. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1153 | 548 |El Edrísi’s account of |
| | | |Negroland, composed at |
| | | |this period, is not to be|
| | | |relied on in general, |
| | | |with the exception of a |
| | | |few instances, where he |
| | | |enters into particulars: |
| | | |for instance, the |
| | | |populous state of the |
| | | |towns of Silla and Tekrúr|
| | | |(Zágha), the latter being|
| | | |more populous and |
| | | |industrious; the salt |
| | | |mines of Aulíl,—the only |
| | | |ones known at that time |
| | | |in Negroland! (p. 11.); |
| | | |the rising of the |
|Gógó, according to | | |Mandingo, or Wángara race|
|Edrísi, powerful, and | | |(the Wákoré), a name then|
|dominating over the | | |first appearing. Very |
|neighbouring tracts; | | |doubtful appear the |
|horses and camels; the | | |following data:—Tirki, or|
|nobility well dressed, | | |Tirekka, belonging to |
|having the face veiled; | | |Wángara; even Kúgha, a |
|the common people wearing| | |dependence of Wángara, |
|leathern frocks. The | | |while at the same time |
|natives of Aújila already| | |Gógó—the real |
|at that period carried on| | |Gógó[179]—is said to have|
|a spirited trade with | | |been absolute and |
|Gógó (Edrísí, vol. i. p. | | |independent. The great |
|238.). | | |commercial importance of |
| | | |Wárgelá is confirmed, the|
| | | |inhabitants supplying |
| | | |Gógó with dates, and |
| | | |buying up the greater |
| | | |part of the gold brought |
| | | |there to market. Rice |
| | | |cultivated on the Niger, |
| | | |in the district of the |
| | | |Merása. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | | |Ghánata ruled by a |
| | | |descendant of Ábú |
| | | |Táleb[180], of the |
| | | |Zenágha tribe, who paid |
| | | |allegiance to the khalíf |
| | | |in the East; but, if we |
| | | |can believe Edrísi, he |
| | | |had still a large empire.|
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1203-4 | 600 |Ghánata having become |
| | | |very weak, is conquered |
| | | |by the Súsu, a tribe |
| | | |related to the Wákoré. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1203-4 | 600 |The tribe or dynasty of |
| | | |the Árúsíyin becomes |
| | | |powerful in the |
| | | |neighbourhood of Waláta. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | | |The inhabitants of Jinni,|
| | | |at least the ruling |
| | | |portion, including the |
| | | |king, adopt Islám. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Timbúktu (erroneously) | 1213 | 610 |?Baramindána, first |
|stated by Leo | | |Moslim king of Melle, |
|Africanus[181] to have | | |styled king of Tekrúr by |
|been founded by Mansa | | |Makrízi, makes the |
|Slímán. This is evident | | |pilgrimage. |
|confusion; the reason of | | | |
|which is, that Mansa | | | |
|Slímán, who reigned in | | | |
|the middle of the | | | |
|fourteenth century, | | | |
|restored Timbúktu after | | | |
|it had been plundered by | | | |
|the people of Mósi. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1233-4 | 631-633 |With the death of Ébn |
| | | |Ghanía the domination of |
| | | |the great race of the |
| | | |Senhája ends.[182] The |
| | | |remains of this great |
| | | |tribe in the southern |
| | | |part of the desert (the |
| | | |Limtúna and Messúfa) [the|
| | | |latter as Meshedúf] are |
| | | |gradually reduced to the |
| | | |degraded condition of |
| | | |tributaries. Islám |
| | | |spreads east of the |
| | | |Niger, and the name |
| | | |Tekrúr appears in Kebbi, |
| | | |probably in connection |
| | | |with the town of Zágha |
| | | |(see Appendix VI.). |
| | | |_Bíru_, or _Waláta_, at |
| | | |that time the great |
| | | |emporium of Western |
| | | |Negroland. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| |1235-1260| 633-658 |Mári Játah, king of |
| | | |Melle, on the upper |
| | | |Niger, conquers the Súsu,|
| | | |who at that time were |
| | | |masters of Ghánata. This |
| | | |is evidently the period |
| | | |of the beginning of the |
| | | |great commercial |
| | | |importance of Jinni, |
| | | |which now became a most |
| | | |powerful and wealthy |
| | | |state, as a well- |
| | | |frequented market of the |
| | | |Serracolets or Wakoré, |
| | | |Fúlbe, Jolof, Zenágha, |
| | | |the inhabitants of |
| | | |Western Tekrúr, and the |
| | | |Udáya.[183] |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| |1259-1276| 658-675 |Mansa Wáli, son of Mári |
| | | |Játah, performs the |
| | | |pilgrimage to Mekka in |
| | | |the reign of Sultan |
| | | |Bibars. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1276 | 675 |Mansa Wáli, brother of |
| | | |the latter. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | | |Mansa Khalífa, succeeds |
| | | |him; of insane mind; is |
| | | |murdered by his people. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | | |Mansa Ábú Bakr. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Some authors, such as | 1310 | 710 |Sákúra, or rather |
|Makrízi (Opuscl. Mscr. | | |Sábkara, a usurper, made |
|fol. 129 r.), attribute | | |the pilgrimage to Mekka |
|to this chief the | | |in the time of El Málík |
|conquest of Gágho or | | |e’ Násir. |
|Gógó, that is to say, | | | |
|Songhay, by the Mellians;| | | |
|but from the account of | | | |
|Áhmed Bábá it is clear | | | |
|that such was not the | | | |
|case. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| |1311-1331| 711-731 |Mansa Músa (properly |
| | | |Kunkur Músa), the |
| | | |greatest king of Melle, |
| | | |succeeds this usurper, |
| | | |develops the whole |
| | | |military and political |
| | | |power of that kingdom, |
| | | |which, according to the |
| | | |expressive terms of Áhmed|
| | | |Bábá[184], the Songhay |
| | | |historian, possessed “an |
| | | |aggressive strength |
| | | |without measure or |
| | | |limit.” While thus |
| | | |extending his dominion |
| | | |over an immense portion |
| | | |of Negroland, he kept on |
| | | |the very best terms with |
| | | |the Sultan Ábú ’l Hassan |
| | | |of El Mághreb (Morocco). |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | | |Mansa Músa subjected to |
| | | |his dominion the four |
| | | |large territories of the |
| | | |Western part of |
| | | |Negroland; first, |
| | | |Bághena, formed out of |
| | | |the remnants of the |
| | | |kingdom of Ghánata, and |
| | | |including the whole |
| | | |inhabited country of |
| | | |Tagánet and Áderér; |
| | | |secondly, Zágha, or the |
| | | |Western Tekrúr, together |
| | | |with Silla; then |
| | | |Timbúktu, at that time |
| | | |still, as it seems, |
| | | |independent of Gógó; and |
| | | |finally Songhay, with its|
| | | |capital Gógó. Jinni, |
| | | |however, probably owing |
| | | |to its nearly insular |
| | | |character seems not to |
| | | |have become subjected to |
| | | |Melle even at this |
| | | |period, although it was |
| | | |engaged in continual |
| | | |warfare. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|It is probably at the | 1326 | 726 |Mansa Músa makes a |
|period of this | | |pilgrimage to Mekka, with|
|pilgrimage, and not | | |a very numerous cortége, |
|before, that both Songhay| | |resembling an army, and |
|and Timbúktu became | | |with great riches, going |
|dependent on Melle, | | |by way of Waláta and |
|although the dependence | | |Tawát and returning by |
|was even at this time | | |Gágho or Gógó. |
|limited, the king of | | | |
|Songhay having, as it | | |Melle Proper seems to |
|seems, quietly made his | | |have had a double |
|subjection on the | | |principle of government, |
|approach of the host of | | |one political and the |
|Melle. Músa built a | | |other national. In |
|mosque and a mihráb | | |political respects Melle |
|outside the then town | | |was divided into two |
|(Mohammedan quarter?) of | | |provinces—a northerly and|
|Gógó. | | |a southerly one, probably|
| | | |divided by the Dhiúliba; |
|Timbúktu also, as it | | |the governor of the |
|would seem, surrendered | | |former being called |
|without resistance[185], | | |Faraná (Farengh) Súra, |
|and the king of Melle | | |the other |
|built here a palace | | |Sangharzú-mʿa.[186] But |
|(mʿa-dugu), and the great| | |in national respects |
|mosque Jéngeré-bér, or | | |Melle formed three large |
|Jámʿa el kebíra, with the| | |provinces, Kála, |
|assistance of the same | | |Bennendúgu, and |
|Ís-hák, a native of | | |Sabardúgu, each with |
|Granáta (the “Granata vir| | |twelve chiefs or |
|artificissimus” of Leo, | | |governors[187], and each |
|although commonly called | | |represented at court by |
|e’ Sáheli, as if he were | | |an inspector; the |
|a native of Morocco), who| | |inspector of the province|
|built his palace in | | |of Kála was called |
|Melle. That space of the | | |Wafála-feréngh. Kála |
|town of Timbúktu included| | |comprised evidently the |
|between the two great | | |province next to Jinni |
|mosques, Jéngeré-bér in | | |along the northern side |
|the south-western, and | | |of the river, including |
|San-koré in the northern | | |the towns of Sáre and |
|quarter, was at that time| | |Sáme; and the town of |
|open, and not inhabited. | | |Kála itself, which formed|
|The mosque San-koré is | | |the residence of the |
|generally stated to have | | |province, will be spoken |
|been the oldest mosque in| | |of in the Appendix to |
|Timbúktu, although Áhmed | | |Vol. V. Bennendúgu, also,|
|Bábá, who only states | | |the country of the Benni,|
|that it was built at the | | |known from other |
|expense of a rich wife, | | |accounts, lay entirely on|
|is not very explicit with| | |the S. side of the river,|
|regard to this | | |and Sabardúgu beyond, in |
|circumstance. | | |the direction of the |
| | | |central portion of Melle.|
|Although Timbúktu thus | | |The important district |
|lost its independence, it| | |Bitu or Bido seems to |
|reaped a great advantage | | |have been included in |
|from becoming a portion | | |Melle Proper. |
|of a powerful kingdom, | | | |
|and being thus well | | | |
|protected against any | | | |
|violence offered on the | | | |
|part of the neighbouring | | | |
|Berber population; and in| | | |
|consequence the town | | | |
|increased rapidly, it | | | |
|becoming soon a market | | | |
|place of the first rank, | | | |
|so that the most | | | |
|respectable merchants | | | |
|from Misr, Fezzán, | | | |
|Ghadámes, Tawát, | | | |
|Tafilélet, Darʿah, Fás, | | | |
|Sús, and other places | | | |
|gradually left Bíru or | | | |
|Waláta, and migrated to | | | |
|Timbúktu, although this | | | |
|was more frequently the | | | |
|case after the time of | | | |
|Sonní ʿAlí. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|The town of Timbúktu | 1329 | ?730 | |
|ransacked and destroyed | | | |
|by fire and sword by the | | | |
|king of Mósi, the | | | |
|garrison of Melle making | | | |
|their escape, and giving | | | |
|up the town. The power of| | | |
|Mósi, which up to this | | | |
|time has always been the | | | |
|successful champion of | | | |
|paganism, is very | | | |
|remarkable at such an | | | |
|early period, but the | | | |
|date is not quite certain| | | |
|within a year or two. If | | | |
|the date given be right, | | | |
|it happened towards the | | | |
|end of the reign of Mansa| | | |
|Músa. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1331-5 | 732-736 |Mansa Mágha succeeds to |
| | | |his father Mansa Músa, |
| | | |and reigns four years. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|The Songhay prince, ʿAlí | | | |
|Killun, or Kilnu, son of | | | |
|Zá Yásebí, escapes in the| | | |
|company of his brother | | | |
|from the court of Melle, | | | |
|where the princes had | | | |
|served as pages, Songhay | | | |
|owing allegiance to Melle| | | |
|at that period. Having | | | |
|safely reached his native| | | |
|country, Songhay Proper, | | | |
|with the capital Gógó, he| | | |
|makes himself independent| | | |
|in a certain degree from | | | |
|Melle, by founding the | | | |
|dynasty of the | | | |
|Sonni.[188] | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1335-6 | 736 |Mansa Slímán, a brother |
| | | |of Músa and uncle of |
| | | |Mágha, succeeds to the |
| | | |throne of Melle, and |
| | | |restores the strength of |
| | | |the kingdom. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Timbúktu having been | | 737 |Mansa Slímán again takes |
|left, as it seems, to | | |possession of |
|itself for seven years, | | |Timbúktu[189], and even |
|relapses into a state of | | |obliges Songhay Proper to|
|subjection or allegiance | | |acknowledge his |
|to Melle, and remains in | | |supremacy. |
|this condition for the | | | |
|next 100 years. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | | 752 |A king of Tekrúr makes a |
| | | |pilgrimage.[190] |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Travels of Ébn Batúta, | 1352-3 | 753-754 | |
|who visits Waláta, the | | | |
|frontier province of | | | |
|Melle, and an important | | | |
|trading-place, where at | | | |
|that time the Masúfa | | | |
|formed the higher class; | | | |
|thence by way of | | | |
|Karsekho, he went to | | | |
|Melle, or Máli, the | | | |
|capital of the great | | | |
|empire, situated on a | | | |
|northerly creek of the | | | |
|Dhiúliba[191]; whence he | | | |
|proceeded by land by way | | | |
|of Mímah to Timbúktu. | | | |
| | | | |
|Timbúktu at that time was| | |The town of Tademékka, or|
|inhabited mostly by | | |rather Súk, in the |
|people of Mímah and by | | |territory of the |
|Tawárek (Moláthemín), | | |Tademekket, had by this |
|especially Masúfa, who | | |time evidently lost a |
|had a headman of their | | |great deal of its |
|own, while the Melle | | |importance. |
|governor was Farba Músa. | | | |
| | | | |
|Ébn Batúta embarked in | | | |
|Timbúktu, or rather | | | |
|Kábara, and went along | | | |
|the river to Gógó, | | | |
|evidently at that time | | | |
|the common highroad of | | | |
|travellers. Gógó at that | | | |
|period was in a certain | | | |
|degree dependent on | | | |
|Melle. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1359 | 760 |Mansa Ébn Slímán reigned |
| | | |nine months. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1360 | 761 |Mansa Játah, son of Mansa|
| | | |Mágha, ascended the |
| | | |throne. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1360-1 | 762 |The same king sent an |
| | | |embassy to Ábú el Hassan |
| | | |of Morocco. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|The fact of Mari Játah | 1373 | 775 |Mansa Músa (II.), son of |
|conquering Tekádda, at | | |the latter, a weak king, |
|that time the commercial | | |the vizier Mári Játah |
|entrepôt between Songhay | | |usurping the power and |
|and Egypt, also mentioned| | |conquering Tekádda (the |
|by Ébn Batúta, shows | | |trading place spoken of |
|clearly that he was | | |on a former occasion, |
|master of Songhay, and | | |Vol. I. p. 465.) for a |
|exercised over it a | | |short time. |
|certain degree of | | | |
|supremacy. Timbúktu, as | | | |
|Timbuch, appears in the | | | |
|_Mappamondo Catalan_—the | | | |
|first time that it | | | |
|becomes known to | | | |
|Europeans. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1387 | 789 |Mansa Mágha, brother of |
| | | |the preceding king, |
| | | |succeeds to the throne; |
| | | |is killed after a reign |
| | | |of about a year. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1388 | 790 |Another usurper. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1390 | 792 |Mahmúd, a descendant of |
| | | |Mári Játah, the first |
| | | |king. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1431 | 835 |A king of Tekrúr makes a |
| | | |pilgrimage, dies in the |
| | | |town of Tór in the |
| | | |peninsula of Sinai. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Timbúktu conquered by the| 1433 | 837 |The empire of Melle |
|Ímóshagh (probably not | | |begins gradually to |
|the Masúfa, at that time | | |decline; the power being |
|not yet blended with the | | |divided among three, or |
|Arabs, and who had always| | |rather five, separate |
|been powerful in that | | |parties, the governors of|
|place) under Ákil (Eg | | |each of the three |
|Malwal). The people of | | |national provinces and |
|Melle had been so much | | |the two governors of the |
|weakened by continual | | |political provinces; the |
|inroads that they retired| | |Tawárek at the same time |
|before the greater force,| | |spreading devastation |
|and were driven out for | | |everywhere. |
|ever. Ákil, however, did | | | |
|not reside in the town, | | | |
|preferring a nomadic | | | |
|life; but he installed as| | | |
|governor, or Túmbutu-koy,| | | |
|Mohammed Násr, a Senháji | | | |
|from Shingít, who had | | | |
|also taken part in the | | | |
|government of the town | | | |
|under the rule of Melle. | | | |
|This Mohammed Násr built | | | |
|the mosque Yáhia in | | | |
|Timbúktu, which was | | | |
|called after his friend | | | |
|the Weli Yáhia from | | | |
|Tádelest. To the Túmbutu-| | | |
|koy belonged the third | | | |
|part of all taxes and of | | | |
|the whole revenue of the | | | |
|town. In the beginning | | | |
|the rule of the Tawárek, | | | |
|which according to the | | | |
|distinct statement of | | | |
|Áhmed Bábá never extended| | | |
|beyond the river, was | | | |
|mild; but gradually they | | | |
|became overbearing, using| | | |
|even violence towards the| | | |
|wives of the inhabitants,| | | |
|and offending ʿOmár, the | | | |
|son and successor of | | | |
|Mohammed Násr, by | | | |
|cheating him of his | | | |
|revenue. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1448 | 852 |The Portuguese Company |
| | | |for opening the trade |
| | | |along the coast of Africa|
| | | |is established. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1454 | 860 |Melle, in the account of |
| | | |Aloise Ca da Mosto, still|
| | | |a very powerful kingdom, |
| | | |the most powerful in the |
| | | |whole of Negroland, |
| | | |including the whole of |
| | | |the Gambia, and most |
| | | |important for the |
| | | |commerce of gold, the |
| | | |trade in which divided |
