“Drill baby, drill,” said NJ Ayuk, executive chairman of the African Energy Chamber in April. He was speaking in Cape Town at the African Refiners & Distributors Association Week, where he also said “Refine baby, refine.”
The conflict in the Gulf is inspiring new debate on energy transitions and energy dependency across Africa. Within a few months of the disruption in the global energy market, economic uncertainty triggered unrest in several African countries, including violent protests in Kenya and strikes in Mozambique.
Now an unexpected crisis is turning into a new normal. Recent days have seen renewed US strikes on Iran, strikes by Iran on oil-producing neighbours and LNG vessels, and new threats to impose shipping tolls in the Strait of Hormuz.
Energy importers are particularly vulnerable. Kenya, for example, which is 100% reliant on imports for petroleum products, saw the price of diesel increase nearly 25% in April and then again in May.
Eight out of the twelve countries worldwide whose fossil-fuel imports cost more than 10% of their gross domestic product (GDP) are in Africa, finds a recent report from Power Shift Africa, an NGO. But the situation is not limited to energy importers. Low refining capacity on the continent has meant that African oil producers export most of their oil in crude form and are therefore more vulnerable to price rises – hence Ayuk’s call to “refine”.
As the crisis exposes fault lines in the continent’s energy landscape, there is a growing confidence in some countries that local oil and gas production and refining is necessary to end dependency on imports from high-risk sources. This is also taking place, however, in the context of an accelerating renewable-energy roll-out across the continent, marked by record low costs for new renewables.
Doubling down on oil and gas
East African countries, which are some of the hardest hit by the war’s impact on oil markets, are discussing setting up a joint oil refinery in Tanga, Tanzania. The port city will form the end point and export hub for the controversial East African Crude Oil Pipeline from Uganda.
Ghana also has plans for a “Petroleum Hub” to refine up to 900,000 barrels per day. Geopolitical developments have strengthened opinions regarding the project’s “strategic importance”.
While these projects have been in the works for a number of years, the current crisis has prompted politicians and industry leaders to emphasise their importance and urgency.
In Nigeria, Africa’s largest oil producer, increasing local production and refining is a priority of the government, oil and gas expert Dayo Adeshina told Dialogue Earth. Adeshina was a special adviser to former Nigerian Vice President Yemi Osibanjo.
The situation has revealed a need to diversify, says Fikayo Akeredolu, a senior research associate in Climate Policy and Justice at the University of Bristol. “African countries are asking what else they can do investment-wise to buffer themselves from geopolitical uncertainty,” she says.
The war in the Gulf has also increased interest in African oil and gas in the global market. Demand is coming from Asia, said Wale Tinubu, group chief executive of Nigerian oil and gas company Oando, in May 2026. India, for example, has increased imports from Nigeria, Angola and Latin American sources. African sources have also become more attractive for some consumers like Chinese companies seeking to buy from non-sanctioned sources as opposed to Iran. Additionally, there has been increased inter-African trade in oil, says Adeshina, particularly to countries like South Africa.
In response, crude oil output in some African countries has increased, reports the International Energy Agency. Although it notes that these increases are marginal compared to the loss of Gulf oil in the global market.
Some governments are reaping the financial rewards. This is the case for Angola, Africa’s second largest oil exporter, says Flavio Inocencio, a lecturer at Angola’s Agostinho Neto University. He highlights the country’s dependence on oil exports, which contribute in excess of 60% of the state budget and 30% of total GDP. Most of Angola’s exports go to Asian markets like China, India, Japan and South Korea, all of which have historically been highly dependent on Middle Eastern sources. Many of those countries are now looking to Africa to diversify their imports.
Oil and gas risks
“While higher oil prices can provide short-term fiscal benefits for some African producers, they also increase energy and transport costs for many African consumers and import-dependent economies,” Akeredolu told Dialogue Earth.
The current energy crisis has exposed economic vulnerabilities in oil and gas dependence. Yet several countries are still moving forward with multi-billion-dollar gas-to-power projects. These include Nigeria, Senegal, Mozambique and Tanzania, the latter three being new producers.
Several African countries, including Mozambique and Tanzania, are dependent on gas imports from Qatar, whose LNG infrastructure was attacked and partially damaged in March. While no recorded government statements link these countries’ continued commitment to their LNG projects to the attacks, the crisis can make a case for domestic production, especially in countries with low energy-access rates. “Most African countries have an energy access problem,” says Akeredolu. Giving the example of Nigeria, she highlights that “the immediate challenge is providing reliable and affordable energy to millions of people who currently lack access.”
Another side of the gas conversation is exports. All four countries are located to bypass disruptions that have made exports from the Gulf highly risky. This is attractive to markets such as ones in Asia and Europe.
An analysis by the Centre for Energy, Finance and Development cautions against betting on overly ambitious and risky projects, especially export-oriented projects, as the accelerating clean-energy transition may reduce demand in target markets. This risks creating “stranded assets” in African oil and gas sectors, the report authors warn.
The current rush for oil and gas in the continent predates the war in the Gulf. But demand in major markets might be inspiring a push to capture presumed economic benefits before the energy transition completely changes the global energy landscape.
Africa’s oil and gas debate
Africa has contributed little to manmade climate change, accounting for about 3% of historical emissions as of 2024. This has made the idea of fossil-fuel phase-outs controversial. The current energy crisis has added to this by strengthening pro-fossil-fuel narratives. There is also an expectation that these projects will contribute to development through employment and public revenues.
However, evidence from decades of fossil fuels in the continent does not always support this assumption.
