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Virginia under the Stuarts 1607-1688

Wertenbaker, Thomas Jefferson

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Virginia Under the Stuarts

1607-1688




Virginia Under the Stuarts

1607-1688


By

THOMAS J. WERTENBAKER


_New York_
RUSSELL & RUSSELL
1959


COPYRIGHT 1914 BY PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS
COPYRIGHT 1958, 1959 BY THOMAS J. WERTENBAKER

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER 39-11229


PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA




_Dedicated

to my mother_




PREFACE


It was in May, 1910, that the author came to Princeton for an interview
with President Woodrow Wilson concerning an appointment as Instructor in
the Department of History, Politics, and Economics. He was elated when
President Wilson engaged him, though not happy over the $1,000 salary.
Yet with this sum to fall back on he borrowed $200, and took a trip to
England.

In London he went treasure hunting, the treasure of old documents
relating to the history of colonial Virginia. He sought out the British
Public Record Office, off Chauncery Lane, and was soon immersed in the
mass of letters, official reports, journal of the Assembly, and other
papers.

The author was prepared to find valuable historical materials in London,
for he had spent the summer of 1908 studying the William Noel Sainsbury
and the McDonald abstracts and transcripts of the documents in the
Record Office deposited in the Virginia State Library. But he was
staggered at the extent of the manuscript collection on Virginia history
alone. Among the scores of volumes are thirty-two devoted to the
correspondence of the Board of Trade, seventeen to the correspondence of
the Secretary of State, twenty-two to entry books, letters, commissions,
warrants, etc.

When the summer waned he left for America taking with him many pages of
closely written notes. But what he had learned served to whet his
appetite for more, so that in 1912 and again in 1914 he was back, going
over volume after volume, searching eagerly for fear some important
point would escape him. The mass of abstracts and notes which he
accumulated formed the basis of this volume.

In fact, any political history of Virginia in the colonial period must
be based on the documents in the Public Record Office, since most of
the copies left in Virginia have been lost or destroyed. Today, however,
colonial historians no longer have to visit London to consult them,
since transcripts have been made and deposited in the Library of
Congress.

In recent years the American Council of Learned Societies has made
available other collections of manuscripts which have thrown new light
on early Virginia history. The most important of these are the Coventry
Papers at Longleat, the residence of the Marquess of Bath. Many of the
letters deal with Bacon's Rebellion, and include the correspondence
between Berkeley and Bacon, accounts of the Indian war, complaints of
the misgovernment of Berkeley, the account of the evacuation of
Jamestown written by Berkeley, accounts of Bacon's death and the
collapse of the rebellion.

This new material adds new weight to the conclusions reached in this
book--that the causes of Bacon's Rebellion were deep-seated, that it
grew out of the discontent caused by the Navigation Acts, the heavy
taxes, the corrupting of the Assembly by Berkeley, and the misuse of the
courts. It in no way shakes the conviction expressed by Thomas Mathews,
who himself was involved in the rebellion, that the Indian war was the
excuse for it rather than the cause.

Yet certain recent historians have contended that this violent uprising
was not a protest against injustice and misgovernment. One has gone so
far as to call it merely a quarrel between a rash young man and an old
fool. We could with equal justice call the American Revolution just a
quarrel between George Washington and George III. Mathews tells us that
it was the general opinion in Virginia at the time that it was not Bacon
who was chiefly responsible for the uprising, but Thomas Lawrence. Bacon
"was too young, too much a stranger there, and of a disposition too
precipitate to manage things to that length they were carried," he
pointed out, "had not thoughtful Mr. Lawrence been at the bottom."

But neither Lawrence's hatred of Berkeley, nor Bacon's rashness, nor
Berkeley's folly, nor the Indian war suffice to explain the rebellion.
When the news of the uprising reached Charles II, he thought it past
belief that "so considerable body of men, without the least grievance
or oppression, should rise up in arms and overthrow the government." He
was quite right. Had there been no grievances and oppression there would
have been no uprising.

That Bacon's Rebellion is explained in part by poverty and suffering is
clear. Philip Ludwell said that the rebel army was composed of men
"whose condition ... was such that a change could not make worse." The
men who fought so valiantly against the Indians and Berkeley's forces,
braved the King's anger, faced death on the gallows were called in
contempt "the bases of the people," "the rabble," the "scum of the
people," "idle and poor people," "rag, tag, and bobtail." 

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