| | | |into three branches; one |
| | | |proceeding from Melle |
| | | |towards Kúkíá, and thence|
| | | |to Egypt; the other from |
| | | |Melle to Túmbutu, and |
| | | |thence to Tawát; the |
| | | |other likewise by way of |
| | | |Túmbutu, but thence to |
| | | |Wadán (Oden), which then |
| | | |was a very important |
| | | |place, not only for gold |
| | | |but also for the slave |
|Timbúktu, or Túmbutu, an | | |trade.[192] Timbúktu |
|important entrepôt for | | |already at that time was |
|the salt trade. | | |a very important entrepôt|
| | | |for the salt, which all |
| | | |came from the mines of |
| | | |Tegháza. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1460 | 865-6 |The town of Ágades, built|
| | | |according to Marmol (see |
| | | |Vol. I. p. 459.), and |
| | | |nothing is more probable |
| | | |than that this commercial|
| | | |entrepôt was built about |
| | | |this time, perhaps a few |
| | | |years later, as it is |
| | | |Sonni ʿAlí who is said to|
| | | |have destroyed the very |
| | | |important market-place of|
| | | |Tademékka, which for many|
| | | |centuries had carried on |
| | | |the commerce between the |
| | | |Niger and Egypt. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Sonni ʿAlí, son of Sonni | 1464-5 | 869 | |
|Mohammed Dʿaú, “the great| | | |
|tyrant and famous | | | |
|miscreant,” but a king of| | | |
|the highest historical | | | |
|importance for Negroland,| | | |
|the sixteenth of the | | | |
|Sonni, ascended the | | | |
|throne in Gágho, and | | | |
|changed the whole face of| | | |
|this part of Africa by | | | |
|prostrating the kingdom | | | |
|of Melle. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Invited by ʿOmár, the | 1468-9 | 873 | |
|Túmbutu-koy, Sonni ʿAlí | | | |
|marches against Timbúktu,| | | |
|which had never before | | | |
|belonged to Songhay | | | |
|Proper. While his | | | |
|horsemen appear on the | | | |
|south side of the river, | | | |
|Ákil makes his escape | | | |
|towards Bíru or Waláta. | | | |
|Sonni ʿAlí then, instead | | | |
|of attacking immediately | | | |
|the town of Timbúktu, | | | |
|went first to El Hódh, | | | |
|the south-western | | | |
|province of Waláta. | | | |
|Having thence returned to| | | |
|Timbúktu, from whence | | | |
|ʿOmár also, the Túmbutu- | | | |
|koy, had meanwhile fled | | | |
|to Bíru[193], he | | | |
|ransacked and plundered | | | |
|the town, and made a | | | |
|terrible havoc amongst | | | |
|its inhabitants, even | | | |
|surpassing that which | | | |
|took place on the | | | |
|occasion of the pagan | | | |
|king of Móshi conquering | | | |
|the town. Sonni ʿAlí | | | |
|seems especially to have | | | |
|exercised some cruelty | | | |
|against the learned men. | | | |
|But, notwithstanding, the| | | |
|town seems soon to have | | | |
|recovered from this blow,| | | |
|for it was in the latter | | | |
|part of this century that| | | |
|it became more densely | | | |
|inhabited than before. | | | |
|But the reason was that, | | | |
|in consequence of the | | | |
|conquests of Sonni ʿAlí, | | | |
|the Arab merchants from | | | |
|the north broke off their| | | |
|traffic with Ghánata or | | | |
|Waláta (Bíru), and | | |Waláta or Bíru becomes |
|instead began to visit | | |insignificant, all the |
|the markets of Timbúktu | | |merchants emigrating to |
|and Gógó. | | |Timbúktu and Gógó. |
| | | | |
|Sonni ʿAlí conquered | | | |
|Bághena, that is, the | | | |
|centre or original part | | | |
|of the ancient kingdom of| | | |
|Ghánata and the later | | | |
|Waláta, but satisfied | | | |
|himself with making the | | | |
|chief of that country his| | | |
|tributary. Sonni ʿAlí | | | |
|then made Jinni likewise | | | |
|tributary, which place | | | |
|had not been conquered | | | |
|even by the kings of | | | |
|Melle, and he there | | | |
|likewise caused an | | | |
|immense bloodshed. Jinni | | | |
|was at that time highly | | | |
|flourishing through its | | | |
|industry in native | | | |
|cloth.[194] At a later | | | |
|time the first Áskíá held| | | |
|the king of Jinni as a | | | |
|prisoner in his capital. | | | |
|(Leo, l. vii. c. 3.) | | | |
| | | | |
|It must have been Sonni | | |In the South-Western part|
|ʿAlí to whom João II. of | | |of the desert the |
|Portugal, sent an | | |Berabísh and the Udáya |
|embassy; and it was | | |struggling for the |
|evidently that king who | | |predominance. The Zenágha|
|allowed the Portuguese to| | |already in a degraded |
|establish a factory in | | |position. |
|Wadán, or Hóden, which | | | |
|however they did not | | | |
|preserve for a long time,| | | |
|the place being too | | | |
|barren, and at too | | | |
|considerable a distance | | | |
|from the coast. But | | | |
|nevertheless, the | | | |
|establishment of this | | | |
|factory is a very | | | |
|remarkable fact. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1471 | 876 |The coast of Guinea |
| | | |explored by the |
| | | |Portuguese. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1481 | 886 |Alfonso V. dies; is |
| | | |succeeded by the still |
| | | |more energetic João II. |
| | | |The Portuguese build |
| | | |Elmina, the first |
| | | |European establishment on|
| | | |the coast of Guinea. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1488 | 894 |The Jolof Prince, Bemoy, |
| | | |came to Portugal, and |
| | | |communicated so much |
| | | |information with regard |
| | | |to the nations of the |
| | | |interior of Africa, |
| | | |especially the Mósi, who,|
| | | |according to him, had |
| | | |much in common with |
| | | |Christians, that he |
| | | |excited the greatest |
| | | |interest. It was supposed|
| | | |that the king of Mósi was|
| | | |the long sought Prester |
| | | |John. Ogane is the native|
| | | |royal title of the king |
| | | |of Mósi. In consequence, |
| | | |from this time forward, |
| | | |numerous messengers were |
| | | |sent into the interior by|
| | | |the king João from |
| | | |different quarters, and a|
| | | |nearer alliance seems to |
| | | |have been concluded with |
| | | |the king of the |
| | | |Mandingoes, although it |
| | | |was well understood in |
| | | |Portugal at that time |
| | | |that the empire of the |
| | | |Mellians had fallen to |
| | | |ruin. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Sonni ʿAlí was drowned in| 5th Nov.| 15th | |
|a torrent on his return | 1492 | Mohar. | |
|from an expedition | | 898 | |
|against Gurma, after | | | |
|having conquered the | | | |
|Zoghorán[195] (not | | | |
|Zaghwána) and the | | | |
|_Fullán_. | | | |
| | | | |
|The power of the tribe of| | | |
|the Fullán in those | | | |
|quarters, in the south of| | | |
|Songhay, at so early a | | | |
|date is of the highest | | | |
|interest; in the west | | | |
|they are noticed at the | | | |
|same period repeatedly by| | | |
|De Barros.[196] | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|The army of the deceased | | 2 Jumád,| |
|king proceeded from | | 898 | |
|Bʿanebi (Benʿaba? the | | | |
|capital of Gurma, see | | | |
|Appendix VI. p. 560.) to | | | |
|Dangha, evidently the | | | |
|place (Denga) touched at | | | |
|by myself on my journey, | | | |
|and here Ábú Bakr Dʿaú, | | | |
|son of Sonni ʿAlí, | | | |
|ascended the throne. But | | | |
|Mohammed, son of Ábú | | | |
|Bakr, a native of Songhay| | | |
|(“Nigrita”—Leo) and | | | |
|officer of Sonni, | | | |
|collected his party and | | | |
|marched against the new | | | |
|king. But having attacked| | | |
|him at Dangha, he was | | | |
|beaten, when he escaped | | | |
|to the neighbourhood of | | | |
|Gágho, where he collected| | | |
|again his army, and | | | |
|vanquished the king in a | | | |
|most sanguinary but | | | |
|decisive battle. Sonni | | | |
|Ábú Bakr Dʿaú fled to | | | |
|Abar (Adar?), where he | | | |
|died. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Mohammed ben Ábú Bakr, | | 14 Jum. | |
|surnamed e’ Thúri, on | | II. 898 | |
|ascending the throne with| | | |
|the titles Emír el | | | |
|Múmenín and Khalífa el | | | |
|Moslemín, adopted as | | | |
|royal title, Áskíá, or | | | |
|Síkkia.[197] Thus the | | | |
|dynasty of a foreign | | | |
|family, Libyan, Coptic, | | | |
|or Himyaritic, was | | | |
|supplanted by a native | | | |
|Songhay and African—(e | | | |
|tornò el dominio nei | | | |
|Negri)—although it leaned| | | |
|more towards Islám and | | | |
|Mohammedan learning than | | | |
|the former one. For Áskíá| | | |
|was a friend of the | | | |
|learned, and followed | | | |
|their advice. | | | |
| | | | |
|The first thing which | | | |
|this great Songhay king | | | |
|felt it incumbent to do | | | |
|was to give his subjects | | | |
|some repose, by reducing | | | |
|his army and allowing | | | |
|part of the people to | | | |
|engage in pacific | | | |
|pursuits, all the | | | |
|inhabitants having been | | | |
|employed by Sonni ʿAlí in| | | |
|warlike purposes. | | | |
| | | | |
|Altogether it does not | | | |
|appear exaggerated what | | | |
|Áhmed Bábá says of this | | | |
|distinguished king, that | | | |
|“God made use of his | | | |
|service in order to save | | | |
|the true believers (in | | | |
|Negroland) from their | | | |
|sufferings and | | | |
|calamities.” | | | |
| | | | |
|Immediately after his | | |The Songhay language |
|accession to power, Áskíá| | |extends as far as Waláta |
|sent for his brother | | |and Jinni. |
|ʿOmár from Bíru or | | | |
|Waláta, which place | | | |
|already at this time had | | | |
|so totally merged into a | | | |
|Songhay province, that | | | |
|the Songhay idiom, at | | | |
|least in the higher | | | |
|circles, where a | | | |
|traveller like Leo was | | | |
|likely to move about, had| | | |
|become the common | | | |
|language. “Questa gente,”| | | |
|says Leo of the | | | |
|inhabitants of Waláta, | | | |
|“usa un certo linguaggio | | | |
|detto Sungai.”[198] Áskíá| | | |
|then made his brother, in| | | |
|whom he had implicit | | | |
|confidence, Túmbutu-koy | | | |
|in the place of[199] Al | | | |
|Mukhtár ben Mohammed | | | |
|Násr. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|He then sent his other | 1494 | end of | |
|brother, likewise called | | 899 | |
|Omár, but with the | | | |
|surname Kumzághu[200], | | | |
|the feréng of Kúrmina who| | | |
|conquered the important | | | |
|town of Zágha, and made | | | |
|war against “Bukr mʿa,” | | | |
|(Burku-mʿa?), evidently a| | | |
|Mandingo governor of the | | | |
|empire of Melle. He also,| | | |
|according to Leo, | | | |
|imprisoned the ruler of | | | |
|Jinni, whom Sonni ʿAlí | | | |
|had allowed to reside in | | | |
|his own capital, and kept| | | |
|him during his lifetime a| | | |
|prisoner in Gágho, ruling| | | |
|Jinni by means of a | | | |
|governor. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Having thus not only |20th Sep.| 901 |João II., the |
|consolidated, but even | 1495 | |indefatigable king of |
|extended, the empire, the| | Safer, |Portugal, died, whose |
|first Áskíá undertook a | | 902 |spirit found no repose |
|pilgrimage to Mekka, | | |but in promoting the |
|which brought him into | | |welfare of his people, |
|contact with the princes | | |and in distant |
|and learned men of the | | |discoveries, especially |
|East, and made him more | | |in Africa. As we learn |
|famous than any other of | | |from an occasional hint |
|his enterprises. The most| | |in De Barros[201], this |
|distinguished men of all | | |king had already sent an |
|the tribes under his | | |ambassador to the Mansa |
|command accompanied him | | |of Melle. |
|on his great journey, | | | |
|especially the great Weli| | | |
|Múr Sáleh Júr, a Wákoré, | | | |
|native of the town of | | | |
|Tutálna[202] in the | | | |
|province of Tindírma, and| | | |
|1500 armed men, 1000 on | | | |
|foot and 500 on | | | |
|horseback. He took with | | | |
|him 300,000 mithkál, but | | | |
|behaved so generously | | | |
|that, according to Leo, | | | |
|he was obliged to | | | |
|contract a loan of | | | |
|150,000 mithkál more. He | | | |
|had an official | | | |
|investiture performed by | | | |
|the Sheríf el ʿAbási, as | | | |
|Khalífa in Songhay, and | | | |
|took the advice of the | | | |
|most learned and pious | | | |
|men, such as Jelál e’ | | | |
|Soyúti. He also founded a| | | |
|charitable institution in| | | |
|Mekka for the people of | | | |
|Tekrúr. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Háj Mohammed Áskíá | August | Dhú el | |
|returned to Gágho. | 1497-8 | Hajja, | |
| | | 903 | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Háj Mohammed undertakes | 1498-9 | 904 | |
|an expedition, or a | | | |
|formal jihád, against | | | |
|Nʿasi the sultan of Mósi,| | | |
|having sent the Weli Múr | | | |
|Sáleh Núr as an | | | |
|ambassador to that king, | | | |
|in order to induce him to| | | |
|embrace Islám. But the | | | |
|Mósi people having | | | |
|consulted the souls of | | | |
|their ancestors, and | | | |
|refused to change their | | | |
|native worship, Áskíá | | | |
|devastated their country.| | | |
|He came back from this | | | |
|expedition in Ramadhán. | | | |
|He (himself or ʿOthmán) | | | |
|then conquered the |1499-1500| 905 | |
|country of Bághena, the | | | |
|ancient seat of the | | | |
|empire of Ghánah, or | | | |
|Ghánata, the king of | | | |
|which had already been | | | |
|made tributary by Sonni | | | |
|ʿAlí, and slew the | | | |
|Féllani (Púllo) chieftain| | | |
|Damba-dumbi. We therefore| | | |
|at this early period find| | | |
|the Fúlbe very powerful, | | | |
|as well in the south | | | |
|(Gurma, see p. 596.) as | | | |
|in the north-west; while | | | |
|from De Barros we learn, | | | |
|that their power in the | | | |
|south-west was not less | | | |
|great. The Songhay king | | | |
|made an expedition | 1500 | 906 | |
|against Abairu (?), and | | | |
|deprived him of his | | | |
|kingdom.[203] | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Áskíá then sent his | 1501 | 907 | |
|brother ʿOmár Kumzághu | | | |
|against Melle, where the | | | |
|Káíd Kám Fati Kalliyen | | | |
|seems to have exercised | | | |
|at the time supreme | | | |
|power; but ʿOmár not | | | |
|feeling himself strong | | | |
|enough to take the town | | | |
|of Zillen, or Zalna, | | | |
|where the court of Melle | | | |
|seems to have been, he | | | |
|sent for the king | | | |
|himself, encamping | | | |
|meanwhile in a place | | | |
|called Tánfaren, a little| | | |
|to the east from Zillen. | | | |
|Háj Mohammed Áskíá then | | | |
|came in person, | | | |
|vanquished the káíd, | | | |
|destroyed the town, | | | |
|together with the palace | | | |
|of the king of Melle, and| | | |
|sold the inhabitants into| | | |
|slavery. | | | |
| | | | |
|According to Leo[204], | | | |
|Áskíá made the whole of | | | |
|Melle tributary, laying | | | |
|such a heavy tribute upon| | | |
|that ruler that he | | | |
|entirely tied his hands. | | | |
|Nevertheless the capital | | | |
|of Melle still at that | | | |
|time was a flourishing | | | |
|place, and the largest | | | |
|town in Negroland, | | | |
|containing about 6000 | | | |
|dwellings. Perhaps this | | | |
|is the town called | | | |
|Zillen, or Zalna, by | | | |
|Áhmed Bábá. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|In the same year Háj | | |ʿAlí Ghajídéni, the |
|Mohammed Áskíá sent an | | |powerful king of Bórnu |
|expedition against Bargú,| | |(see Vol. II. p. 644), |
|or, as it is more justly | | |about this time probably |
|called, Barbú[205], the | | |undertook his expedition |
|country enclosed between | | |to the south-western |
|Gurma, Yóruba and the | | |frontier of his large |
|great river. The | | |empire, beyond the Kwára,|
|inhabitants of this | | |in order to protect it |
|country being a very | | |against the encroachments|
|warlike set of people, | | |of his powerful |
|the struggle appears to | | |contemporary the Songhay |
|have been very violent; | | |king. |
|and although Áhmed Bábá | | | |
|does not seem to intimate| | | |
|the whole of the result, | | | |
|yet it is clear, from the| | | |
|fact that the Songhay | | | |
|king was occupied with | | | |
|Bargú for the next four | | | |
|or five years, that he | | | |
|met with great | | | |
|resistance; this is also | | | |
|clearly indicated by | | | |
|traditions still extant | | | |
|in that country, the name| | | |
|Bargú being generally | | | |
|derived from the Songhay | | | |
|words five (go), horses | | | |
|(beri); “five horses” | | | |
|being the only remnant of| | | |
|an army led into the | | | |
|country by the Songhay | | | |
|king. Such a state of | | | |
|things is also clearly | | | |
|indicated by another | | | |
|document.[206] | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|The Songhay king made an | 1506 | 912 | |
|expedition against | | | |
|Kelinbút. The following | | | |
|years no expedition seems| | | |
|to have been undertaken, | | | |
|the Áskíá being busy with| | | |
|the internal affairs of | | | |
|his extensive empire | | | |
|which extended from Kebbi| | | |
|in the east as far as the| | | |
|present country of | | | |
|Kaarta, and from | | | |
|Bennendúgu as far as | | | |
|Tegháza. It appears that | | | |
|he staid the greater part| | | |
|of this period near | | | |
|Timbúktu, where he was | | | |
|evidently _when Leo | | | |
|visited_ this part of | | | |
|Africa, who thought | | | |
|Timbúktu to be his usual | | | |
|residence, but | | | |
|nevertheless was fully | | | |
|aware, although he did | | | |
|not clearly express it, | | | |
|that Gágho was his other | | | |
|residence—“Questo signor | | | |
|fu preso dal detto Izchia| | | |
|e tenuto in _Gágo_ fino | | | |
|alla morte,” l. vii. c. | | | |
|3, at the end. The Áskíá | | | |
|staid in Kábara, “the | | | |
|well known harbour,” when| | | |
|he heard of the learned | | | |
|man, the fákih Mahmúd, | | | |
|having come to Gágho, and| | | |
|he immediately embarked | | | |
|and went there by water; | | | |
|for almost all the | | | |
|intercourse between | | | |
|Timbúktu and the whole | | | |
|western quarter on the | | | |
|one side, and the centre | | | |
|of the Songhay empire | | | |
