Newly leaked documents reveal that while the Yemeni Armed Forces escalated their military campaign and Red Sea Blockade against Israel during the genocide in Gaza, a secret intelligence alliance and a “sophisticated espionage network” were being formed between Saudi intelligence, Israel’s Mossad and the CIA inside Riyadh to achieve regime change in Sana’a through political assasinations, dismantling Ansarallah from within, defecting military officials and gathering intelligence through charitable aid organizations.
Recently uncovered documents, combined with confessions from alleged members of a sprawling espionage network in Yemen, reveal an agenda far beyond gathering intelligence for the sake of developing a target bank inside the country. Yemeni authorities say that instead, the plan was to assassinate the country’s senior political and military leadership, while dismantling Ansrallah’s current governing structure. They argue that in their place, a Saudi-proxy leadership was being prepared, one that would steer Yemen away from its support of the Palestinian cause.
According to Yemeni investigators, the operation mirrored intelligence campaigns previously carried out against Hezbollah in Lebanon, in addition to those that sought to enable decapitation strikes against senior Iranian officials. The alleged targets included Ansar Allah leader Abdulmalik al-Houthi, President Mahdi al-Mashat, the Minister of Defense, the Chief of Staff, members of Ansar Allah’s Political Bureau, and numerous senior military commanders. At the center of the alleged political transition was former military intelligence General Ali Al-Sayani, who Yemeni officials say was being prepared abroad to lead a post-coup government loyal to Riyadh.
Secret Operations Room Uncovered
Towards the tail end of last year, Sana’a’s security forces announced that they had dismantled a ‘sophisticated espionage network’. What they would later find, however, was a series of networks linked to joint operations rooms – staffed by Saudi intelligence, CIA and Mossad officers – that had been operating out of Riyadh.
Yemeni officials shared that the network consisted of multiple compartmentalized intelligence cells spread across the Sana’a, Sa’dah, and Hodeidah Governorates of the country. Each cell is said to have operated independently while remaining connected to a centralized command center that was based across the border in neighbouring Saudi Arabia.
Yemen’s authorities alleged that operatives were tasked with gathering intelligence on senior government officials, Ansarallah leaders, military commanders, as well as security personnel. Cells were also guided to map out government headquarters, monitor the movement of officials, and identify critical military infrastructure, including weapons manufacturing facilities, ballistic missile and drone launcher locations.
Speaking to MintPress News, Nasr al-Din Amer, a senior Ansar Allah official and deputy head of the movement’s media authority, described what he said was an attempt to dismantle Yemen’s entire leadership structure.
“There was a major plan to target the civilian, military, security, and even media leadership system. The dismantled cell were part of the intelligence operation that targeted offensive and defensive capabilities and aimed to overthrow the regime in Sana’a completely.”
Amer argued that the campaign was designed not only to remove Yemen’s leadership but also to halt its ability to continue military operations.
“The goal was also to prevent us from supporting Gaza, and to secure the passage of Israeli ships in the Red Sea, but none of that was achieved, as our operations did not stop, the regime in Sana’a did not fall, and Yemen became much stronger.”
Inserting A Proxy Regime
Yemen’s internal investigative unit concluded that the US-Israeli-Saudi joint operations room had recruited former Yemeni military officers, including Major General Ali Ahmed Al-Sayani, alongside Farouk Ali Rajih and former Air Force Brigadier General Abdullah Al-Haifi.
Rajih was taken into custody by Ansarallah and was later sentenced to death along with 16 other operatives. As part of his confession, he had alleged that a Saudi intelligence officer, known as Abu Khalid, personally informed him that senior Saudi officials wanted to meet General Al-Sayani abroad due to Yemen being “on the verge of a major change” supported by multiple foreign governments.
Because of Al-Sayani’s relationships with other former military leaders, he was viewed as the ideal figure to oversee a political transition, assuming that the US-Israeli-Saudi joint room’s regime change plot went to plan.
Rajih later claimed:
“The meeting did indeed take place in the Egyptian capital, Cairo, and arrangements were made for a military coup in Yemen. For this purpose, military teams were formed and provided with sophisticated communication equipment and large sums of money.”
Amer informed MintPress that the same joint operations room played a central role in the assassination of Yemen’s Prime Minister Ahmed Ghaleb Nasser al-Rahawi, who was killed in a series of Israeli airstrikes on August 28, 2025. Those strikes also killed nine cabinet ministers and the country’s Chief of Staff.
“There is no doubt that these cells had a major role in the operation to target the government. Investigations, evidence, and documents held by security prove this.”