Power Shift Africa’s report argues that instead of development, fossil fuels have “contributed to economic vulnerability, inequality, and structural constraints on growth” in the 13 African countries examined.
The authors note that in Africa’s two largest oil producers, Nigeria and Angola, 40% of the population still live in extreme poverty on less than USD 3 per day. They also argue that fossil-fuel production is directly linked to high levels of corruption and environmental harm.
Inocencio from Angola’s Agostinho Neto University says that the trends identified in the report are symptoms of “extractivism”, that is, exploiting natural resources for export.
To Mohamed Adow, director of Power Shift Africa and one of the report’s authors, there is “a danger in Africa becoming locked into another generation of extractive relationships that export wealth while leaving people behind”. He adds that fossil fuels keep African countries tied to global instability.
In contrast, he says, renewables offer a path to energy independence. This may already be beginning to take off. Data from 2025 shows that the continent imported 15 GW of solar panels from China.
The African Union (AU) sees the issue differently, however. Through the African Energy Commission, the AU aims to expand refining and oil products markets across Africa, and positions gas as a means to “advance long-term welfare in relation to … addressing the global threat of climate change and energy transition.” Adeshina echoes this position, labelling gas a “transition fuel”.
The oil and gas crisis triggered by the war on Iran has exposed once again Africa’s vulnerability to global energy shocks. At the same time, the global scramble to identify new sources of oil and gas and the persistently high oil prices have strengthened some of the arguments made for African producer countries to double down on fossil fuels. At stake is the future direction of African development.
“Africa has a right to sustainable development,” says Adow. “[But] not a right to repeat the dirty development pathways that created the climate crisis.”
Facts Only
* NJ Ayuk called for refining and refining in April at an event in Cape Town.
* Disruption in the global energy market triggered unrest, including protests in Kenya and strikes in Mozambique.
* Kenya is 100% reliant on imports for petroleum products.
* Diesel prices increased nearly 25% in April and again in May in Kenya.
* Eight of the twelve countries with fossil-fuel imports costing over 10% of GDP are in Africa, according to Power Shift Africa.
* Low refining capacity means African oil producers export most oil in crude form.
* East African countries are discussing a joint oil refinery in Tanga, Tanzania, for the East African Crude Oil Pipeline.
* Ghana plans for a “Petroleum Hub” to refine up to 900,000 barrels per day.
* Nigeria's government prioritizes increasing local production and refining.
* Demand from Asia has increased interest in African oil and gas sources.
* Crude oil output in some African countries has increased, according to the International Energy Agency.
* Angola's oil exports contribute over 60% of its state budget and 30% of total GDP.
* Nigeria, Senegal, Mozambique, and Tanzania are involved in gas-to-power projects.
Executive Summary
The conflict in the Gulf is prompting a re-evaluation of energy transitions and dependency across Africa, leading to economic uncertainty reflected in unrest and strikes in countries like Kenya and Mozambique. Energy importers are particularly vulnerable; for instance, Kenya experienced significant diesel price increases following market disruptions. A report indicates that eight of the twelve global fossil-fuel importing nations with high import costs are in Africa. Low refining capacity on the continent means African oil producers often export crude, increasing their vulnerability to price volatility. This situation is prompting a shift toward prioritizing local oil and gas production and refining as a way to reduce dependency on external sources.
Several African nations are pursuing large-scale projects for local processing and production, such as a proposed joint oil refinery in Tanga, Tanzania, and Ghana's plan for a Petroleum Hub. Demand from global markets, including Asia, has increased interest in African oil and gas, with some consumers seeking non-sanctioned sources outside of the Gulf. While some producers anticipate short-term fiscal benefits from higher oil prices, this situation also increases costs for import-dependent economies. The conversation is complicated by the simultaneous acceleration of renewable energy rollouts across the continent.
Full Take
The narrative pivots between the immediate risk posed by geopolitical energy shocks and the long-term structural challenges of resource dependency in Africa. The calls for local refining and production emerge directly from acute vulnerability—exposed by Gulf instability—but this pivot must be assessed against competing developmental pathways, particularly the accelerating clean-energy transition. The focus on export-oriented infrastructure projects, while addressing immediate security concerns, risks creating "stranded assets" if global demand shifts rapidly toward renewables, suggesting a potential trap where short-term revenue generation overshadows sustainable energy architecture.
Furthermore, there is an underlying tension between extractive resource management and genuine economic diversification. While increased oil and gas revenues offer fiscal benefits for producers like Angola, the analysis from Power Shift Africa suggests that fossil fuel extraction has historically contributed to inequality and structural constraints rather than broad development. This raises a critical question: does pursuing large-scale infrastructure projects aimed at securing export routes inadvertently perpetuate the "extractivism" pattern, locking African economies into dependency on global demand rather than fostering true energy independence? The divergence between national ambitions for self-sufficiency (refining) and the systemic critique of fossil fuel economics suggests that agency hinges not just on production capacity, but on aligning these projects with goals of equitable wealth distribution and climate resilience.
What mechanisms are in place to ensure that investments spurred by current volatility—such as gas-to-power projects or export hubs—do not merely serve as a mechanism for exporting resource wealth rather than internalizing sustainable development? If the focus remains on capturing immediate market benefits from oil and gas, how is the counter-argument of renewable energy access and true energy sovereignty being weighted against short-term fiscal gains in shaping Africa's long-term trajectory?
Sentinel — Human
The text presents a well-structured analysis that synthesizes geopolitical energy events with long-standing structural issues in African energy policy, leaning heavily on expert commentary rather than pure data presentation.