|with its capital on the | | | |
|other, was along the | | | |
|river. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Háj Mohammed sends the | 1511 | 917 | |
|Bʿakukurakoy ʿAlí Fulánu | | | |
|and Belgha Mohammed Kirí | | | |
|against Mʿa Futa[207] | | | |
|Kaitál, the fereng of | | | |
|Bághena, who had | | | |
|revolted. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Háj Mohammed, always | 1512 | 918 | |
|extending his empire | | | |
|further westward, marched| | | |
|against a powerful | | | |
|chieftain, Allʿaín[208] | | | |
|Almatní Tíndhar, and slew| | | |
|him in Zárú. This is a | | | |
|highly interesting | | | |
|expedition, as the | | | |
|results of it exercised a| | | |
|powerful influence as far| | | |
|as the coast, where the | | | |
|enterprising Portuguese | | |The Portuguese in the |
|were at that time | | |Senegal quite surprised |
|establishing their power.| | |at the great flame of war|
|For it happened just at | | |(incendio di guerra) |
|the time that Kolli, | | |which at that time |
|Allʿaín’s eldest son was | | |ravaged all the countries|
|absent on an expedition, | | |from east to west.[209] |
|and when he heard of the | | | |
|fate of his father he | | | |
|fled with his army to | | | |
|Fúta, which at that time | | | |
|belonged to the king of | | | |
|Jolof, and endeavoured to| | | |
|assume the sovereign | | | |
|power, in which attempt | | | |
|he succeeded, by the | | | |
|slaughter of the king of | | | |
|Jolof. The country of | | |Kolli founded a powerful |
|Jolof thus became divided| | |Negro dynasty, and was |
|between Kolli (Kolli | | |succeeded by his son |
|Salti [Sáttigi?] Tíndhar)| | |Yuríma, to whom succeeded|
|and Dúmala (Dámil, a | | |Kalábi (Kolli Labbe) |
|common title, the Temala | | |Batára, a most excellent |
|of the Portuguese), the | | |prince, celebrated on |
|most powerful of the | | |account of his piety and |
|governors of the former | | |justice; then followed |
|king of Jolof. | | |Kata, son of Yuríma. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|At the end of this year, | 1513 | 919 |The Portuguese, under |
|the Songhay king marched | | |D’Ataide, take possession|
|against Kátsena, and | | |of Azemmúr. |
|returned from thence in | | | |
|the first Rebí of the | | | |
|following year. This is | | | |
|an extraordinary short | | | |
|time for so distant an | | | |
|expedition, even if he | | | |
|had been residing in the | | | |
|easternmost part of his | | | |
|empire at the time when | | | |
|he undertook it. | | | |
|Nevertheless, if we can | | | |
|believe Leo, the Áskíá | | | |
|conquered not only | | | |
|Kátsena but also Góber | | | |
|(which already at that | | | |
|time had a very large | | | |
|capital and a good trade,| | | |
|and considerable | | | |
|industry, especially in | | | |
|leather work), Zánfara, | | | |
|Zegzeg, Kanó, and almost | | |The Háusa States become |
|the whole of Háusa[210]; | | |important—Korórofa. |
|but it would almost | | | |
|appear to me as if Leo in| | | |
|this case had confounded | | | |
|Áskíá with Kanta, the | | | |
|ruler of Kebbi. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1514 | 920 |The Portuguese occupy |
| | | |Tednest. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|About the end of this | 1515 | 921 | |
|year the Áskíá marched | | | |
|against Al-ʿAdálet, the | | | |
|king of Ágades, and | | | |
|returned from thence the | | | |
|following year, having | | | |
|driven out, as we know | | | |
|from other sources[211], | | | |
|the Berber tribes, and | | | |
|transplanted there a good| | | |
|many of his own people, | | | |
|although the Songhay | | | |
|language may have been | | | |
|spoken there before this | | | |
|period. However, it is | | | |
|evident from Leo’s | | | |
|account[212], who seems | | | |
|to know nothing of this | | | |
|expedition, that the king| | | |
|of Ágades paid tribute to| | | |
|Áskíá already before this| | | |
|time. At all events this | | | |
|was the highest pitch of | | | |
|power to which not only | | | |
|Háj Mohammed himself, but| | | |
|the Áskíás in general, | | | |
|attained; for, on his | 1516 | 922 |Kanta founds an |
|return from this | | |independent kingdom in |
|expedition, Kanta, the | | |Kebbi. Starting from |
|governor of Léka, in the | | |Birni-n-Duggul in the |
|province of Kebbi, who | | |province of Kátsena, he |
|owed him allegiance, and | | |took up his residence |
|who had accompanied him | | |first in Gungu then in |
|in this war, demanded his| | |Suráme, and finally in |
|share in the booty, | | |Léka. |
|which, probably, was very| | | |
|great, and not being | | | |
|satisfied rose against | | | |
|him and vanquished him in| | | |
|a great battle; after | | | |
|which he made himself | | | |
|independent of Songhay, | | | |
|and was successful, | | | |
|Áskíá, who marched | | | |
|against him the following| 1517 | 923 |Kanta vindicates his |
|year, being obliged to | | |independence of Songhay. |
|retrace his steps without| | | |
|having obtained the | | | |
|slightest success. It is | | | |
|therefore next to | | | |
|impossible that Áskíá | | | |
|achieved the conquest of | | | |
|the Háusa provinces, as | | | |
|described by Leo. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Háj Mohammed again | 1518 | 924 | |
|visited the western part | | | |
|of his empire, and on the| | | |
|15th Ramadhán stayed in | | | |
|Timbúktu. | | | |
| | | | |
|The name Songhay, not | | | |
|mentioned by former | | | |
|authors, becomes | | | |
|conspicuous, being | | | |
|employed as well by Leo | | | |
|as by De Barros. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|The king resided again in| 1520 | 926 | |
|Songhay Proper, and was | | | |
|in Sankar, a place beyond| | | |
|Kúkíá, when he learnt the| | | |
|death of his beloved | | | |
|brother, ʿOmár Kumzághu, | | | |
|to whom he was so much | | | |
|indebted for the | | | |
|stability of his rule. He| | | |
|then invested another | | | |
|brother named Yáhia, with| | | |
|the governor- or fereng- | | | |
|ship of Kúrmina, which | | | |
|certainly was the most | | | |
|important province of the| | | |
|empire. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Háj Mohammed lost another| 1521-2 | 928 | |
|brother, ʿOmár the | | | |
|Túmbutu-koy (see p. | | | |
|598.); and thus having | | | |
|been deprived of his most| | | |
|faithful servants, and | | | |
|having passed the prime | | | |
|of life, became the | | | |
|plaything of his | | | |
|overbearing sons, the | | | |
|intrigues taking a more | | | |
|open turn after some | | | |
|affair in Banku, or | 1524-5 | 931 | |
|Bango, the character of | | | |
|which is not quite clear.| | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|At length affairs assumed| 1527-8 | 934 | |
|such a serious character,| | | |
|that the heir-apparent, | | | |
|or Feréngmangha Háj Músa,| | | |
|the eldest son of the | | | |
|king, who had accompanied| | | |
|him on his pilgrimage, | | | |
|threatened to kill him; | | | |
|so that the aged Mohammed| | | |
|fled to Tindírma, and | | | |
|placed himself under the | | | |
|protection of his brother| | | |
|Yáhia. The latter then | | | |
|seems to have brought | | | |
|about some understanding | | | |
|among the members of the | | | |
|royal family. For in the | | | |
|following year we find | 1528-9 | 935 | |
|the old king again in | | | |
|Gágho, when Músa revolted| | | |
|openly against his | | | |
|father, and went with | | | |
|some of his brothers to | | | |
|Kúkíá. Yáhia, the feréng | | | |
|of Kúrmina, being again | | | |
|requested by his brother | | | |
|to interfere between him | | | |
|and his sons, came to | | | |
|Gágho, and was sent by | | | |
|the latter to Kúkíá, but | | | |
|was openly attacked by | | | |
|the mutinous children, | | | |
|and murdered. Músa, then,| | | |
|seeing that his father | | | |
|was powerless, returned | | | |
|to Gágho, and towards the| | | |
|end of the year, on the | | | |
|great holiday, forced him| | | |
|to abdicate after a reign| | | |
|of thirty-six years and | | | |
|six months. Nevertheless,| | | |
|he left him in his | | | |
|palace, while he himself | | | |
|stayed in his own house. | | | |
|Háj Mohammed Áskíá, as | | | |
|Áhmed Bábá says, was too | | | |
|great (or too mild) to | | | |
|rule a (turbulent) | | | |
|country like Songhay. | | | |
| | | | |
|That the extent of the | | | |
|empire, in its prime, was| | | |
|not exaggerated by the | | | |
|author of the history of | | | |
|Songhay, is clear from | | | |
|the account of Múláy | | | |
|Áhmed’s expedition. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|_Áskíá Músa_ began his | 1529 | 935 | |
|bloody and restless reign| | | |
|by endeavouring to murder| | | |
|all his brothers, and | | | |
|pursued them to Kúrmina, | | | |
|where they had taken | | | |
|refuge under the | | | |
|protection of the | | | |
|governor of that | | | |
|province, ʿOthmán Jubábu,| | | |
|another son of Háj | | | |
|Mohammed; but he forced | | | |
|them all to decamp, | | | |
|together with the | | | |
|governor of the province | | | |
|himself, as well as the | | | |
|governor of Banku, or | | | |
|Bango, and other great | | | |
|men. The aged ʿAlí | | | |
|Fulánu, who had | | | |
|accompanied El Háj | | | |
|Mohammed on his | | | |
|pilgrimage, fled to | | | |
|Kanó.[213] | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Músa, having returned to | 1533 | 940 |ʿAbd el Kerím ben |
|Gágho, continued the | | |Maghíli, from Bú ʿAlí, in|
|attempt to murder his | | |Tawát, the great apostle |
|remaining brothers, as | | |of Middle Negroland, |
|far as he was able to lay| | |where he is stated to |
|his hands on them, while | | |have transplanted the |
|they on their part, | | |power formerly grafted |
|endeavoured to rid | | |upon Songhay, is said to |
|themselves of their | | |have died this year. If |
|tormentor, so that he had| | |this be really the case, |
|not a moment’s rest. | | |as it would seem to be, a|
| | | |former passage in my work|
| | | |about this distinguished |
| | | |man (Vol. II. p. 76.) has|
| | | |to be altered a little. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | | |At this period, the |
| | | |Portuguese sent presents |
| | | |to the king of Melle, who|
| | | |was reduced to the |
| | | |western provinces of his |
| | | |empire, and therefore is |
| | | |now styled Mandi Mansa, |
| | | |and who then waged war |
| | | |with Temalá (the Dámil, |
| | | |rey dos Fullos; see |
| | | |above). The Portuguese |
| | | |endeavoured also to open |
| | | |communication with the |
| | | |king of Mósi (el rey dos |
| | | |Moses), of whose power |
| | | |they had received |
| | | |reports, but from the |
| | | |wrong side, namely, from |
| | | |Benín. The king of Mósi |
| | | |was then waging war with |
| | | |the Mandi Mansa. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|In this sanguinary reign,| 1534 | 941 | |
|it is cheering to find | | | |
|that the Portuguese sent | | | |
|an embassy, among the | | | |
|other princes in the | | | |
|interior, also to a | | | |
|nephew of this Músa, king| | | |
|of Songhay[214], from the| | | |
|side of Mina, or Elmina, | | | |
|their colony on the gold | | | |
|coast. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Músa died. Mohammed | 1535-6 | 942 | |
|Bánkoré, son of ʿOmár | | | |
|Kumzághu, was made Áskíá | | | |
|in a place called Mansur.| | | |
|This cruel prince drove | | | |
|the old Háj Mohammed from| | | |
|the royal palace, where | | | |
|even Músa had left him, | | | |
|and imprisoned him in a | | | |
|place called Kankáka. | | | |
|Mohammed Bánkoré was a | | | |
|warlike prince, but he | | | |
|was not successful in his| | |The power of the kingdom |
|career, nor was he a | | |of Kebbi more firmly |
|favourite with the | | |established. But after |
|people. He marched | | |the death of the first |
|against Kanta, but was | | |Kanta, the founder of the|
|totally routed at a place| | |dynasty, his two sons, |
|called Wen-termása (a | | |Kanna and Himáddu, fight |
|Berber name), and fled | | |for the royal power, when|
|most ingloriously, having| | |Himáddu is said to have |
|a very narrow escape | | |driven back the former |
|through the waters of the| | |with the aid of the |
|Niger. | | |Fúlbe. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|He then marched against | 1536 | 943 | |
|Gurma, and sent Mári | | | |
|Tamiza, the feréng of | | | |
|Dendi, against the enemy.| | | |
|But the latter having | | | |
|laid in chains all the | | | |
|leading men in the army, | | | |
|deposed the king, 2nd Dhu| | | |
|el Kʿada (12th April), | | | |
|and installed Ismáʿaíl, a| | | |
|son of Háj Mohammed, on | | | |
|the throne as Áskíá. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Ismáʿaíl brought his aged| 1537 | 944 | |
|father from Kankáka back | | | |
|to Gágho, where he died | | | |
|in the night preceding | | | |
|the ʿAíd el Fotr, and was| | | |
|buried in the great | | | |
|mosque. In the same year | | | |
|Ismáʿaíl went to | | | |
|Dire.[215] | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Áskíá Ismáʿaíl then | | 945 | |
|marched against the | | | |
|Bakabóki (the chief of | | | |
|Bojjo?), in Gurma, and | | | |
|killed and carried into | | | |
|slavery a great many | | | |
|people; so that a slave | | | |
|in Gágho fetched not more| | | |
|than 300 shells. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Áskíá Ismáʿaíl, a very | 1539 | 946 | |
|energetic and much | | | |
|respected king, | | | |
|unfortunately reigned too| | | |
|short a period, and died | | | |
|after a reign of not more| | | |
|than two years, nine | | | |
|months, six days, in the | | | |
|month of Rejeb (October | | | |
|or November). | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|The army which had just | | | |
|marched out upon an | | | |
|expedition, made Is-hák, | | | |
|another son of Háj | | | |
|Mohammed, Áskíá, on the | | | |
|16th Shʿabán. The new | | | |
|king proved a very stern | | | |
|master, the severest king| | | |
|who ruled over Songhay; | | | |
|but he made himself also | | | |
|respected by his enemies,| | | |
|even in the most distant | | | |
|quarter. Thus, in the | | | |
|third year of his reign, | 1542 | 949 | |
|he marched against | | | |
|Yaghaba (not Baghaba), | | | |
|the most distant place of| | | |
|the sultans of Banduk, or| | | |
|Bennendúgu, on the | 1544 | 951 |About this time Mohammed,|
|remotest south-westerly | | |the ruler of Bórnu, |
|branch of the Niger; and | | |fought a celebrated and |
|two years later he waged | | |sanguinary battle with |
|war on the opposite side | | |the king of Kebbi, |
|of his vast dominions | | |probably Tómo, who |
|against Kukurkáb (Kokoy- | | |founded here a new and |
|Kábi?)[216], in the | | |large capital, Birní-n- |
|territory of Dendi. | | |Kebbi. (See Vol. II. p. |
| | | |646.) |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|In the course of this | 1545 | 952 | |
|year Ís-hák sent his | | | |
|brother Dáúd, the feréng | | | |
|of Kúrmina, against | | | |
|Melle. The Sultan (Mansa)| | | |
|of Melle, who, having | | | |
|been reduced to the | | | |
|position of a tributary | | | |
|chief by the great Háj | | | |
|Mohammed, seems to have | | | |
|conceived the hope of | | | |
|making himself again | | | |
|independent under his | | | |
|successors, left his | | | |
|palace and fled, and Dáúd| | | |
|remained for seven days | | | |
|in the capital defiling | | | |
|the honour of the royal | | | |
|palace in the grossest | | | |
|manner. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|At the same time, this | 1549 | 956 | |
|energetic Songhay king | | | |
|showed his power to Múláy| | | |
|Áhmed, the powerful ruler| | | |
|of Morocco, who, looking | | | |
|about for a fresh source | | | |
|of strength, cast | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Dáúd having ascended the | | | |
|throne in Kúkíá one day | | | |
|before the death of Ís- | | | |
|hák, returned to Gágho on| | | |
|the 1st Rebí I. Dáúd was | | | |
|a very peaceable king, | | | |
|and undertook no | | | |
|expedition at all. He | | | |
|resided towards the end | 1553 | 960 |Sídi ʿOmár e’ Sheikh, the|
|of his life a long time | | |great ancestor of the |
|in Tindírma, the capital | | |family of El Bakáy, died |
|of the province of | | |in the district Gídi or |
|Kúrmina, where he had a | | |Igídi. |
|palace and kept a large | | | |
|establishment. Áskíá | | | |
|Dáúd, who is said by the | | | |
|Imám e’ Tekrúri, as cited| | | |
|by De Slane[217], to have| | | |
|imitated the example of | | | |
|his father Háj Mohammed, | | | |
|died after a reign of | | | |
|nearly thirty-four | | | |
|(lunar) years. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|El Háj, or El Háj | 1582 | 990 | |
|Mohammed, then ascended | | | |
|the throne, being the | | | |
|eldest son of Dáúd, and | | | |
|named after his | | | |
|grandfather, whom he is | | | |
|said to have equalled in | | | |
|the qualities of bravery | | | |
|and patient endurance, | | | |
|although he remained far | | | |
|behind in success, and | | | |
|was plunged from the | | | |
|beginning of his reign in| | | |
|civil war, which began to| | | |
|rage the very day of his | | | |
|accession to the throne, | | | |
|the Feréng Mohammed | | | |
|Bánkoré preparing to | | | |
|oppose him; but | | | |
|fortunately the latter | | | |
|was induced by the Fáki | | | |
|Mohammed, the Kádhi of | | | |
|Timbúktu, to give up his | | | |
|pretensions, in order to | | | |
|apply himself to study. | | | |
|He was then arrested and | | | |
|lodged in the state | | | |
|prison in Kantú. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Then El Hádi, son of | 1584 | Safer. | |
|Áskíá Dáúd, and brother | | 992 | |
|of El Háj, whom, as the | | | |
|most faithful, the king | | | |
|had entrusted with the | | | |
|government of Kúrmina, | | | |
|revolted, left Tindírma, | | | |
|and marched against the | | | |
|capital, Gágho. He even | | | |
|succeeded in entering the| | | |
|town in the night before | | | |
|the 4th Rebí-el-awel, | | | |