Officials in Sana’a maintain that the broader operation ultimately failed because of the vigilance of their own security services, who successfully uncovered the network before its objectives could be completed. While acknowledging that some Israeli strikes did successfully kill senior officials, authorities characterize those attacks as isolated successes rather than evidence of an effective intelligence campaign. Bolstering their narrative is the fact that the only successful assassinations took place in publicly known locations, not highly sensitive and secured sites.
Amer, for his part, dismissed the overall operation as a failure.
“We have developed security expertise over the past years, and we are engaged in an intelligence battle with the most advanced global security agencies.”
Decapitating The Military Leadership
While one branch of the espionage network focused on political leaders, Yemeni authorities say another concentrated on the country’s military command as Yemen intensified its operations in support of Gaza.
The key targets in the scope of the cell included the missile force, drone units, naval forces, the Minister of Defense, the Chief of Staff, and commanders responsible for Yemen’s missile and drone operations.
Revealed as part of Sana’a’s investigation, was that the Joint Operations Room recruited a man by the name of Colonel Ali Muthanna Nasser, the former head of the Military Security Division’s office within Yemen’s military intelligence.
The US-Israeli-Saudi project then assigned this asset with the responsibility of monitoring Defense Minister Major General Mohammed Nasser Al-Atifi and Chief of Staff Lieutenant General Mohammed Abdelkarim Al-Ghamari. Authorities claim Nasser supplied detailed intelligence, including the locations of military leadership meetings, operational plans, troop movements, and copies of confidential reports circulating through the Military Security Division. This intelligence later became essential in supporting a broader targeting campaign.
Only six days into a fragile U.S.-backed ceasefire between Israel and Hamas in Gaza, Al-Ghamari was assassinated in an Israeli strike. Shortly afterward, Israel publicly claimed responsibility for the assassination, with Defense Minister Israel Katz announcing that Al-Ghamari had been “eliminated”.
The killing came months after another Israeli strike that killed Prime Minister Ahmed al-Rahawi along with several cabinet ministers during an official government meeting in Sana’a. Yemeni investigators argue that both attacks were made possible through a sophisticated intelligence operation involving several specialized cells working simultaneously.
MintPress was informed that the cell conducted preliminary surveillance of government headquarters in Sana’a’s Haddah district. A second allegedly installed concealed surveillance cameras inside concrete blocks positioned near the facility’s entrance, while hidden audio devices were placed nearby to confirm activity within the compound. Once the information had been verified, investigators say, the intelligence was transmitted to the operations room. Authorities further allege that another team remained positioned near the target immediately after the strike with vehicles equipped for live recording, documenting both the attack and its aftermath.
A fourth cell reportedly tracked the movements of senior officials before and during the operation, helping determine the optimal moment to strike. Taken together, Ansarallah sources describe the operation as far more than a conventional intelligence-gathering effort. Instead, they argue it represented a coordinated campaign designed to provide real-time targeting information for Israeli airstrikes while simultaneously dismantling Yemen’s civilian and military leadership.
Humanitarian Organisations Used As A Cover
One of the most shocking revelations of the intelligence operation was the alleged use of organisations claiming to have been carrying on humanitarian and development work. According to a number of security officials, several operatives embedded within international and regional organizations allegedly carried out espionage missions while presenting themselves as aid workers or development professionals.
One of the most prominent cases involves an individual called Bashir Ali Mahdi, who was arrested on March 20, 2025. Authorities in Sana’a accuse Mahdi of conducting intelligence operations disguised as humanitarian projects through the ‘Qudrah Organization for Sustainable Development’, which he headed.
Mahdi is reported to have confessed that he was recruited in Ethiopia, by Senior Director of Programs at the International Center for Religion & Diplomacy (ICRD) Rebecca Cataldi. Security officials further allege that Matt Selinsky, Middle East Program Director for Partners Worldwide, was among those directing aspects of the broader intelligence operation from the Joint Operations Room.
According to Yemeni government sources, Mahdi’s responsibilities extended beyond simply collecting information. He allegedly recruited additional operatives while organizing initiatives intended to generate public resentment toward Ansarallah by exploiting worsening economic conditions, such as rising food prices, increasing rents, and the hardships facing displaced civilians.
Mahdi described those efforts during questioning as follows:
“We worked to incite public opinion against Ansar Allah by forming neighborhood-level councils and training thirty participants in several of them under the false pretense of ‘strengthening social cohesion,’ as well as through the ‘Voice of Youth for Youth’ program in partnership with the German organization GIZ and the European Union.”