|clad in a coat of mail, | | | |
|and preceded by a | | | |
|trumpet, drum, and other | | | |
|insignia of royal power, | | | |
|while the Áskíá, who at | | | |
|the time was very weak | | | |
|and sick, was seized with| | | |
|fear of losing his | | | |
|throne; but through the | | | |
|aid of Híki, the governor| | | |
|of the powerful province | | | |
|of Dendi, the revolt was | | | |
|overcome. El Hádi was | | | |
|thrown into the state | | | |
|prison at Kantú, and all | | | |
|his adherents were | | | |
|severely punished. | | | |
| | | | |
|While the empire was thus| | |Together with Móshi, the |
|undermined by intestine | | |ruler of Búsa, on the |
|civil wars, the great | | |Niger, is mentioned by |
|enemy who was to crush it| | |Áhmed Bábá under this |
|from without approached | | |reign as a powerful king.|
|from the north; but this | | |The power of Kebbi, |
|time the danger passed | | |therefore, probably had |
|by. Múláy Hámed, or | | |begun to decline. |
|Áhmed, in order to learn | | | |
|the real state of affairs| | | |
|in Tekrúr, and especially| | | |
|in Songhay, whose power | | | |
|could not fail to attract| | | |
|his attention, sent an | | | |
|embassy with costly | | | |
|presents; but the Áskíá | | | |
|received the messengers | | | |
|kindly, and sent a more | | | |
|valuable present in | | | |
|return, among other | | | |
|articles 80 eunuchs. But | | | |
|shortly after the | | | |
|departure of this | | | |
|embassy, the rumour | | | |
|spread of Múláy Hámed | | | |
|having sent a large army;| | | |
|and this report was soon | | | |
|confirmed. The emperor of| | | |
|Morocco sent a very | | | |
|numerous host, said to be| | | |
|20,000[218] strong, in | | | |
|the direction of Wadán, | | | |
|at that time the general | | | |
|caravan road, with the | | | |
|order to conquer all the | | | |
|places along the river | | | |
|(the Senegal and Niger, | | | |
|probably, regarded | | | |
|together)[219], and thus | | | |
|to proceed towards | | | |
|Timbúktu,—an order which | | | |
|clearly shows the immense| | | |
|extent of the Songhay | | | |
|empire, even at that | | | |
|time: and the Imám e’ | | | |
|Tekrúri[220] distinctly | | | |
|states that, even at the | | | |
|time of its downfall, it | | | |
|comprised a region of six| | | |
|months in extent. But | | | |
|this time also the danger| | | |
|passed by; the numbers of| | | |
|the army themselves | | | |
|causing its ruin, in | | | |
|consequence of hunger and| | | |
|thirst. In order to take | | | |
|at least a slight | | | |
|revenge, the Sultan of | | | |
|Morocco then sent an | | | |
|officer with a small | | | |
|troop of musketeers, to | | | |
|take possession of the | | | |
|salt-mines of Tegháza, | | | |
|which at that time | | | |
|supplied the whole of | | | |
|Western Negroland with | | | |
|that necessary | | | |
|article[221], and thus to| | | |
|deprive the inhabitants | | | |
|of Songhay of it.[222] It| | | |
|was in the month of | | | |
|Shawál (September) that | | | |
|the news reached Gágho | | | |
|that all intercourse with| | | |
|those salt-mines had been| | | |
|cut off. It was then that| | | |
|people went and dug salt | | | |
|in Taödénni, and other | | | |
|places.[223] | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|While the danger was | 1586 | 994 |The salt-mines of Tegháza|
|gathering from without, a| | |shut, and those of |
|new intestine war broke | | |Taödénni opened, on this |
|out, which does not | | |occasion.[224] |
|appear to testify to the | | | |
|great courage and energy | | | |
|for which Áhmed Bábá | | | |
|praises this Áskíá. | | | |
| | | | |
|For in the last month of | | | |
|this year, the brothers | | | |
|of El Háj Áskíá revolted,| | | |
|and brought Mohammed | | | |
|Bána, another of the | | | |
|numerous sons of Dáúd, | | | |
|with them from Kará | | | |
|(كَرَى?) to Gágho, and, | | | |
|deposing El Háj, | | | |
|installed the former in | | | |
|his place as Áskíá, on | | | |
|the 4th Moharrem. El Háj,| 1587 | 995 | |
|probably, notwithstanding| | | |
|his original bravery and | | | |
|energy, was suffering | | | |
|from disease all the time| | | |
|of his reign. He died (a | | | |
|natural death apparently)| | | |
|a few days after his | | | |
|deposition, having | | | |
|reigned four years and | | | |
|five months. | | | |
| | | | |
|Immediately after the | | | |
|accession of Mohammed | | | |
|Bána to the throne, a new| | | |
|conspiracy was formed, | | | |
|issuing from the state | | | |
|prisoners in Kantú, | | | |
|especially the two | | | |
|pretenders, El Hádi and | | | |
|Mohammed Bánkoré, and | | | |
|aiming at the | | | |
|installation of Núh, | | | |
|another son of Dáúd, the | | | |
|Farma of Bantal; but the | | | |
|rebellion was | | | |
|successfully suppressed, | | | |
|most of the conspirators | | | |
|killed, and Núh, together| | | |
|with his brother | | | |
|Mústapha, whom El Háj had| | | |
|designated as his | | | |
|successor (Feréngmangha),| | | |
|laid in chains, and | | | |
|imprisoned in the | | | |
|province of Dendi. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|The Balmʿa, Mohammed e’ | 1588 | 976 | |
|Sádik, son of Áskíá Dáúd,| | | |
|having punished the | | | |
|oppressive governor of | | | |
|Kábara, and vanquished | | | |
|his own brother Sáleh, | | | |
|the Feréng of Kúrmina (24| | | |
|Rebí II.), and being | | | |
|joined by the troops of | | | |
|the latter, and by many | | | |
|other bodies of the great| | | |
|army of the West, the | | | |
|Feréng of Bághena, Mansa,| | | |
|the Hómborikoy, and | | | |
|others, left Kábara on | | | |
|the 1st Jumáda. Áskíá | | | |
|Mohammed Bána marched out| | | |
|of Gágho on the 12th, in | | | |
|order to meet the rebel, | | | |
|but died the same day, | | | |
|either from the effects | | | |
|of wrath, or in | | | |
|consequence of the heat | | | |
|of the weather and his | | | |
|own corpulency. He | | | |
|reigned one year, four | | | |
|months, and eight days. | | | |
| | | | |
|The day following the | | | |
|death of Mohammed Bána, | | | |
|the army having reentered| | | |
|the town of Gágho, Ís- | | | |
|hák, another son of Dáúd,| | | |
|ascended the throne as | | | |
|Áskíá. But the Pretender,| | | |
|having been raised by his| | | |
|troops on his way to | | | |
|Gágho, to the dignity of | | | |
|Áskíá, pursued his march,| | | |
|while Áskíá Ís-hák left | | | |
|his capital, when both | | | |
|armies met at a place | | | |
|called Kamba-Kíri, | | | |
|evidently only four | | | |
|days’[225] march from | | | |
|Gágho, where, after a | | | |
|violent struggle which | | | |
|lasted the whole day, the| | | |
|army of the Pretender was| | | |
|beaten, and he escaped | | | |
|towards Timbúktu. Great | | | |
|was the disappointment of| | | |
|the inhabitants of this | | | |
|town. They had celebrated| | | |
|the accession to power of| | | |
|their favourite, Mohammed| | | |
|e’ Sádik, with the | | | |
|greatest manifestations | | | |
|of joy, and had even | | | |
|imprisoned, on the 21st, | | | |
|at his request, the | | | |
|messenger who had | | | |
|announced the accession | | | |
|of Ís-hák. On the 28th, | | | |
|there arrived the | | | |
|favourite as a fugitive, | | | |
|who brought them the | | | |
|account of the | | | |
|unfortunate battle, and, | | | |
|having plunged them into | | | |
|deep sorrow, continued | | | |
|his flight, in company | | | |
|with the Hómborikoy, the | | | |
|Barakoy, by way of | | | |
|Tindírma, across the | | | |
|river to the other side. | | | |
|He was, however, | | | |
|overtaken, and confined | | | |
|in the state prison at | | | |
|Kantú, where he was | | | |
|killed, together with the| | | |
|Barakoy; as were also the| | | |
|Túmbutu-koy and the | | | |
|Ímóshaghenkoy. Of course | | | |
|the inhabitants of | | | |
|Timbúktu, having so | | | |
|openly favoured the | | | |
|proceedings of the | | | |
|Pretender, were severely | | | |
|punished, and a new | | | |
|Túmbutukoy, Al Hasan, the| | | |
|last during the Songhay | | | |
|period, and a new | | | |
|Ímóshaghenkoy, were | | | |
|installed. Áskíá Ís-hák | | | |
|likewise installed new | | | |
|governors of Banku, Bal, | | | |
|and Kúrmina, and | | | |
|confirmed others in their| | | |
|provinces. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Having recovered from the| 1588-9 | 997 | |
|severe shock inflicted | | | |
|upon the empire by this | | | |
|rebellion, Áskíá Ís-hák | | | |
|undertook an expedition | | | |
|against Namandúgu, | | | |
|evidently the place | | | |
|touched at by myself on | | | |
|my road to Timbúktu, | | | |
|inhabited by pagans of | | | |
|the Gurma tribe, and the | | | |
|following year he | | | |
|undertook an expedition | | 998-999 | |
|against some other part | | | |
|of Gurma[226],—namely | | | |
|Tínfiri. Having thus had | | | |
|some respite, and | | | |
|consolidated his empire, | | | |
|he planned an expedition | | | |
|against Kala, the | | | |
|province to the north of | | | |
|Jinni, which it would | | | |
|seem had been subjected | | | |
|to the former Áskíá; but | | | |
|when about to undertake | | | |
|this expedition into the | | | |
|furthest parts of his | | | |
|empire, he heard of the | | | |
|arrival[227] of the | | | |
|Mahalla of the Bashá | | | |
|Jódar, a valiant eunuch | | | |
|of Múláy Hámed, the | | | |
|emperor of Morocco, with | | | |
|an army of 3600 | | | |
|musketeers, in 174 | | | |
|divisions of 20 each | | | |
|besides the | | | |
|officers[228]; and he met| | | |
|him on the battle-field | | | |
|on the 18th Jumád II., | | | |
|but fled before him. | | | |
| | | | |
|Jódar remained only | | | |
|seventeen days in Gágho, | | | |
|when the Khatíb Mahmúd | | | |
|behaved in a very hostile| | | |
|manner towards the | | | |
|strangers. On visiting | | | |
|the palace of the Áskíá, | | | |
|in the presence of | | | |
|witnesses, he found it | | | |
|not equal to his | | | |
|expectation, and accepted| | | |
|the conditions of Ís-hák,| | | |
|who offered to give him | | | |
|1000 slaves and 100,000 | | | |
|mithkál of gold, if he | | | |
|gave up the conquered | | | |
|country. The Bashá, | | | |
|although he was not | | | |
|authorized to agree upon | | | |
|these conditions himself,| | | |
|consented to write an | | | |
|account of them to his | | | |
|liege lord, and return | | | |
|meanwhile to Timbúktu. He| | | |
|therefore wrote to Múláy | | | |
|Hámed, in conjunction | | | |
|with the Káíd Áhmed ben | | | |
|el Haddád, adding at the | | | |
|same time, in order to | | | |
|show his master that the | | | |
|conquered country was not| | | |
|worth a great deal, that | | | |
|the dwelling of the | | | |
|Sheikh El Harám (a very | | | |
|inferior personage) in | | | |
|Morocco excelled by far | | | |
|the palace of the Áskíá. | | | |
|But the ambitious Múláy | | | |
|Hámed, the friend of | | | |
|Philip II., who, in | | | |
|following the example of | | | |
|his friend the mighty | | | |
|prince of Europe, | | | |
|contemplated the conquest| | | |
|of new regions, was | | | |
|filled with wrath at the | | | |
|receipt of the despatches| | | |
|of his officer Jódar, | | | |
|deposed him on the spot, | | | |
|and sent the Bashá Mahmúd| | | |
|ben Zarkúb, accompanied | | | |
|by 80 musketeers, with | | | |
|instructions to undertake| | | |
|the command of the army, | | | |
|and drive Áskíá Ís-hák | | | |
|out of Sudán. | | | |
| | | | |
|Meanwhile Jódar having | | | |
|arrived at Móse- or Bóse-| | | |
|Bango (the same creek of | | | |
|the great river where I | | | |
|was encamped for some | | | |
|time) on the last day of | | | |
|Jumáda II., remained | | | |
|encamped for thirty-five | | | |
|days, from the 1st Rejeb | | | |
|till the 6th Shʿabán, | | | |
|outside the town of | | | |
|Timbúktu[229], when the | | | |
|term fixed for the return| | | |
|of his courier from | | | |
|Morocco having elapsed, | | | |
|he well saw that all was | | | |
|not right, and that his | | | |
|master was not content | | | |
|with his proceedings. He | | | |
|therefore entered the | | | |
|town with his soldiers, | | | |
|chose for himself the | | | |
|quarter of the | | | |
|Ghadámsíyín, between the | | | |
|gate leading to Kábara | | | |
|and the market, as the | | | |
|most densely inhabited | | | |
|quarter, and as | | | |
|containing the largest | | | |
|houses, for the purpose | | | |
|of erecting there a | | | |
|kasbah, driving the | | | |
|inhabitants out of their | | | |
|dwellings by force. It | | | |
|also seems, from another | | | |
|passage of Áhmed Bábá, | | | |
|that the Rumá shut all | | | |
|the gates of the town | | | |
|with the exception of the| | | |
|gate leading to Kábara, | | | |
|the consequence of which | | | |
|was that all the people, | | | |
|in order to enter the | | | |
|town or to go out of it, | | | |
|had to pass through or | | | |
|under the kasbah, so that| | | |
|the whole traffic and all| | | |
|the intercourse could | | | |
|easily be overawed by a | | | |
|limited garrison. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|On Friday, the 26th | | | |
|Shawál, the new Bashá | | | |
|Mahmúd arrived in | | | |
|Timbúktu, accompanied by | | | |
|the two káíd’s, ʿAbd el | | | |
|ʿAálí and Ham Baraka, and| | | |
|deposed Jódar, | | | |
|reproaching him bitterly | | | |
|for not having pursued | | | |
|the king Ís-hák; but | | | |
|Jódar excused himself by | | | |
|pleading that he had no | | | |
|boats at his disposition.| | | |
|The first thing therefore| | | |
|which the Bashá Mahmúd | | | |
|had to do was to procure | | | |
|boats, the inspector of | | | |
|the harbour having fled | | | |
|with the whole fleet in | | | |
|the direction of Banku, | | | |
|or Bengu. It was on this | | | |
|occasion that all the | | | |
|trees in the town were | | | |
|cut down. | | | |
| | | | |
|On the 20th Dhú ’l Káda, | | | |
|the Bashá Mahmúd left | | | |
|Timbúktu with the whole | | | |
|of his army, taking the | | | |
|ex-bashá Jódar with him, | | | |
|and installing in the | | | |
|government of the town | | | |
|the káíd El Mustapha and | | | |
|the emír Ham from Wádí | | | |
|Darʿa. Having kept the | | | |
|great festival near the | | | |
|town in a place called | | | |
|Síhank (?), he marched | | | |
|against Ís-hák, who | | | |
|approached with his army | | | |
|to make a last struggle | | | |
|for his kingdom and the | | | |
|independence of his | | | |
|country. But although the| | | |
|Áskíá seems to have been | | | |
|not totally devoid of | | | |
|energy, he could not | | | |
|contend against that | | | |
|terrible weapon which | | | |
|spread devastation from a| | | |
|great distance, for the | | | |
|Songhay do not seem to | | | |
|have possessed a single | | | |
|musket; and it is not | | | |
|impossible that the | | | |
|Moroccains had some small| | | |
|field pieces[230], while | | | |
|the Songhay did not even | | | |
|know how to use the one | | | |
|small cannon which the | 1591 | 999 | |
|Portuguese had once made | | | |
|them a present of, and | | | |
|which the Bashá | | | |
|afterwards found in | | | |
|Gágho. The consequence | | | |
|was, that in the battle | | | |
|which ensued on Monday | | | |
|the 25th Dhú-el Hijje, | | | |
|Ís-hák and the Songhay | | | |
|were beaten, and the king| | | |
|fled on the road to | | | |
|Dendi, making a short | | | |
|stay in Kira-Kurma, and | | | |
|leaving behind him some | | | |
|officers, whom he ordered| | | |
|to make a stand in | | | |
|certain stations, | | | |
|especially the Balmʿa | | | |
|Mohammed Kágho, who had | | | |
|been wounded by a ball, | | | |
|and the Barakoy Buttu. To| | | |
|the latter he gave orders| | | |
|at the same time to make | | | |
|forays against the | | | |
|_Fullán_, a fact of the | | | |
|highest importance, and | | | |
|which, combined with | | | |
|another fact, which I | | | |
|shall soon bring forward,| | | |
|shows how this remarkable| | |The Fúlbe or Fullán begin|
|tribe, which we have seen| | |to play a prominent part |
|stirring in these regions| | |in the history of this |
|already several years | | |region. |
|previously, as soon as | | | |
|they saw the established | | | |
|government endangered, | | | |
|broke out in order to | | | |
|make use of circumstances| | | |
|for establishing | | | |
|themselves firmly in the | | | |
|country. | | | |
| | | | |
|Áskíá Ís-hák wanted the | | | |
|Bara-koy to imprison the | | | |
|royal princes who were in| | | |
|his company at the time, | | | |
|in order to prevent their| | | |
|joining the enemy, but | | | |
|they escaped; and he also| | | |
|endeavoured, in vain, to | | | |
|cause a diversion in his | | | |
|rear, by raising a revolt| | | |
|in Timbúktu, but his | | | |
|messenger was killed. The| | | |
|Bashá Mahmúd ben Zarkúb | | | |
|pursued the king, and did| | | |
|not halt till he reached | | | |
|Kúkíá, having, with him, | | | |
|according to Áhmed Bábá, | | | |
|174 divisions of | | | |
|musketeers, each of | | | |
|twenty men[231]; so that,| | | |
|if the ranks were all | | | |
|filled, he had 3480 men, | | | |
|or, including the | | | |
|officers, about 3600; and| | | |
|these being all armed | | | |
|with matchlocks, there | | | |
|was certainly no army in | | | |
|Negroland able to resist | | | |
|them.[232] Seeing that a | | | |
|numerous undisciplined | | | |
|army against a well | | | |
|disciplined and compact | | | |
|band, armed with such a | | | |
|destructive weapon, was | | | |
|only a burthen, the | | | |
|Songhay king seems to | | | |
|have thought that a band | | | |
|of choice men, even if | | | |
|small in numbers, was | | | |
|preferable, and he | | | |
|therefore sent Híki | | | |
|Serkía, an officer of | | | |
|acknowledged bravery, | | | |
|with a body of 1200 of | | | |
|the best horsemen of his | | | |
|army, who had never fled | | | |
|before an enemy, to | | | |
|attack the Bashá. But the| | | |
|fate of Songhay was | | | |
|decided; treachery and | | | |
|disunion still further | | | |
|impaired the power which,| | | |
|even if well kept | | | |
|together, would still | | | |
|have had great difficulty| | | |
|in resisting such an | | | |
|enemy. When therefore | | | |
|that very body of cavalry| | | |
|rendered homage to the | | | |
|Balmʿa Mohammed Kágho, in| 1591-2 | 1000 |The tribe of the Erhámena|
|the beginning of the last| | |becomes powerful in the |
|year of the tenth century| | |west. |
|of the Hejra, and made | | | |
|him Áskíá, Ís-hák seeing | | |The Zoghorán or Jawámbe |
|that all was lost, (from | | |conquer great portions |
|Dendi, where he staid at | | |of the former Songhay |
|the time?) took the | | |country. |
|direction of Kebbi.[233] | | | |
|He was, however, obliged | | | |
|to retrace his steps, as | | | |
|the Kanta, the ruler of | | | |
|that kingdom, which at | | | |
|that period was still | | | |
|enjoying very great | | | |
|power,—afraid probably of| | | |
|drawing upon himself the | | | |
|revenge of the dreaded | | | |
|foreign foe, who with the| | | |
|thunder of his musketry | | | |
|was disturbing the repose| | | |
|of Negroland; or, moved | | | |
|by that ancient hatred | | | |
|which, since the | | | |
|expedition to Ágades, | | | |
|existed between the | | | |
|Songhay and the | | | |
|inhabitants of | | | |
|Kebbi,—refused him | | | |
|admission into his | | | |
|dominions. Ís-hák | | | |
|therefore crossed the | | | |
|river, and went to | | | |
|Téra[234], where his last| | | |
|friends took leave of | | | |
|him. Even the inhabitants| | | |
|of this very place, who | | | |
|have preserved their | | | |
|independence till the | | | |
|present day, were not | | | |
|able, or were not | | | |
|inclined, to defend their| | | |
|liege lord. “There they | | | |
|separated, and bade each | | | |
|other farewell. The king | | | |
|wept, and they (the | | | |
|courtiers) wept, and it | | | |
|was the last time that | | | |
|they saw each other.” | | | |
|There was certainly a | | | |
|strong reason for weeping| | | |
|over the fate of Songhay.| | | |
|That splendid empire, | | | |
|which a few years back | | | |
|had extended from the | | | |
|middle of Háusa as far as| | | |
|the ocean, and from Mósi | | | |
|as far as Tawát, was | | | |
|gone, its king an exile | | | |
|and fugitive from his | | | |
|native land, deserted by | | | |
|his friends and nearest | | | |
|relations, had to seek | | | |
|refuge with his very | | | |
|enemies. Driven back from| | | |
|the Mohammedans in Kebbi,| | | |
|he now turned towards the| | | |
|pagans of Gurma, and | | | |
|those very inhabitants of| | | |
|Tínfiri upon whom he had | | | |
|made war two years | | | |
|before; and, indeed, the | | | |
|pagans were more merciful| | | |
|than the Mohammedans, and| | | |
|forgot their recent wrong| | | |
|sooner than the latter | | | |
|their old one; but | | | |
|probably the ex-king | | | |
|excited their fear; and, | | | |
|after having resided | | | |
|there some time, he was | | | |
|slain, together with his | | | |
|son and all his | | | |
|followers, in the month | | | |
|of Jumáda the second. | | | |
| | | | |
|Meanwhile there seemed to| | | |
|be still a slight | | | |
|prospect for the | | | |
|pretender Mohammed Kágho | | | |
|to save at least part of | | | |
|the empire, as all that | | | |
|remained of wealth and | | | |
|authority in Songhay | | | |
|gathered round him to do | | | |
|him homage; but even now | | | |
|the ancient family | | | |
|discord prevailed; and | | | |
|while he strengthened | | | |
|himself by some of his | | | |
|brothers, whom he | | | |
|liberated from prison, | | | |
|especially Núh, the | | | |
|former governor of | | | |
|Bantal, others among his | | | |
|brothers, sons of Dáúd, | | | |
|fled to the enemy, and, | | | |
|being well received, | | | |
|dragged after them a | | | |
|great many of the most | | | |
|influential men of the | | | |
|army. After this, | | | |
|Mohammed Kágho was | | | |
|induced by treachery to | | | |
|throw himself upon the | | | |
|mercy of the Bashá, from | | | |
|whom he received the | | | |
|assurance that he had | | | |
|nothing to fear; but he | | | |
|was laid in chains, and | | | |
|soon after executed. | | | |
| | | | |
|The Bashá Mahmúd, | | | |
|although he evidently | | | |
|governed the country with| | | |
|a strong hand, | | | |
|nevertheless, in the | | | |
|beginning at least, | | | |
|thought it more prudent | | | |
|to keep up a certain | | | |
|national form, and | | | |
|conferred the dignity of | | | |
|Áskíá upon the Barakoy | | | |
|Bultu; but the latter | | | |
|soon found it better to | | | |
|provide for his own | | | |
|safety by a speedy | | | |
|flight, and the Bashá | | | |
|then gave the hollow | | | |
|title of Áskíá to Slímán | | | |
|ben Áskíá Dáúd, who had | | | |
|been the first to put | | | |
|himself under his | | | |
|protection. | | | |
| | | | |
|The Bashá then went to | | | |
|pursue Núh, formerly | | | |
|governor of Bantal, who, | | | |
|having been liberated | | | |
|from his prison by | | | |
|Mohammed Kágho, returned | | | |
|to Dendi, that outlying | | | |
|and important province of| | | |
|Songhay, as soon as he | | | |
|saw his protector fail, | | | |
|and declared himself | | | |
|Áskíá in Dendi; but even | | | |
|beyond the Niger he | | | |
|seemed not to be safe; | | | |
|such was the remarkable | | | |
|vigour of this small | | | |
|Moroccain army, and the | | | |
|energy of its leader, | | | |
|under the auspices of | | | |
|that aspiring genius | | | |
|Múláy Hámed. On the | | | |
|frontier of Dendi, the | | | |
|Moroccain musketeers, | | | |
|within hearing of the | | | |
|subjects of Kanta, fought| | | |
|a battle with this last | | | |
|germ of Songhay | | | |
|independence, and | | | |
|vanquished Áskíá Núh even| | | |
|there; and the Bashá | | | |
|pursued the fugitive | | | |
|prince without relaxation| | | |
|from place to place for | | | |
|full two years, fighting | | | |
|repeated battles with | | | |
|him. Nay, he even built a| | | |
|fortress or kasbah in | | | |
|Kalna (?[235]), and | | | |
|placed there a garrison | | | |
|of 200 musketeers under | | | |
|the Káíd ʿOmár, as if he | | | |
|intended to hold | | | |
|possession for ever of | | | |
|this distant province for| | | |
|his master in Morocco. | | | |
|This is a highly | | | |
|interesting fact. But a | | | |
|small spark of native | | | |
|independence nevertheless| | | |
|remained behind in this | | | |
|province, from whence the| | | |
|Moroccains, after the | | | |
|first energetic impulse | | | |
|was gone, were forced to | | | |
|fall back. | | | |
| | | | |
|While the Bashá himself | | | |
|was thus waging | | | |
|relentless war against | | | |
|the nucleus and the | | | |
|eastern part of the | | | |
|Songhay empire, the | | | |
|conquest and destruction | | | |
|of national independence | | | |
|was going on no less in | | | |
|the west. The great | | | |
|centre of national | | | |
|feeling and of | | | |
|independent spirit in | | | |
|that quarter was | | | |
|Timbúktu, a town almost | | | |
|enjoying the rank of a | | | |
|separate capital, on | | | |
|account of the greater | | | |
|amount of Mohammedan | | | |
|learning therein | | | |
|concentrated. It was on | | | |
|account of this feeling | | | |
|of independence, | | | |
|probably, that the | | | |
|inhabitants would not | | | |
|bear the encroachments of| | | |
|the Káíd el Mústapha upon| | | |
|their liberty, especially| | | |
|as he wanted to fill from| | | |
|his own choice, after the| | | |
|death of Yáhia, the place| | | |
|of the Túmbutu-koy, or | | | |
|Túmbutu-mangha, as he is | | | |
|here called, the office | | | |
|of the native governor. | | | |
|Thus a bloody tumult | | | |
|arose in the town, when | | | |
|the Tárki chief Ausamba | | | |
|came to the assistance of| | | |
|the distressed Káíd, | | | |
|probably from motives of | | | |
|plunder; and thus the | | | |
|whole town was consumed | | | |
|by flames, it being a | | | |
|dreadful day for the | | | |
|inhabitants. Nay, the | | | |
|enraged Káíd, who had now| | | |
|got the upper hand, | | | |
|wanted to slaughter them | | | |
|all; but the Káíd Mámi | | | |
|succeeded in | | | |
|reestablishing peace | | | |
|between the inhabitants | | | |
|and El Mústapha; and | | | |
|quiet and comfort began | | | |
|to return; so that even | | | |
|those who had emigrated | | | |
|again returned to their | | | |
|native homes. Even the | | | |
|inspector of the harbour,| | | |
|who had retired to the | | | |
|province of Banku, or | | | |
|Bengu, came back with the| | | |
|fleet. The communication | | | |
|therefore with Jinni and | | | |
|the region on the upper | | | |
|course of the river was | | | |
|reopened. | | | |
| | | | |
|Having then made a | | | |
|successful expedition | | | |
|against the Zoghorán, who| | | |
|devastated the districts | | | |
|of Bara and Dirma, and | | | |
|inflicted upon them a | | | |
|most severe punishment, | | | |
|the Káíd Mámi went | | | |
|himself to Jinni, which | | |The Bámbara appear as a |
|had suffered a great deal| | |conquering race. |
|from the devastating | | | |
|incursions of the pagan | | | |
|Bámbara, and took up his | | | |
|residence for a time in | | | |
|the palace of the | | | |
|Jinnikoy. Having then | | | |
|installed ʿAbd-Allah ben | | | |
|ʿOthmán as governor of | | | |
|Jinni, and arranged | | | |
|matters in that distant | | | |
|place, he returned to | | | |
|Timbúktu. Samba Lámido | | | |
|(“lámido” means | | | |
|“governor”), evidently a | | | |
|Púllo, in Danka, or | | | |
|Denga, devastated many of| | | |
|the places on the Rás el | | | |
|má, and committed great | | | |
|havoc and bloodshed. | | | |
| | | | |
|Thus the Moroccains had | | | |
|conquered almost the | | | |
|whole of this extensive | | | |
|empire, from Dendi as far| | | |
|as, and even beyond, | | | |
|Jinni; for they even took| | | |
|possession of part of | | | |
|Bághena, and conquered | | | |
|the whole province of | | | |
|Hómbori, or, as it is | | | |
|called from its rocky | | | |
|character, Tóndi or El | | | |
|Hajri, to the south of | | | |
|the river. Nay, they even| | | |
|conquered part of Tombo, | | | |
|the strong native kingdom| | | |
|inclosed between Hómbori,| | | |
|Mósi, Jinni, and | | | |
|Jimballa. They had their | | | |
|chief garrisons in Jinni,| | | |
|Timbúktu, Bámba, which on| | | |
|this account received the| | | |
|name Kasbah, in Gágho, | | | |
|and Kalna in Dendi; and | | | |
|their chief strength | | | |
|consisted in | | | |
|intermarrying with the | | | |
|natives, and thus | | | |
|producing a distinct | | | |
|class of people, who, as | | | |
|Ermá, or Rumá, are | | | |
|distinguished to this | | | |
|very day; while the | | | |
|peculiar dialect of | | | |
|Songhay, which they | | | |
|speak, has been produced | | | |
|lately as a distinct | | | |
|language by M. | | | |
|Raffenel.[236] But these | | | |
|half-castes soon found | | | |
|all their interest in | | | |
|their new abode, and | | | |
|cared little for Morocco;| | | |
|so that the advantage | | | |
|which the latter country | | | |
|drew from this conquest | | | |
|was only of a very | | | |
|transitory character. | | | |
|Certainly, there was some| | | |
|sort of order | | | |
|established; but there | | | |
|was no new organization, | | | |
|as it seems; the old | | | |
|forms being preserved, | | | |
|and soon becoming effete.| | | |
|On the whole, we cannot | | | |
|but admire the | | | |
|correctness of the | | | |
|following passage of Bábá| | | |
|Áhmed, who says: “Thus | | | |
|this Mahalla, at that | | | |
|period, found in Sudán | | | |
|(Songhay) one of those | | | |
|countries of the earth | | | |
|which are most favoured | | | |
|with comfort, plenty, | | | |
|peace, and prosperity | | | |
|everywhere; such was the | | | |
|working of the government| | | |
|of the Emír el Múmenín, | | | |
|Áskíá el Háj Mohammed ben| | | |
|Ábú Bakr, in consequence | | | |
|of his justice and the | | | |
|power of his royal | | | |
|command, which took full | | | |
|and peremptory effect, | | | |
|not only in his capital, | | | |
|but in all the districts | | | |
|of his whole empire, from| | | |
|the province of Dendi to | | | |
|the frontiers of Morocco,| | | |
|and from the territory of| | | |
|Bennendúgu (to the south | | | |
|of Jinni) as far as | | | |
|Tegháza and Tawát. But in| | | |
|a moment all was changed,| | | |
|and peaceful repose was | | | |
|succeeded by a constant | | | |
|state of fear, comfort | | | |
|and security by trouble | | | |
|and suffering; ruin and | | | |
|misfortune took the place| | | |
|of prosperity, and people| | | |
|began everywhere to fight| | | |
|against each other, and | | | |
|property and life became | | | |
|exposed to constant | | | |
|danger; and this ruin | | | |
|began, spread, increased,| | | |
|and at length prevailed | | | |
|throughout the whole | | | |
|region.” | | | |
| | | | |
|Thus wrote old Bábá | | |The kingdoms of Asianti |
|Áhmed, who had himself | | |and Dahóme begin to |
|lost everything in | | |become powerful. |
|consequence of that | | | |
|paramount calamity which | | | |
|had befallen his native | | | |
|land, and who had been | | | |
|carried a prisoner to the| | | |
|country of the conqueror,| | | |
|till, owing to the | | | |
|unbounded respect which | | | |
|the enemy himself felt | | | |
|for the learning and | | | |
|sanctity of the prisoner,| | | |
|he was released, and | | | |
|allowed to return to | | | |
|Songhay, where he seems | | | |
|to have finished his | | | |
|days, by endeavouring to | | | |
|console himself, for the | | | |
|loss of all that was dear| | | |
|to him, with science, and| | | |
|in writing the history of| | | |
|his unfortunate native | | | |
|country. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Múláy Hámed el Mansúr, | 1603 | 1012 | |
|the conqueror of Songhay,| | | |
|died. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|_Zédán_, his youngest son| 1607 | 1016 | |
|is proclaimed sultan; but| | | |
|has to sustain a long | | | |
|struggle against his | | | |
|brothers ʿAbd-Alla and | | | |
|Sheikh; and after an | | | |
|unfortunate battle on the| | | |
|8th December, is driven | | | |
|beyond the limits of | | | |
|Morocco, when _Sheikh_ is| | | |
|recognised for a limited | | | |
|period. | | | |
| | | | |
|All these changes could | | | |
|not fail to exercise an | | | |
|immediate influence upon | | | |
|the government of | | | |
|Songhay, which had now | | | |
|become a province of | | | |
|Morocco.[237] | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Múláy Zédán died. | 1630 | 1040 | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Múláy ʿAbd el Melek | | | |
|succeeds him: is | | | |
|assassinated. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Múláy Wálid succeeds him.| 1635 | 1045-6 | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1637 | 1048 |The French make a |
| | | |settlement on the |
| | | |Senegal. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|The history of Songhay, | 1640 | 1050 |The Tademékket are driven|
|composed by Áhmed Bábá. | | |out of their former seats|
| | | |and deprived of their |
|Great inundation in | | |supremacy by the |
|Timbúktu, in consequence | | |Awelímmid or Áwelímmiden |
|of the high level | | |(the Lamta), who formerly|
|attained by the river. | | |had been settled in Igídi|
| | | |with the Welád Delém, |
| | | |with whom they were |
| | | |allied. Karidénne, the |
| | | |son of Shwásh and of a |
| | | |wife from the tribe of |
| | | |the Tademékket, murdered |
| | | |the chief of the latter |
| | | |tribe, and drove them out|
| | | |of Áderár, when they went|
| | | |westward and implored the|
| | | |protection of the Bashá, |
| | | |who assigned them new |
| | | |seats round about the |
| | | |backwaters between |
| | | |Timbúktu and Gúndam. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Múláy Áhmed Sheikh | 1647 | 1057 | |
|succeeds to Múláy Wálid; | | | |
|but is soon after killed | | | |
|in a revolt. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Króm el Háji usurps the | 1654-5 | 1065 | |
|throne: is soon after | | | |
|assassinated. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Múláy Mohammed, son of | 1664 | 1075-8 | |
|Múláy ʿAlí, the founder | | | |
|of the Filáli dynasty, | | | |
|dethroned by his brother | | | |
|E’ Rashíd: E’ Rashíd | | | |
|takes possession of the | | | |
|town of Morocco. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Sídi ʿAlí, governor of | 1667 | 1078-9 |About this period the |
|Sús, takes refuge in | | |Welád Bille, in Tishít, |
|Songhay[238]—a proof that| | |possessed great power. |
|the garrison stationed | | | |
|there had made themselves| | | |
|quite independent of | | | |
|Morocco at that time, | | | |
|notwithstanding the | | | |
|energetic rule of E’ | | | |
|Rashíd, who died | 1672 | 1083 | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Múláy Ismáʿaíl succeeds | 1672 | 1083 |Hennún, the son of |
|him, but without being | | |Bóhedal, chief of the |
|able to establish his | | |Welád Mebárek, received |
|power over all parts of | | |the investiture as ruler |
|the empire. It is very | | |of Bághena from Ismáʿaíl.|
|remarkable, that this | | | |
|king formed a standing | | | |
|army of Negroes, | | | |
|especially Songhay, whom | | | |
|he married to Moroccain | | | |
|women, in order to rule | | | |
|his own subjects; just in| | | |
|the same manner as a body| | | |
|of Moroccain soldiers | | | |
|intermarrying with Negro | | | |
|women dominated Songhay. | | | |
|These were the “ʿabíd | | | |
|mtʿa Sídi Bokhári.”[239] | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Múláy Áhmed, the nephew | 1680 | 1091 | |
|of Múláy Ismáʿaíl, | | | |
|governor of Darʿa and | | | |
|Sús, undertook an | | | |
|expedition into Súdán, | | | |
|with a large body of | | | |
|troops, and although he | | | |
|lost 1500 men in crossing| | |About this time Sóba, the|
|the desert, brought back | | |mighty king of Góber, |
|a rich spoil in gold and | | |residing in Mághale, one |
|slaves, principally from | | |day W. of Chéberi, makes |
|a place called _Tagaret_,| | |warlike expeditions |
|which it is not easy to | | |beyond the Kwára. |
|identify, especially as | | | |