He also claimed that preparations for the alleged coup were discussed during meetings in Cairo.
“In a meeting in Cairo, Rebecca told me that they are about to launch a major military and economic operation in Yemen, so the intelligence monitoring and information gathering activities about Ansar Allah and militaries needed to be increased. By that point, I had already carried out approximately 70 operations.”
Mahdi went on to describe what investigators say was the network’s standard targeting procedure. “Initially, we gather preliminary information. In the second stage, the accuracy of these targets is verified and examined using high-resolution surveillance, monitoring, and imaging equipment, which another team places near the targets. Afterward, the coordinates are transmitted to the joint operations room.”
Another alleged operative, Khaled Qassem Abdullah, reportedly worked for the International Organization for Migration before being recruited in 2024. According to Yemen’s investigators, Abdullah monitored 23 residences belonging to senior government officials in Sana’a’s al-Haddah district.
They say he admitted to installing surveillance equipment inside several of those locations. “I successfully installed advanced cameras and listening devices in seven houses and headquarters. I had placed a spy camera inside a block next to the house in Iran Street at Hadda. That house was targeted by an Israeli airstrike that night.”
Investigators obtained surveillance footage, also viewed by MintPress News, that purports to show Abdullah placing a concrete block containing a concealed camera beside a residence on Tehran Street in al-Haddah; before driving away in a Toyota RAV4. Yemen’s authorities say Abdullah later confirmed the authenticity of the footage.
“The action took place on December 21, 2024. The operation was part of the second phase of verifying the target. Later, the house was targeted.”
Commenting on the arrests, Nasr al-Din Amer argued to MintPress that foreign intelligence agencies had successfully infiltrated portions of the international humanitarian community operating inside Yemen. He further suggested that some reactions from international organizations following the arrests deserved closer scrutiny.
“The eagerness of some UN officials to defend the alleged Israeli spies raises questions about the role of those leaders in providing cover for espionage and putting them in a position of responsibility.”
International organizations, meanwhile, have leveled their own accusations at Ansarallah, claiming they were obstructing humanitarian operations in northern Yemen and have protested the detention of several aid workers. Authorities in Sana’a reject these criticisms, maintaining that while many organizations conduct legitimate humanitarian work, others failed to prevent foreign intelligence agencies from exploiting their staff and operations for espionage.
A Sophisticated Intelligence Network
The espionage network in Yemen relied on many of the same tactics that have been employed in intelligence operations against Hezbollah in Lebanon and IRGC officials in Iran: a combination of international intelligence cooperation, advanced surveillance technology, extensive local recruitment, and carefully timed military strikes using AI technology, satellite imagery and human spotters.
While the operation demonstrated significant technological sophistication, Yemen’s intelligence services ultimately succeeded in disrupting the broader campaign before its strategic objectives could be achieved.
Nasr al-Din Amer argued that the network exploiting international organizations as operational cover has real world consequences. Those arrested in connection to the espionage cells possessed sophisticated surveillance equipment, including concealed cameras, listening devices, GPS tracking systems, encrypted communications tools, and live-streaming technology designed for covert intelligence work.
Authorities further allege that many operatives were taken abroad and received specialized training from American, Israeli, and Saudi intelligence officers inside Saudi Arabia before being deployed back into Yemen.
One of those accused of partaking in this, Magdi Mohamed Hussein, allegedly operated a vehicle equipped with advanced live-streaming technology that could be remotely accessed by the Joint Operations Room. This vehicle was used to monitor parking areas near civilian and government facilities while identifying vehicles associated with targeted officials. On multiple occasions, the car was reportedly positioned close to anticipated strike locations to automatically record airstrikes, documenting casualties, rescue workers, ambulances, and the aftermath of the attacks in real time.
Another suspect, Sinan Abdulaziz Ali, described while in detention what he claimed was his recruitment and training.
“My residency in Saudi Arabia was renewed on the condition of working for the Joint Operations Room. In Riyadh, I was trained alternately by Saudi officers Abdullah and Saad, and American officers John and Michael. I was trained in reconnaissance, surveillance, and report writing. I was provided with a camera shaped like a remote and a Camry equipped with hidden cameras, live streaming devices, and listening devices that analyze voices using a technique known as ‘voiceprint,’ in order to locate Ansar Allah leaders.”