|it is said that he found | | | |
|there a king of Súdán. It| | | |
|is probably a place in | | | |
|Taga_n_et, most likely | | | |
|Tejígja. There is no | | | |
|mention of a garrison | | | |
|dependent upon Morocco. | | | |
|In this same year | | | |
|Timbúktu is said to have | | | |
|been conquered by the | | | |
|Mandingoes (Bámbara?). | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Múláy Áhmed el Dhéhebi | Mar. 22,| 1140-1 | |
|succeeds to the aged | 1727 | | |
|Ismáʿaíl. Although his | | | |
|reign lasted only two | | | |
|years, and he was | | | |
|constantly engaged in | | | |
|civil war, he is said to | | | |
|have made an expedition | | | |
|into Súdán, from whence | | | |
|he brought back great | | | |
|treasures.[240] But this | | | |
|is evidently a confused | | | |
|statement, and probably | | | |
|refers to the deeds of | | | |
|his elder namesake, Múláy| | | |
|Áhmed el Dhéhebi. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Múláy ʿAbd-Alla succeeds | 1729 | 1142-3 | |
|to the throne. Constant | | | |
|civil war in the | | | |
|beginning of his reign. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1740 | 1153 |About this time the Kél- |
| | | |owí take possession of |
| | | |Áír or Ásben. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Sídi Mohammed built Swéra| 1757 | 1171-2 |Babári, powerful king in |
|or Mogadór. | | |Góber. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1770 | 1184 |ʿAbd el Káder produces a |
| | | |religious revolution in |
| | | |Fúta, combined, perhaps, |
| | | |with a reaction of the |
| | | |Wolof against the |
| | | |conquerors[241], or |
| | | |rather of the race of the|
| | | |Toróde,—the Wolof |
| | | |intermixed with the |
| | | |Fúlbe—against the element|
|About this time Gógo, | | |Málinké and Púllo. |
|which had hitherto been | | |Sáttigi Sambalámu, the |
|ruled by the Rumá, was | | |last of the Sóltana |
|conquered by the Tawárek | | |Deniankóbe. The order of |
|tribe of the Awelímmiden.| | |the succession is as |
|Probably in consequence | | |follows:— |
|of this event, Ágades, | | | |
|having been deprived of | | | Chéro Solimán Bal, |
|its commercial resources,| | | |
|begins to decline. | | | Almáme ʿAbdu, |
| | | | |
| | | | Almáme Mukhtár, |
| | | | |
| | | | Almáme Bú-bakr, |
| | | | |
| | | | Almáme Shíray, |
| | | | |
| | | | Almáme Yúsuf, |
| | | | |
| | | | Almáme Birán, |
| | | | |
| | | | Almáme Hammád, |
| | | | |
| | | | Almáme Makhmúdo, |
| | | | |
| | | | Almáme Mohammed |
| | | | el Amín, son of |
| | | | Mohammed Birán. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|The chief Káwa, who rules| 1780 | 1195 |Venture collects his |
|seventy years over the | | |information from two |
|Awelímmiden, establishes | | |Moroccain merchants. |
|a powerful dominion on | | |Tombo very powerful. |
|the north bank of the | | |Marka, the Aswánek, in |
|Niger (Áusa). | | |Bághena. Kawár, the |
| | | |Fúlbe, in Másina. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Timbúktu, according to | 1787 | 1202-3 |About this period falls |
|the very doubtful | | |the quarrel between the |
|statement of | | |Sheikh El Mukhtár el |
|Shabíni[242], under the | | |kebír and the Welád |
|supremacy of Háusa. If | | |Bille, the former |
|this were true, it would | | |overthrowing the latter |
|be a very important fact;| | |with the assistance of |
|but it is evidently a | | |the Méshedúf and the Áhel|
|mistake, Áusa being | | |Zenághi. |
|meant. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Timbúktu, under the | 1803-4 | 1218 |El Mukhtár opens |
|sovereignty of Mansong, | | |friendship with ʿOthmán |
|at that time king of | | |dan Fódie, the Jihádi, |
|Bámbara [very | | |who this year entered |
|questionable].[243] | | |into open hostility |
|Professor Ritter[244] | | |against Bawa, the king of|
|supposes the Moors to | | |Góber, and brought about |
|have been ejected at that| | |that immense revolution |
|time, so that Timbúktu | | |in the whole centre of |
|became an independent | | |Negroland. |
|Negro town. | | | |
| | | |About this period a great|
| | | |struggle between the |
| | | |Awelímmiden and the |
| | | |Tademékket. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1804 | 1219 |The Fúlbe make Gandó, in |
| | | |Kebbi, the seat of their |
| | | |operations. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Mungo Park navigates the | 1805-6 | 1220-1 |The Rumá, still powerful |
|Niger. | | |between Sébi and |
| | | |Timbúktu, dominate the |
| | | |passage of the Niger. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1811 | 1226 |Sídi Mukhtár dies. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Mohammed or Áhmed Lebbo | 1816 | 1232-3 |Great and sanguinary |
|brings the religious | | |battle between the |
|banner from Gandó: and | | |Songhay, Rumá, and |
|gradually acquires the | | |Berabísh on the one side,|
|supremacy in Másina over | | |and the Awelímmiden on |
|the native chiefs. | | |the other, near the |
| | | |island Kúrkozay. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1817 | 1233 |Sheikh ʿOthmán dan Fódie |
| | | |before his death divides |
| | | |his extensive dominions |
| | | |between his brother ʿAbd-|
| | | |Alláhi and his son Bello,|
| | | |the former receiving all |
| | | |the western provinces |
| | | |along the Niger, with |
| | | |Gandó as his capital, the|
| | | |latter the south-easterly|
| | | |provinces, with Sókoto. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Lebbo commences | 1820 | 1236-7 |Constant war between |
|hostilities with Mohammed| | |Másina and Bámbara. |
|Galáijo, the chief of | | | |
|Konári, vanquishes him, | | | |
|and forces him to retreat| | | |
|eastward. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|The Fúlbe of Másina | 1826 | 1242-3 | |
|occupy Timbúktu in the | | | |
|beginning of the year. | | | |
| | | | |
|Major Laing left ʿEn- | | | |
|Sálah on the 10th of | | | |
|January; was attacked, | | | |
|and almost slain, in Wádi| | | |
|Ahennet, on the 27th (?) | | | |
|by a party of Tawárek; | | | |
|was received very kindly | | | |
|by Sídi Mohammed, the son| | | |
|of Sídi Mukhtár, in the | | | |
|hillet e’ Sheikh Sídi | | | |
|Mukhtár, in Ázawád. Sídi | | | |
|Mohammed died in | | | |
|consequence of a | | | |
|contagious fever. Laing | | | |
|left this place about | | | |
|August 12th; arrived at | | | |
|Timbúktu, August 18th; | | | |
|being ordered out of the | | | |
|town by the Fúlbe, he | | | |
|left that place on | | | |
|September 22nd, under the| | | |
|protection of Áhmed Weled| | | |
|ʿAbéda; and was murdered | | | |
|by him and Hámed Weled | | | |
|Habíb, probably on the | | | |
|24th. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|The Sheikh El Mukhtár, | 1827 | 1243 |ʿAbd-Alláhi, the ruler of|
|the son and successor of | | |Gandó, dies. Is succeeded|
|Sídi Mohammed, settles in| | |by his son Mohammed Wáni.|
|Timbúktu. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Caillié stays in Timbúktu| 1828 | 1244 | |
|from the 20th April till | | | |
|the 3rd May. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|The Fúlbe enter Timbúktu | 1831 | 1247 | |
|with a stronger force. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1836 | 1250 |Khalílu succeeds to the |
| | | |empire of Gandó. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|The Tawárek conquer the | 1844 | 1260 | |
|Fúlbe. | | | |
| | | | |
|The Fúlbe, under ʿAbd- | | | |
|Alláhi, make a great | | | |
|expedition along the | | | |
|Niger as far as Burrum. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Lebbo dies. His son | 1846 | 1262 | |
|Áhmedu succeeds him. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|Sheikh El Mukhtár dies in| 1848 | 1264 | |
|the month Rebí el áwel; | | | |
|El Bakáy succeeds him. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | 1851 | 1268-9 |The Kél-gerés kill e’ |
| | | |Nábegha, the chief of the|
| | | |Awelímmiden, at |
| | | |Tintaláít. |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|The young Áhmedu succeeds| 1852-3 | 1269 | |
|his father Áhmedu. | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
|The Fúlbe make a great | 1855 | 1272-3 |The Igwádaren opposed to |
|expedition against | | |the Awelímmiden. |
|Timbúktu. | | | |
+-------------------------+---------+---------+-------------------------+
[Footnote 169: Áhmed Bábá, J. L. O. S., vol. ix. p. 526.]
[Footnote 170: Mémoires de la Soc. de Géogr. vol. iii. p. 1.]
[Footnote 171: Descr. dell’ Africa, lib. vii. c. 1.]
[Footnote 172: For this highly important statement, see Ébn Khaldún,
trans. by De Slane, vol. iii. p. 201.]
[Footnote 173: Journal Asiatique, i. 1842, p. 50.]
[Footnote 174: Leo, l. vii. c. 1. even speaks of Negroland as if it had
been quite unknown before this time, “furono scoperti.”]
[Footnote 175: Ahmed Bábá, J. L. O. S. vol. ix. p. 528. seq. He
describes the site of this important town in the most perspicuous and
clear manner as being part of the year, from August to February, an
island. The town was first founded in a place called Zagaru, on the
south side of the southerly branch of the river, and therefore not
identical with the Zaghárí of Ébn Batúta. El Bekrí appears to have had
no knowledge of Jinni.]
[Footnote 176: El Bekrí, ed. Macguckin de Slane, p. 183. The name
بزركانيين which the Arabs gave to the inhabitants seems to have some
connection with the surname of one of the successors of Sunni, Bázekin
or Bázerkín.]
[Footnote 177: El Bekrí, 179. It is a great pity that just in this place
the author, whose statements in general are distinguished by their
clearness, should commit a palpable mistake, by placing Ambára (Hómbori)
west of Ghánata.]
[Footnote 178: Aloise Ca da Mosto, Navigazione, c. 14.]
[Footnote 179: Edrísi makes great confusion, produced by the similarity
of the names, Gógó or Kókó, Kúka (on the Fittri) and Kerker; but what he
relates (i. p. 23.) seems really to refer to Gógó.]
[Footnote 180: Edrísi, i. p. 61.; Compare Cooley, p. 66.]
[Footnote 181: Leo, l. vii. c. 6. As it is certain that no king of the
name Slímán ruled at that period over Melle, Mr. Cooley, in order to
explain Leo’s statement, supposed him to be a king of the
Súsu.—_Negroland of the Arabs_, p. 67. seq.]
[Footnote 182: Ébn Khaldún, trans. by De Slane, vol. ii. p. 83. The same
author, vol. ii. p. 160. seq., is the authority for the history of
Melle. Comp. Cooley, “Negroland,” p. 61. seq.]
[Footnote 183: De Barros, Asia, ed. Lisboa, 1778, l. i. c. 8. p. 220.]
[Footnote 184: Áhmed Bábá, in Journ. Leipsic Oriental Society, p. 530.]
[Footnote 185: The translation of Mr. Ralfs in the Journal of the
Leipsic Oriental Society is here not correct. He translates “er bezwang
Tumbúktu,” while the words of the author are طوع تُيبُكتُ. We do not
know what part in these affairs the general, Sagminhu, bore, who,
according to Ebn Khaldún’s account, was stated by some of his informants
to have achieved this conquest. There may have been partial resistance
in Songhay.]
[Footnote 186: سنغرزو مع - فَرَنا سُرا. The final “mʿa,” in Mandingo,
corresponds exactly with the final “ma” in the Kanúri titles.]
[Footnote 187: It is a very remarkable fact, that the titles mentioned
by Áhmed Bábá are all formed by attaching to the name of a town the
syllable “koy,” which would seem to be of Songhay origin.]
[Footnote 188: Áhmed Bábá says (p. 524.), “ʿAlí Killun put an end to the
supremacy of Melle over Songhay. After his death his brother ruled,
Silman Nár. Their dominion was limited to Songhay and the neighbouring
districts.”]
[Footnote 189: The date seems to be certain, for if Áhmed Bábá had only
known that the second dominion of the kings of Melle over Timbúktu,
which they lost in the year 837, had lasted 100 years, we might doubt
about the fact that the epoch began exactly with the year 737, but the
author gives the precise date of that very year. I therefore prefer his
arrangement to the arguments of Mr. Ralfs, p. 582.]
[Footnote 190: Makrízi, Notes et Extraits, vol. xii. p. 638. _note_.]
[Footnote 191: Cooley, “Negroland,” p. 79.]
[Footnote 192: Ca da Mosto, Prima Navigazione, c. 13. With regard to
Oden, see c. 10.; for Timbúktu, c. 12.]
[Footnote 193: From Áhmed Bábá we learn nothing more respecting the fate
of ʿOmár; but we see in another passage that Sonni ʿAlí imprisoned Al
Mukhtár, another son of Mohammed Nasr, who, from what follows, it is
evident, was Túmbutu-koy.]
[Footnote 194: De Barros, in the highly interesting passage, i. l. 3. c.
12. p. 257.; and the curious report of the German Valentin Ferdinand, by
Kunstmann, in Abhandlungen der K. Baier. Akad. cl. iii. vol. viii. first
section a. 1856. It is, however, remarkable that the German author,
although he speaks of Wadán, does not say anything of it ever having
been a factory.]
[Footnote 195: See what I have said respecting the tribe of the
Zoghorán, or Jawambe, p. 175.]
[Footnote 196: See De Barros, in the passage mentioned before, “rey dos
Fullos.”]
[Footnote 197: The origin of this name, as stated by Áhmed Bábá, is not
very probable. But although it is true that “Áskíá” was rather a royal
title, which the founder of this new dynasty adopted, nevertheless, in
Negroland, the popular name of this great ruler and conqueror is nothing
but Áskíá, and that was the reason why Leo calls him only by this name,
changing it into Ischia.]
[Footnote 198: Leo, l. vi. c. 2. p. 138., ed. Venezia, 1837.]
[Footnote 199: These words Mr. Ralfs (p. 533.) has neglected to
translate.]
[Footnote 200: Whether this ʿOmár received his surname Kumzághu only
from the circumstance of his taking the town of Zágha, we cannot decide;
but there is no doubt that he must be distinguished from the other
brother of the same name, else Áhmed Bábá would be guilty of an
absurdity. We never find that a governor of the important province of
Kúrmina was at the same time Túmbutu-koy; and the difference of the two
individuals is quite evident, for ʿOmár Kumzághu died 926, and ʿOmár,
son of Bú Bakr,—that is to say, his other brother,—the Túmbutu-koy, 928.
See further down.]
[Footnote 201: De Barros, i. l. iii. c. 12, p. 257, dizendo (the later
Mansa, in Manuel’s time) que havia em boa ventura ser lhe enviado este
mensajeiro, porque a seu avô que tinha a seu proprio nome fora, enviado
otro mensajeiro do otro Rey D. João de Portugal.]
[Footnote 202: Tukalna, as the name is given by Ralfs, is wrong.]
[Footnote 203: In the Gibla, the south-western district of the great
desert, there is a tribe of the name Welád Abéri.]
[Footnote 204: This is probably the meaning of the words of Leo, l. vii.
c. 4.]
[Footnote 205: This true native form of the name of that country Áhmed
Bábá gives himself. At the time when I made the excerpts I did not
identify the name, having misspelt it Barka; but the form Barb_ú_ is
quite decisive.]
[Footnote 206: Appendix to Clapperton’s Second Expedition, p. 338.:—“And
it is recorded that, when the equitable Prince Hadgi Mohammed Allah-kaja
(Áskíá) ruled over this province, he could gain no advantage over
them.”]
[Footnote 207: باغن فرن مع فُتَ كْيَتال The name is remarkable; “mʿa,” a
Mandingo word; it may belong to the title “fereng,” as a sort of
tautology.]
[Footnote 208: اللعين المتني تينضر It is not improbable that the name
Allʿaín expresses the national term Dhelian, or Dhelianke, to whom this
founder of the new dynasty in Fúta Tóro belonged.]
[Footnote 209: The following is the highly interesting account which we
have received from De Barros (_Asia_, I. l. 3. c. 12. p. 258.) of this
great commotion:—“E não somente per estes e per Pero d’ Evora, mas ainda
per hum Mem Royz escudeiro de sua casa e per Pero de Astuniga seu moço
d’ esporas que elle levava por companheiro, mandou El Rey algunas vezes
recados a El Rey de Tungubutu e ao mesmo _Temalá_ (Damil) que se
chiamava Rey dos Fullos. O qual Temalá nestes tiempos foi nas quellas
partes _hum incendio de guerra_ levantandose da parte do Sol ex huma
Comarca chamada Futa con tanto numero de gente que seccavam hum rio
quando a elle chegavam; e assiera esquivo e barbaro este açoute d’
aquella gente pagã que assolava quanto se lhe punha diante. E como con
vesta ferocidade tinha feito grande damno emos amigos e servidores del
Rey, principalmente a el Rey de Tungubutu, Mandi Mansa, Uli Mansa mandou
lhe per algunas vezes seus recados de amizade, e outros de rogo sobre os
negocios da guerra que tinha com estes.” It is highly interesting to see
how the course of affairs in this quarter confirms all that we know from
other sources. Thus M. le Colonel Faidherbe, at present governor of the
Senegal, in opposition to common tradition, which would have carried
back the foundation of the new dynasty in Fúta, which he well understood
proceeded from the east, to the middle of the fourteenth century,
arrives at the conclusion that it must have been established about the
year 1500. _Bulletin de la Soc. Géogr._, iv. p. 281.]
[Footnote 210: Leo heard this report evidently from merchants, and in a
very exaggerated manner; for Áhmed Bábá would be guilty of inaccuracy
beyond measure, if he had forgotten to mention a second expedition which
Háj Mohammed, according to Leo’s account, undertook three years after
the first; nay, such an expedition is totally impossible, on account of
the hostility of Kanta the ruler of Kebbi, who made himself independent
of Songhay the second year after the expedition to Kátsena, and there
was no road from Songhay to Kanó except through Kebbi.]
[Footnote 211: See Vol. I. p. 461. seq.]
[Footnote 212: Leo, l. vii. c. 9.]
[Footnote 213: In this instance also it is not certain whether the town
of Kanó be meant, or whether that name at the time attached only to the
whole province.]
[Footnote 214: “Tamben per via da fortaleza da Mina mandarão a Mohamed
bem Manzugue e neto de Mussa Rey de Songo, que de huma Cidade das mais
populosas daquella grao Provincia a que nos communemente chamamos
Mandinga, a qual Cidade jaz no parallelo do Cabo das palmas, mettida
dentro no sertão per distancia de cento e quarenta leguas, segundo a
setuaçao das taboas da nossa Geografia.”—De Barros, _Asia_, l.c. p. 259.
That nephew of Músa, therefore, was evidently governor of the former
principal province of the kingdom of Melle. The king, says De Barros
further on, was not a little surprised at the king of Portugal sending
him presents. It is very probable that among these presents were the
articles of Portuguese workmanship mentioned by the author of the memoir
to Philip II. on the power of Múláy e’ Dhéhebi, as found by the
Maroccains among the spoil of Gágho. See lower down.]
[Footnote 215: This phrase, وفيها ذهب الى دِرَ has not been translated
by Mr. Ralfs.]
[Footnote 216: There seems little doubt that the name Kábi is here
implied, although Áhmed Bábá himself uses the form Kebbi, and he adds
that it was the name of a locality, “makán;” but the author had very
little knowledge of these easterly regions, and, probably, did not know
the relation of Kebbi—which he generally designates as the territory of
Kanta—to Dendi, the name commonly given to this province east of the
Niger.]
[Footnote 217: De Slane, in “La Revue Africaine,” i. p. 291.]
[Footnote 218: The number may not be much exaggerated. It was probably
this example which taught Múláy Hamed that a small well disciplined army
was by far more useful for such a purpose than an undisciplined host.]
[Footnote 219: Most probably the people in Morocco had a very confused
idea of the relation of the two great rivers of that region, the Senegal
and Niger, with the ocean; and both rivers are here meant when Múláy
Hámed ordered the army وامرهم باخذ ما هناك من البلدان على شاطي البحر]
[Footnote 220: Revue Africaine, i. 291.]
[Footnote 221: The place Tegháza seems to have had a considerable
population at that time, which shows the importance of this traffic. See
Caillié, ii. p. 128.]
[Footnote 222: We see from this report the remarkable fact that the
whole of Songhay at that time was provided from Tegháza, while we have
seen from El Bekrí’s account that in the eleventh century Songhay Proper
was supplied from the mines of Taútek. The words of Bábá Áhmed الصبر عن
الملح, not translated by Mr. Ralfs, can be only understood by him who
has travelled in Negroland, and who knows what a precious article salt
is in many regions, and what it is “to be deprived of salt.”]
[Footnote 223: The translation of this passage by Mr. Ralfs (p. 543.) is
rather defective.]
[Footnote 224: Bábá Áhmed is here very distinct, stating expressly,
apparently in order to contradict current reports,—“and they dug (began
to dig) here in Taödénni the salt at this period” (بهذا التاريخ _and
they gave up [the salt mines of] Tegháza this time, or on this
occasion_). The latter words have not been translated by Mr. Ralfs at
all.]
[Footnote 225: Eighteen days’ march with an army from Timbúktu, nine
days for a single horseman on flight.]
[Footnote 226: The name Gurma seems to be employed here quite in a
general sense.]
[Footnote 227: It is remarkable that Bábá Áhmed does not intimate at all
by what road the Bashá arrived.]
[Footnote 228: That Jódar was a eunuch, and a native of Almeria, we
learn from a Spanish source, a paper written the 16th of October, 1648,
by an unknown author, in “Papeles Curiosas,” of the Egerton Collection,
n. 10,262, p. 235.: “Aquel valeroso Eunuco renegado natural de Almeria;”
and further on, “Esta conquista hizó el famoso Jaudar, que fué celebre
en Berberia como uno de los de la fama.”]
[Footnote 229: Journ. Leip. Oriental Soc., ix. p. 549.]
[Footnote 230: This is not certain, although further on Áhmed Bábá
mentions مدافع, which Mr. Ralfs translates (p. 554.) by “Geschütz;” but
the common musket being called مدفع by the Arabs in and near Timbúktu,
it is not quite certain whether the author means field pieces or
matchlocks.]
[Footnote 231: In order to make out the whole numbers of the army of the
Bashá, we must add the garrison of Timbúktu, which could certainly not
be less than a couple of hundred men.]
[Footnote 232: It would be highly absurd to conclude, from what Áhmed
Bábá says of the strength of this army, that its numbers made it so; for
in numbers it was certainly a very small army for Negroland, where
armies of from 30,000 to 50,000 men are a common occurrence, and the
Imám e’ Tekrúri says that the Songhay king had an army of 140,000 men.
Revue Africaine, l.c.]
[Footnote 233: Bábá Áhmed writes this name exactly as it is pronounced,
كَبِّ, while the name Kábi is never used, but must have been formerly
used, as is evident, from the form Kábáwa. See page 201.]
[Footnote 234: تْارَ (p. 553.), not Tara. There is no doubt that the
well-known Songhay town of that name (Vol. IV. Ap. V.) is meant.]
[Footnote 235: بلد كلن. According to the writer, whose interesting
account Macguckin de Slane has published in the “Revue Africaine,” i. n.
4. p. 296., the authority of Mansúr extended as far as Kanó: nay, even
the ruler of Bórnu is said to have made his subjection; but the latter
assertion is very improbable, the then ruler of Bórnu being none else
than the warlike and energetic Edrís Álawóma. It is remarkable, however,
that that author mentions Kanó without saying anything about Kebbi,
which was the neighbouring kingdom, intervening between Songhay and
Kanó, and at that time very powerful.]
[Footnote 236: See p. 431.]
[Footnote 237: I had no time to excerpt this latter part of Bábá Áhmed’s
history, but it is full of information with regard to this turbulent
period.]
[Footnote 238: Here again Jackson (_Account of Morocco_, p. 295.) has
made a most erroneous statement, saying that Sídi ʿAlí escaped into
Súdán, where the king of Bámbara received him hospitably, so that ʿAlí
was enabled to collect 8000 black warriors, with whom he marched against
Morocco; and that these blacks were the means by which Ismáʿaíl obtained
influence in Timbúktu.]
[Footnote 239: There is great confusion in an article concerning this
subject in a letter addressed by Jackson to Sir James Bankes, in the
Proceedings of the African Association, vol. i. p. 366. Here the annual
tribute which Timbúktu paid to this king is estimated at 5,000,000
dollars. The same sort of exaggeration we find in all Jackson’s
statements.]
[Footnote 240: Even the very meritorious Gråberg de Hemsö, in his
_Specchio di Marocco_, p. 269., repeats this statement.]
[Footnote 241: See M. le Colonel Faidherbe, in _Bulletin de la Soc.
Géogr._ 1850.]
[Footnote 242: Shabíni, p. 12.]
[Footnote 243: Proceedings of the African Association, ii. p. 322.]
[Footnote 244: Ritter, Erdkunde von Afrika, p. 446. seq., especially
from Sídi Hámed’s statement (p. 363.).]
APPENDIX X.
FRAGMENTS OF A METEOROLOGICAL REGISTER.
[Deg. F.: Degrees in scale of Fahrenheit.]
+-----+-------+-------+----------------------------------------------+
|Date.|Hour of|Deg. F.| Remarks. |
| | Day. | | |
+-----+-------+-------+----------------------------------------------+
|1852.| | | |
| | | | |
| Nov.| | | |
| | | | |
| 25 |sunrise| 41 |Outside Kúkawa at the village Kalíluwa. |
| | | | |
| |1.30 | 91 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 27 |sunrise| 50 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 74 | |
| | | | |
| 28 |sunrise| 52 | |
| | | | |
| |1.15 | 91 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 81 | |
| | | | |
| 29 |sunrise| 64 | |
| | | | |
| |1.30 | 93 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 81 | |
| | | | |
| 30 |sunrise| 58·5 | |
| | | | |
| Dec.| | | |
| | | | |
| 1 |sunrise| 57·5 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 87 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 77 | |
| | | | |
| 2 |sunrise| 59 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 75 | |
| | | | |
| 3 |sunrise| 52 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 88 |Heavy E. gale. |
| | | | |
| 4 |sunrise| 51 | |
| | | | |
| |1 p.m. | 88 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 77 | |
| | | | |
| 5 |sunrise| 47 | |
| | | | |
| |1.30 | 94 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 82·3 | |
| | | | |
| 6 |No observation.| |
| | | | |
| 7 |1.30 | 81·2 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 70·2 | |
| | | | |
| 8 |sunrise| 52 |Heavy northerly gale. |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 69·5 | |
| | | | |
| 9 |sunrise| 48 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 82·5 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 75 | |
| | | | |
| 10 |sunrise| 56 |Foggy in the morning. |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 73·5 | |
| | | | |
| 11 |sunrise| 54 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 75 | |
| | | | |
| 12 |sunrise| 53 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 72·5 | |
| | | | |
| 13 |1.20 | 84 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 14 |1.45 | 83 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 15 |sunrise| 57 | |
| | | | |
| |1.30 | 81 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 76 | |
| | | | |
| 16 |1.30 | 83 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 72·30 | |
| | | | |
| 17 | | |
| |No observation.| |
| 18 | | |
| | | | |
| 19 |1.30 p | 81 | |
| |m. | | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 73 | |
| | | | |
| 20 |sunrise| 50 | |
| | | | |
| 21 |sunrise| 52 |Cold N.E. gale; very heavy. |
| | | | |
| |1.40 | 77 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 22 |sunrise| 40 |Very cold, but no wind. |
| | | | |
| 23 | | |Foggy morning. |
| | | | |
| 24 |sunrise| 55 | |
| | | | |
| 25 |sunrise| 43 | |
| | | | |
| |1.30 | 78 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 26 |sunset | 72 | |
| | | | |
|27 to|No observation.|Sky all this time cloudy. |
| 31 | | | |
| | | | |
| Jan.| | | |
| | | | |
| 1 |sunset | 73 | |
| | | | |
| 2 |sunrise| 55 | |
| | | | |
| 3 to|No observation.| |
| 10 | | | |
| | | | |
| 11 |1.30 | 85 |Fine morning. |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 12 |sunrise| 56 |Fine morning. |
| | | | |
| |1.30 | 87·5 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 13 |sunrise| 54 |Strong wind. |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 75 | |
| | | | |
| 14 |sunrise| 54 | |
| | | | |
| |1.30 | 76 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 15 |sunrise| 51 | |
| | | | |
| |1.30 | 76 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 16 |sunrise| 55 | |
| | | | |
| 17 |sunrise| 57 | |
| | | | |
| |1.30 | 77 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 18 |sunrise| 55 | |
| | | | |
| |1.30 | 77 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 19 |sunrise| 57 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 80 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 71·5 | |
| | | | |
| 20 |sunrise| 56·5 | |
| | | | |
| 21 |2 p.m. | 86 | |
| | | | |
| 22 |sunrise| 56 |Cold wind. |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 75 | |
| | | | |
| 23 |sunrise| 47·2 | |
| | | | |
| |1.30 | 75 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 24 |sunrise| 50·4 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 80·2 | |
| | | | |
| 25 |sunrise| 50 | |
| | | | |
| |1.45 | 85·7 |Fine day. |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 26 |sunrise| 48·5 | |
| | | | |
| |1.45 | 85·2 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 27 |sunrise| 51·5 | |
| | | | |
| |1.50 | 89·4 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 28 |sunrise| 59·6 | |
| | | | |
| |1.45 | 89·5 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 29 | | |
| |No observation.| |
| 30 | | |
| | | | |
| 31 |sunset | 75 | |
| | | | |
| Feb.| | | |
| | | | |
| 1 |sunrise| 59·5 | |
| | | | |
| }|sunrise| 58-60 | |
| 2 }| | | |
| }|1.30 | 90 | |
| to}|p.m. | | |
| }| | | |
| 24}|sunset | 76 | |
| | | | |
| 25 | | |In the evening heat-lightning towards N. |
| | | | |
| 26 | | |Cloudy, the sun shining forth at times; in the|
| | | |afternoon the whole sky towards the S. |
| | | |overcast with thick clouds; in the evening |
| | | |cool and fresh as if after a rain. Heat- |
| | | |lightning. |
| | | | |
| 27 | | |Windy. |
| | | | |
|March| | | |
| | | | |
| 3 |1.15 | 95 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 9 |1.30 | 96 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 10 |sunrise| 66 | |
| | | | |
| 11 |sunset | 85 |Cloudy; heavy gale. |
| | | | |
| 12 |sunrise| 75 |Clear. |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 97 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 92 |The evening and the following night very |
| | | |sultry. |
| | | | |
| 13 |sunrise| 72 | |
| | | | |
| |1.30 | 92 |The whole day heavy gale. |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 14 |sunrise| 70 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 92 | |
| | | | |
| 15 |sunrise| 70 |Weather clear. |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 88 | |
| | | | |
| 16 |sunrise| 72 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 96 | |
| | | | |
| 17 |sunrise| 72 |Fine morning. |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 96·5 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 91·5 | |
| | | | |
| 18 |sunrise| 72 |Fine morning. |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 98·3 | |
| | | | |
| 19 |sunrise| 75 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 99 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 92 | |
| | | | |
| 20 |sunrise| 72 |Very fine morning. |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 98·5 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 92 | |
| | | | |
| 21 |sunset | 90 | |
| | | | |
| 22 |1.15 | 101 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 23 |sunrise| 74 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 106 | |
| | | | |
| 24 |1.30 | 103·5 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 25 |1.15 | 100·5 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 26 |No observation.| |
| | | | |
| 27 |3 p.m. | 100 | |
| | | | |
| 28 |3 p.m. | 103 | |
| | | | |
| 29 |sunrise| 79·5 | |
| | | | |
| 30 |sunrise| 81 | |
| | | | |
| |2.15 | 103·5 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| |5.30 | |Heavy gale, sky thickly overcast; no rain with|
| |p.m. | |us, but heat-lightning. |
| | | | |
| 31 |No observation.| |
| | | | |
|April| | | |
| | | | |
| 1 |8 p.m. | |Sky thickly overcast; thunder-storm the |
| | | |following night, but no rain. |
| | | | |
| 2 | | |Sky thickly overcast in the morning; a few |
| | | |drops of rain. |
| | | | |
| 3 | | |(Some rain early in the morning.) |
| | | | |
| 4 |1.30 | (94) |In the cool hall of a clay house. |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| | | 104·5 |In shade outside. |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 80 | |
| | | | |
| 5 |sunrise| 70 | |
| | | | |
| |1.30 | (95) | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| | | 105·7 | |
| | | | |
| 6 |sunrise| 71·3 | |
| | | | |
| 7 |1.30 | (95) | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| | | 105·7 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 94 | |
| | | | |
| 8 |sunrise| 77·5 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 90 | |
| | | | |
| 9 |sunrise| 72 | |
| | | | |
| |1.30 | 105·7 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 89 | |
| | | | |
| 10 |sunrise| 68 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 106 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 89 | |
| | | | |
| 11 |sunrise| 70 | |
| | | | |
| |1.30 | 105 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 85 | |
| | | | |
| 12 |sunrise| 64 | |
| | | | |
| |1.30 | 106 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 108 | |
| | | | |
| 13 |sunrise| 66 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 109 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 90 | |
| | | | |
| 14 |sunrise| 77 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 107·5 | |
| | | | |
| |2.45 | 110 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 93 | |
| | | | |
| 15 |sunrise| 77·4 |Strong wind. |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 108 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 95 | |
| | | | |
| 16 |sunrise| 81 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 110·5 | |
| | | | |
| 17 |sunrise| 72 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 110·5 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 93 | |
| | | | |
| 18 |sunrise| 77 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 108·5 |Sky towards W. overcast with clouds. |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 94 | |
| | | | |
| 19 |sunrise| 80 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 106·5 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 93 |4.30 p.m. a few drops of rain. |
| | | | |
| 20 |sunrise| 79 |Sky overcast. |
| | | | |
| 21 |2 p.m. | 103 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 98 | |
| | | | |
| 22 |sunrise| 78 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 102 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 95 | |
| | | | |
| 23 |sunrise| 78 | |
| | | | |
| 24 |2 p.m. | 106·5 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 93 |Cloudy in the afternoon. |
| | | | |
| 25 |sunrise| 82 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 106 |Sky overcast. |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 96 | |
| | | | |
| 26 |sunrise| 81·7 |Thunder-clouds from east, only a few drops of |
| | | |rain; heat-lightning. |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 106 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 95 | |
| | | | |
| 27 |sunrise| 82 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 110 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 97 | |
| | | | |
| 28 |2 p.m. | 110 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 98 | |
| | | | |
| 29 |sunrise| 83 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 98·5 | |
| | | | |
| 30 |sunrise| 85 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 110 |In the afternoon a thunder-storm rose from E. |
| | | |5.15 p.m. heavy gale and a little rain. |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 92 | |
| | | | |
| May | | | |
| | | | |
| 1 |sunrise| 82 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 109 |During the night heavy wind, but no rain. |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 97 | |
| | | | |
| 2 |sunrise| 80 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 106 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 98 | |
| | | | |
| 3 |sunrise| 82 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 109 |During the night wind, heat-lightning. |
| | | | |
| 4 |sunrise| 82 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 108 |In the afternoon sky cloudy; in the evening |