The authorities say another operative, Anas Ahmed Saleh, worked directly under a Saudi intelligence officer known as Abu Saif. Saleh was accused of photographing homes, official vehicles, security cameras, civilian guards, and internet infrastructure associated with pre-selected targets. They allege he supplied intelligence on at least 25 residences, particularly around the former U.S. Embassy compound in the Sa’wan district of eastern Sana’a.
Saleh also described his role following one of the Israeli strikes. “After targeting a location behind the Sam Social Events Hall, Abu Saif asked me to go there to record the crowd, the rescue operations, and the ambulances in order to identify the victims’ bodies. I carried out the operation successfully. This was one of more than 100 operations I conducted for Saudi, American, and Israeli intelligence.”
For Yemeni investigators, such testimony points not only to intelligence gathering before attacks but also to the systematic documentation of their aftermath.
Infiltrating Yemen’s Popular Mobilization Forces
As Yemen expanded its military operations in support of Gaza, domestic support for Ansarallah grew rapidly, leading to the rapid expansion of what has become known as the General Mobilization Forces – a network that allegedly grew to around 1 million fighters, led at the local level by tribal leaders and community leaders. This soon became a prime target for infiltration.
Among those arrested in connection with the cell responsible for infiltrating the General Mobilisation Forces was Imad Shayea Ezz El-Din, a tribal sheikh and official within the Ministry of Local Administration. Authorities claim his assignment was to gradually infiltrate Ansarallah, obtain promotions within its ranks, recruit additional operatives, and gather intelligence on tribal leaders and military formations supporting Yemen’s campaign against Israel.
During questioning, Ezz El-Din described his alleged mission.
“I was tasked with infiltrating Ansar Allah and assuming high-ranking positions within their organizational structure, as well as recruiting spies within the movement and obtaining their personal phone numbers in order to hack cyberattacks.”
Although he acknowledged that the effort largely failed because of Ansarallah’s internal security measures, investigators say he nevertheless identified several ballistic missile and drone launch sites. Some of those locations were later targeted by U.S. and Israeli airstrikes, although the strikes reportedly failed to achieve their intended military objectives, resulting primarily in the destruction of critical civilian infrastructure in a country already devastated by years of war.
Following a Saudi-Emirati-led military campaign that inflicted widespread damage across Yemen, these new strikes have further deepened the humanitarian crisis, killing hundreds of Yemenis—including women and children.
The role of local informants has become a central element in understanding how targets were identified. In another confession extracted under the detention of Yemeni authorities, Ezz al-Din stated: “I provided the joint operations room with 50 targets, including vital facilities. I also provided them with information about newspaper headquarters in al-Tahreer zone.”
This intelligence contributed to strikes that devastated civilian areas, including the Al-Tahrir district, where more than 150 residents were killed by Israeli airstrikes. Among those civilians affected were journalists, medical workers, and government employees. The attacks targeted an entire neighborhood, while rescue operations continued for two weeks as teams recovered the dead and injured from the destruction.
Another case involving alleged intelligence cooperation emerged through the arrest of Daifallah Saleh, who was reportedly recruited during the broader regional conflict surrounding Gaza.
Saleh stated that a man identified as “Abu Abdullah Al-Saudi” sent him coordinates of a detention center, telling him it was a military camp and asking him to photograph it. “Days later, the center was targeted by air raids,” Saleh said. “I told Abdullah that all the dead were African migrants. He replied that it didn’t matter.”
Following Saleh’s arrest, investigators reportedly recovered voice messages from his phone containing information related to the targeting of the detention facility. Amnesty International stated that the U.S. strike on the Sa’dah migrant detention center constituted a war crime, raising further questions about civilian protection, accountability, and the consequences of intelligence-driven military operations.
For years, Yemen has remained among the most heavily targeted countries in the world, enduring extensive bombing campaigns, foreign intervention, and widespread destruction. Yet despite the scale of the devastation, Yemen has continued to assert its role in regional conflicts, positioning its actions as opposition to Israeli military operations in Palestine, Lebanon, and Iran.
Yemeni officials have repeatedly stated that their armed forces remain prepared to respond to what they describe as aggression against countries across the region—ensuring that Yemen remains a central and contested actor in the expanding geopolitical struggle of the Middle East.
Robert Inlakesh is a political analyst, journalist and documentary filmmaker currently based in London, UK. He has reported from and lived in the occupied Palestinian territories and hosts the show ‘Palestine Files’. Director of ‘Steal of the Century: Trump’s Palestine-Israel Catastrophe’. Follow him on Twitter @falasteen47
Ahmed AbdulKareem is a Yemeni journalist based in Sana’a. He covers the war in Yemen for MintPress News as well as local Yemeni media.