| | | |heat-lightning. |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 98 | |
| | | | |
| 5 |sunrise| 81·5 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 105 |Sky overcast and cloudy, but no rain. |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 97 | |
| | | | |
| 6 |sunrise| 83 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 106 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 98 |9 o’clock, p.m. all on a sudden, a heavy |
| | | |shower, lasting about one hour. |
| | | | |
| 7 |sunrise| 77 |Air refreshed; windy. |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 101 | |
| | | | |
| 8 |No observation.|No rain. |
| | | | |
| 9 |sunrise| 80 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 109 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 95 | |
| | | | |
| 10 |sunrise| 84 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 105 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 102 |A most oppressive and disagreeable evening. |
| | | | |
| 11 |sunrise| 82·5 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 104 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 86 |About sunset thunder-storm from N.; good fall |
| | | |of rain lasting about one hour, refreshing the|
| | | |air. |
| | | | |
| 12 |sunrise| 76 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 103 | |
| | | | |
| 13 |sunrise| 99 |In the afternoon thunder-storm with very heavy|
| | | |rain. |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 96·5 | |
| | | | |
| 14 |sunrise| 75 | |
| | | | |
| 15 |No observation.| |
| | | | |
| 16 |sunrise| 80·5 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 93 |In the afternoon clouds. |
| | | | |
| 17 |sunrise| 79 |Clouds towards the S. |
| | | | |
| 18 |No observation.| (Gandó.) |
| | | | |
| 19 |2 p.m. | 104 |Fine cool morning; in the afternoon thunder- |
| | | |storm, but no rain. |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 92·3 | |
| | | | |
| 20 | | |In the afternoon thunder-storm from N.; after |
| | | |sunset a slight shower with us, lasting about |
| | | |half an hour. |
| | | | |
| 21 |sunrise| 80·5 | |
| | | | |
| 22 |sunrise| 83·5 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 102 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 92 | |
| | | | |
| 23 |sunrise| 82·5 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 104 | |
| | | | |
| |4 p.m. | 99 |About 4 p.m. thunder-storm from N. with |
| | | |moderate rain about 5 o’clock. |
| | | | |
| |5 p.m. | 79 | |
| | | | |
| 24 |sunrise| 78 |A slight fall in the morning; cloudy. |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 95 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 88 | |
| | | | |
| 25 |sunrise| 78·5 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 107 |About 4 p.m. thunder-storm in the S. |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 92 | |
| | | | |
| 26 |sunrise| 77·5 |Early in the morning a few drops of rain. |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 96 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 89 | |
| | | | |
| 27 |sunrise| 78 |Early in the morning a slight thunder-storm |
| | | |with a little rain; the whole day sky |
| | | |overcast. |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 84 | |
| | | | |
| 28 |sunrise| 79 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 90·5 | |
| | | | |
| 29 |sunrise| 80 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 94·4 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 82·4 | |
| | | | |
| 30 |sunrise| 75 |Early in the morning a little rain. |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 89·5 | |
| | | | |
| 31 |sunrise| 79·5 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 99 |At 5 p.m. thunder-storm accompanied by heavy |
| | | |rain, lasting till late at night. |
| | | | |
| June| | | |
| | | | |
| 1 |sunrise| 73·5 | |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 90 |Sky gloomy. |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 86 | |
| | | | |
| 2 |sunrise| 76 | |
| | | | |
| |7 a.m. | 73 |Thick clouds gathering. From 7.30 a.m. rain |
| | | |half an hour tolerably heavy, then gentle till|
| | | |9 o’clock, when the sun shone forth. |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 90 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 87 | |
| | | | |
| 3 |sunrise| 77 |A thunder-storm in the distance. |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 92 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 89 | |
| | | | |
| 4 |sunrise| 73 |In the night thunder-storm, with much rain, |
| | | |lasting till late in the morning. |
| | | | |
| 5 |sunrise| 78 |Thunder-storm gathered from E.; 6.5 a.m. it |
| | | |began raining, the first hour heavy, then |
| |7 a.m. | 73 |gentle till about 9 o’clock. Thunder-storm |
| | | |late in the evening, with a few drops of rain.|
| | | | |
| 6 |No observation.|Fine morning. |
| | | | |
| 7 | | |8 a.m. the sun broke through the clouds. |
| | | | |
| |2 p.m. | 91 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 84·5 | |
| | | | |
| 8 |sunrise| 75 |Very fine morning. |
| | | | |
| 9 | | |About 3 o’clock in the morning a moderate |
| | | |shower. |
| | | | |
| 10 | | |About midnight from 10th to 11th a little rain|
| | | |accompanied by heat-lightning, but no |
| | | |thunderstorm. |
| | | | |
| 11 | | |In the afternoon thunder-clouds gathering, but|
| | | |the rain went southwards. |
| | | | |
| 12 | | |At 4½ o’clock a.m. a thunder-storm gathering |
| | | |from E., followed by violent rain. |
| | | | |
| 13 |No observation.| |
| | | | |
| 14 |sunset | 98 | |
| | | | |
| 15 |sunrise| 87 | |
| | | | |
| 16 |No observation.|The following night a little rain. |
| | | | |
| 17 | | |The sun broke through the clouds about 8 a.m. |
| | | | |
| 18 | | |Fine morning; in the afternoon thunder-storm |
| | | |from the E. passed by. |
| | | | |
| 19 | | |About 4 o’clock p.m. thunder-storm from the |
| | | |E., but no rain. |
| | | | |
| 20 | | |In the afternoon thunder-storm at some |
| | | |distance. |
| | | | (Say.) |
| | | | |
| 21 | | |In the afternoon overcast. After sunset a |
| | | |thunder-storm gathered from E.N.E., refreshing|
| | | |the air; much wind but no rain. |
| | | | |
| 22 | | |In the following night thunder-storm, but no |
| | | |rain. |
| | | | |
| 23 | | |The sky clearer. |
| | | | |
| |1.30 | 100 | |
| |p.m. | | |
| | | | |
| 24 | | |Sky overcast. 7 a.m. severe thunder-storm |
| | | |gathered, setting in with a violent gale, |
| | | |followed by heavy rain, lasting about three |
| | | |hours. |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 84 | |
| | | | |
| 25 |sunrise| 73·5 |Fine morning. |
| | | | |
| 26 | | |Cloudy and stormy. |
| | | | |
| 27 | | |Sky thickly overcast, the clouds proceeding |
| | | |from N. 6.45 a.m. to 7.25 moderate rain, |
| | | |afterwards gentle till 9 o’clock. |
| | | | |
| 28 | | |Sky overcast. About noon a few drops. About |
| | | |1.30 p.m. heavy rain. |
| | | | |
| 29 | | |Sky thickly overcast in the morning, |
| | | |afterwards cleared up. |
| | | | |
| 30 | | |Fine morning, tolerably clear. In the |
| | | |afternoon a thunder-storm in the distance; |
| | | |late in the evening a second one gathered from|
| | | |E. and reached us after 11 o’clock, with |
| | | |extraordinary force for the first hour, then |
| | | |more gentle till 2 o’clock a.m. |
| | | | |
| July| | | |
| | | | |
| 1 |No observation.| |
| | | | |
| 2 | | |Sky about noon thickly overcast and atmosphere|
| | | |oppressive; cleared up in the afternoon. |
| | | | |
| 3 | | |Clear. |
| | | | |
| 4 |No observation.| |
| | | | |
| 5 | | |Sky overcast. 8.30 a.m. a thunder-storm |
| | | |gathered, accompanied by violent rain till |
| | | |9.45, afterwards lasting with intermission |
| | | |till 12.30. |
| | | | |
| 6 | | |Fine weather. |
| | | | |
| 7 |No observation.| |
| | | | |
| 8 | | |In the afternoon a heavy thunder-storm, but no|
| | | |rain. |
| | | | |
| 9 | | |Sky overcast, rainy. 10 a.m. the sun broke |
| | | |through the clouds. |
| | | | |
| 10 | | |4 p.m. a thunder-storm gathered from N. |
| | | |proceeded westward, bringing us only a few |
| | | |drops. |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 80 | |
| | | | |
| 11 | | |In the afternoon a thunder-storm, but only a |
| | | |few drops of rain. |
| | | | |
| 12 | | |No thunder-storm; windy. (Libtáko.) |
| | | | |
| 13 | | |During the following night heavy thunder- |
| | | |storm, but no rain here. |
| | | | |
| 14 | | |About 4 o’clock p.m. thunder-storm towards S.,|
| | | |but not a drop of rain. |
| | | | |
| 15 | | |In the afternoon again thunder-storm without a|
| | | |drop of rain. |
| | | | |
| 16 | | |Cool. |
| | | | |
| 17 | | |After 2 p.m. thunder-storm in the distance, |
| | | |the whole sky becoming gradually overcast. |
| | | |From 5.15 p.m. moderate rain till 8.30, and |
| | | |afterwards a slight fall. |
| | | | |
| 18 | | |Atmosphere refreshed. In the evening moderate |
| | | |rain. |
| | | | |
| 19 | | |At 2 p.m. considerable rain, with frequent |
| | | |interruptions, but no thunder-storm. |
| | | | |
| 20 | | |Sky in the morning very cloudy, but no rain. |
| | | | |
| 21 | | |Wind westerly; no rain. |
| | | | |
| 22 | | |At 7.40 a.m. a black thunder-storm gathering |
| | | |from the E., followed by moderate rain lasting|
| | | |till 10 o’clock. |
| | | | |
| 23 | | |Sky mostly overcast. About 5 p.m. thunder- |
| | | |storm towards N.W., then turned by E. towards |
| | | |S., and reached us about 8 p.m. again from the|
| | | |W.; first moderate rain, afterwards very |
| | | |heavy, but not accompanied by wind, continuing|
| | | |till 11 o’clock at night. |
| | | | |
| 24 | | |Fine sunny day; no rain. |
| | | | |
| 25 | | |Clear. |
| | | | |
| 26 | | |About 2 a.m. heavy thunder-storm, followed by |
| | | |rain lasting till 7 o’clock. |
| | | | |
| 27 | | |Late in the evening thunder-storm followed |
| | | |after midnight by moderate rain, at times |
| | | |interrupted. |
| | | | |
| 28 | | |At 6.30 a.m. a heavy thunder-storm gathering |
| | | |from E., followed by heavy rain, lasting till |
| | | |noon. Sky did not clear up till near sunset. |
| | | | |
| 29 | | |Clear. |
| | | | |
| 30 | | |Heavy dew at night, fine morning, scarcely a |
| | | |cloud to be seen. At 9 o’clock p.m. a violent |
| | | |thunder-storm with heavy rain. |
| | | | |
| 31 | | |The sun broke through the clouds about 7 a.m.,|
| | | |and the day remained fine till 3 o’clock p.m.,|
| | | |when the clouds gathered, and at 4 p.m. were |
| | | |followed by a very heavy shower, lasting about|
| | | |hour with the utmost violence, after which it |
| | | |became more moderate, lasting till long after |
| | | |midnight. |
| | | | |
| Aug.| | | |
| | | | |
| 1 | | |In the afternoon cloudy, but no rain. |
| | | | |
| 2 | | |Very fine day, but the heat gradually |
| | | |oppressive; clouds gathering in the afternoon.|
| | | |At 9 o’clock p.m. heavy gusts of wind and |
| | | |moderate rain till morning. |
| | | | |
| 3 | | |At 2 p.m. thunder-storm in S.W.; about 9 p.m. |
| | | |violent thunder-storm with heavy rain, lasting|
| | | |about ½ hour, followed by a second rain very |
| | | |slight, but lasting till morning. |
| | | | |
| 4 | | |At 4.40 p.m. a heavy shower lasting till 4.55.|
| | | | |
| 5 | | |Clear. |
| | | | |
| 6 | | |In the evening thunder-storm with heavy rain. |
| | | | |
| 7 | | |No rain. |
| | | | |
| 8 | | |Clear. |
| | | | |
| 9 | | |Sky overcast. |
| | | | |
| 10 | | |7 p.m. a very violent thunder-storm with heavy|
| | | |gusts of wind and much rain. |
| | | | |
| 11 | | |No rain. |
| | | | |
| 12 | | |4 o’clock p.m. a thunder-storm from the E., |
| | | |with rain lasting about ¾ hour, first violent,|
| | | |afterwards becoming more moderate. |
| | | | |
| 13 | | |In the afternoon thunder-storm towards the S. |
| | | | |
| 14 | | |7 a.m. dark thunder-clouds gathered from N., |
| | | |bringing a little rain, and the electric |
| | | |matter not having been discharged a very |
| | | |sultry day followed. |
| | | | |
| 15 | | |The whole day thunder-storm towards N. and W. |
| | | | |
| 16 | | |Past midnight a violent thunder-storm |
| | | |gathered, followed by moderate rain, and |
| | | |another fall of rain towards morning. |
| | | | |
| 17 | | |At 4½ o’clock p.m. a little rain. |
| | | | |
| 18 |No observation.| |
| | | | |
| 19 | | |In the night thunder-storm but no rain. |
| | | | |
| 20 |No observation.| |
| | | | |
| 21 | | |Clear but very warm. |
| | | | |
| 22 | | |After 6 p.m. a heavy thunder-storm from E., |
| | | |with much wind, but moderate rain; the air not|
| | | |much refreshed. |
| | | | |
| 23 | | |Warm sunny day. |
| | | | |
| 24 | | |
| |No observation.| |
| 25 | | |
| | | | |
| 29 | | |A thunder-storm; heat-lightning without rain. |
| | | | |
| 30 | | |At noon a thunder-storm from the east. 12.45 a|
| | | |little rain. The rain clouds went from S. to |
| | | |W., then turned northwards; in that direction |
| | | |much rain. |
| | | | |
| 31 | | |Morning cool; in the evening a thunder-storm |
| | | |without rain in our neighbourhood. |
| | | | |
|Sept.| | | |
| | | | |
| 1 | | |In the evening the sky thickly overcast; |
| | | |thunder-storm gathered, only a few drops of |
| | | |rain, heavy gale. |
| | | | |
| 2 |No observation.| |
| | | | |
| 3 | | |3 p.m. a thunder-storm as in general, from the|
| | | |E. 3.3 tolerably heavy rain, only three |
| | | |minutes. 4.35 p.m. a second thunder-storm. |
| | | | |
| 4 | | |Heat-lightning in the evening; heavy gale. |
| | | | |
| 5 | | |Heavy westerly gale. |
| | | | |
| 6 | | |
| |No observation.| (Timbúktu.) |
| 7 | | |
| | | | |
| 8 | | |In the evening thunder-storm with heavy |
| | | |clouds, but without rain. |
| | | | |
| 9 | | |In the evening heavy thunder-storm from the |
| | | |N.; violent rain from 8 to 8.30 p.m., then |
| | | |less severe till 11.5; afterwards heavy gale. |
| | | | |
| 10 | | |In the afternoon a little rain. |
| | | | |
| 11 | | |Sky in the afternoon thickly overcast. |
| | | | |
| 12 | | | |
| | | |Cloudy. |
| 13 | | | |
| | | | |
| 14 | | |2.5 p.m. a little rain; afterwards thunder- |
| | | |storm and considerable rain. |
| | | | |
| 15 | | |The clouds driven about by a storm. |
| | | | |
| 16 | | |Greater part cloudy. |
| | | | |
| 17 | | |Tolerably clear. |
| | | | |
| 18 | | |2 p.m. very violent gale, followed by |
| | | |considerable rain. |
| | | | |
| 19 | | |Fine morning. |
| | | | |
| 20 | | |Early in the morning heavy gale with a few |
| | | |drops of rain; air became cooler. |
| | | | |
| 21 | | |Tolerably clear. |
| | | | |
| 22 | | |At 7 o’clock p.m. a thunder-storm with |
| | | |moderate rain. |
| | | | |
| 23 | | |Heavy gale. |
| | | | |
| 24 | | |Clearer. |
| | | | |
| 25 | | |Sunrise not clear; afterwards windy. |
| | | | |
| 26 | | |In the evening thunder-storm without rain. |
| | | | |
| 27 | | |Sky not clear. About noon a gale arose. |
| | | | |
| 28 | | |Towards morning a little rain; sky thickly |
| | | |overcast; several times rain, especially in |
| | | |the afternoon; in the evening considerable |
| | | |rain. |
| | | | |
| 29 | | |1.30 p.m. heavy rain, but short. 8 p.m. |
| | | |another fall of rain, moderate, but lasting |
| | | |till 11 o’clock. |
| | | | |
| 30 |No observation.| |
| | | | |
| Oct.| | | |
| | | | |
| 1 |No observation.| |
| | | | |
| 2 | | |In the afternoon thunder-storm passed by |
| | | |towards the W. without bringing rain. |
| | | | |
| 3 | | |3.33 p.m. thunder-storm with heavy rain, |
| | | |lasting more than an hour. |
| | | | |
| 4 to| | |Clear. |
| 7 | | | |
| | | | |
| 8 | | |4 o’clock p.m. thunder-storm towards the N. |
| | | | |
| 9 | | |4 p.m. rain with interruption. |
| | | | |
| 10 | | |Sky not clear. |
| | | | |
| 11 | | | |
| | | |Clear. |
| 12 | | | |
| | | | |
| 13 | | |Overcast; at 4 p.m. a thunder-storm from the |
| | | |N. with heavy gale, but only a few drops of |
| | | |rain. |
| | | | |
| 14 | | | |
| | | | |
| 15 | | |Cloudy in the east. |
| | | | |
| 16 | | | |
| | | | |
| 17 | | |In the afternoon cloudy. |
| | | | |
| 18 | | |Night cool; fine morning. |
| | | | |
| 19 | | |Cool night. |
| | | | |
| 20 |No observation.| |
| | | | |
| 21 | | |The morning cloudy; N.E. gale. |
| | | | |
| 22 | | |N.E. wind. |
| | | | |
| 23 | | |Clear; gradually N.E. wind arose. |
| | | | |
| 24 |No observation.| |
| | | | |
| 25 | | |Very cold night. |
| | | | |
| 26 | | |Clear cold morning. |
| | | | |
|27 to| | |
| Nov.|No observation.|Tolerably clear. |
| 24 | | |
| | | | |
| 25 |sunrise| 56 | |
| | | | |
| |sunset | 76 | |
| | | | |
| 26 |sunrise| 56 | |
| | | | |
| 27 |sunrise| 63 | |
| | | | |
| 28 |sunrise| 62 | |
| | | | |
| 30 | | |Very cold; heavy northerly gale. |
| | | | |
| | | |Month of December no rain; sky generally dull |
| | | |in the morning, only occasionally clear. |
+-----+-------+-------+----------------------------------------------+
END OF THE FOURTH VOLUME.
LONDON
PRINTED BY SPOTTISWOODE AND CO.
NEW-STREET SQUARE
Transcriber's note:
Dotless _yā’_ ى has been transcribed as _yā’_ ي, except in Appendix
VIII.
The position of diacritics in Appendix VIII. has often been adjusted
based on the German edition.
Changes in the ERRATA have been done, as well as the following:
pg 37, Changed: "hence the precarious. allegiance" to: "hence the
precarious allegiance"
pg 153, Changed: "incur the se-severest condemnation" to: "the
severest"
pg 378, Changed: "very often less Besides the" to: "very often less.
Besides the"
pg 411, footnote 93, Changed: "See Vol. I. p. 323, note." to: "p.
333"
pg 481, Added ” after: "or the “Sane-gungu"
pg 481, footnote 136, Changed: "Kasbah, Ah´med Bábá’s account" to:
"Áhmed"
pg 523, Changed: "are the places Alíbaná, Bidáji" to: "Alíbawá"
pg 542, Changed: "bokki meams baobabs" to: "means"
pg 568, Changed: "الفُلأَن" to: "الفُلَان"
pg 569, Changed: "لبى حام الالى" to: "لبنى"
pg 569, Changed: "حُرّا نصيعـــ" to: "نصيعـــا"
pg 572, Changed: "ابوا ونبوا عن كلّ" to: "من"
pg 619, Changed: "Ís-hák thereforere crossed the river" to:
"therefore"
pg 625, Changed: "Thus wrote old Bábá Ah´med" to: "Áhmed"
pg 627,, footnote 240, Changed: "Gråberg de Hemso̊" to: "Hemsö"
Minor changes in punctuation have been done silently.
Other spelling inconsistencies have been left unchanged.Project Gutenberg
Travels and discoveries in North and Central Africa, Vol. 4 (of 5) : $b being a journal of an expedition undertaken under the auspices of H.B.M.'s Government, in the years 1849-1855
Barth, Heinrich
Chimera47
College