The U.S. military inquiry into the so-called Havana syndrome, the mysterious illness claimed by a litany of American intelligence officers, is tapping a controversial contractor: a private surveillance firm that once boasted of its ability to stalk American intelligence officers.
Documents obtained by The Intercept through a Freedom of Information Act request reveal that technology from the Virginia-based startup Anomaly 6 has been used to assist the “Anomalous Health Incidents Cross Functional Team,” the Pentagon’s official Havana syndrome investigatory task force. That group studies a cluster of strange symptoms claimed by personnel from U.S. spy agencies, the State Department, and elsewhere in the federal government.
In 2022, The Intercept revealed that Anomaly 6 had used a provocative demonstration of its surveillance prowess in a closed-door business pitch. The company, which purchases bulk cellular location data harvested from millions of unwitting smartphone users around the world, showed a potential customer that its data stores were so vast and accurate that it could pinpoint the movements of employees of both the CIA and NSA, tracking them as they commuted between their homes and their respective agencies headquarters. It was a remarkable demonstration of the advanced capabilities of private sector surveillance brokers, who lean on unscrupulous smartphone apps and advertisers that indiscriminately share and sell users’ location data.
For any military, the appeal of this technology is obvious, and the Pentagon has used commercial device tracking for years. Although Anomaly 6 previously marketed its wares by showing how it could spy on fellow Americans, the pitch also showed how the company could track a foreign adversary’s naval assets abroad, for example.
It’s not clear on what basis the U.S. Air Force Concepts, Development, and Management Office chose Anomaly 6 for its Havana syndrome investigation; federal records note the contract is worth nearly $6 million and set to run through September.
Anomaly 6 and the Air Force did not respond to a request for comment.
The Air Force redacted most of the document before releasing it to The Intercept, providing only fragments of information about how Anomaly 6 is help investigate “anomalous health incidents.” The contract, described in public procurement records as Project Yellowfin, notes that the Anomalous Health Incidents Cross-Functional Team will make use of the company’s “expertise in location intelligence” to “identify actors and activities of interest,” and that the “Contractor shall produce data visualization products capable of being utilized as stand-alone brief materials by decision-makers and senior leaders. These products will enable briefers to highlight geographical distribution, temporal patterns, patterns of life, and interconnectivity of events and actors.”
This reference to actors of interest may relate to the intensely held belief by Havana syndrome patients that their suffering is due to a covert energy-based attack by a foreign government. In its 2022 pitch, Anomaly 6 singled out its ability to track the movements of Chinese and Russian military personnel, both countries that have been implicated in hypothesized Havana syndrome schemes.
Last year, the U.S. intelligence community released a report that stated most of its constituent agencies believe it is highly unlikely the symptoms are the result of actions by a national adversary.
When asked if Anomaly 6 location data had been used to investigate this proposed nexus or contributed to the intelligence report, the Air Force did not respond. In February, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announced the reorganization of the Anomalous Health Incidents Cross-Functional Team, now a division of the Office of the Undersecretary of War for Research and Engineering, helmed by former Uber executive Emil Michael. Michael’s office did not respond to a request for comment.
IT’S EVEN WORSE THAN WE THOUGHT.
What we’re seeing right now from Donald Trump is a full-on authoritarian takeover of the U.S. government.
This is not hyperbole.
Court orders are being ignored. MAGA loyalists have been put in charge of the military and federal law enforcement agencies. The Department of Government Efficiency has stripped Congress of its power of the purse. News outlets that challenge Trump have been banished or put under investigation.
Yet far too many are still covering Trump’s assault on democracy like politics as usual, with flattering headlines describing Trump as “unconventional,” “testing the boundaries,” and “aggressively flexing power.”
The Intercept has long covered authoritarian governments, billionaire oligarchs, and backsliding democracies around the world. We understand the challenge we face in Trump and the vital importance of press freedom in defending democracy.
We’re independent of corporate interests. Will you help us?
IT’S BEEN A DEVASTATING year for journalism — the worst in modern U.S. history.
We have a president with utter contempt for truth aggressively using the government’s full powers to dismantle the free press. Corporate news outlets have cowered, becoming accessories in Trump’s project to create a post-truth America. Right-wing billionaires have pounced, buying up media organizations and rebuilding the information environment to their liking.
In this most perilous moment for democracy, The Intercept is fighting back. But to do so effectively, we need to grow.
That’s where you come in. Will you help us expand our reporting capacity in time to hit the ground running in 2026?
We’re independent of corporate interests. Will you help us?
I’M BEN MUESSIG, The Intercept’s editor-in-chief. It’s been a devastating year for journalism — the worst in modern U.S. history.
We have a president with utter contempt for truth aggressively using the government’s full powers to dismantle the free press. Corporate news outlets have cowered, becoming accessories in Trump’s project to create a post-truth America. Right-wing billionaires have pounced, buying up media organizations and rebuilding the information environment to their liking.
In this most perilous moment for democracy, The Intercept is fighting back. But to do so effectively, we need to grow.
That’s where you come in. Will you help us expand our reporting capacity in time to hit the ground running in 2026?
We’re independent of corporate interests. Will you help us?
Latest Stories
Targeting Iran
Iran Claims to Kill 3 U.S. Service Members in Kuwait
The Pentagon said there were “zero reports” of deaths over the weekend — then announced a new death on Monday.
Midterms 2026
Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand Wants to Save Crypto — But Trump Windfall Is a Political Obstacle
Centrist Democrats in the Senate criticize Trump’s newfound billions, while working to boost the industry that enabled his grift.
Israel’s War on Gaza
Armed Israeli Settlers Detained Ro Khanna. He Wants Their Illegal Outposts Demolished.
In an interview, Khanna recounts the fear at being detained and says anyone who visits the West Bank “would conclude that it is apartheid.”
Facts Only
* The U.S. military is inquiring into the Havana syndrome.
* The inquiry involves a private surveillance firm named Anomaly 6.
* Anomaly 6 technology was used to assist the "Anomalous Health Incidents Cross Functional Team," a Pentagon task force.
* The group studies symptoms claimed by personnel from U.S. spy agencies and the State Department.
* Anomaly 6 demonstrated its ability to track the movements of CIA and NSA employees in a pitch.
* The company purchases bulk cellular location data from global users.
* The contract for this work is called Project Yellowfin and is worth nearly $6 million, set to run through September.
* The contractor's role involves using location intelligence to identify actors and activities of interest.
* Anomaly 6 highlighted its ability to track Chinese and Russian military personnel in a prior pitch.
Executive Summary
Full Take
The nexus between private sector surveillance capabilities and government health investigations raises significant questions about the boundaries of government oversight and the potential use of advanced tracking technologies. The involvement of a contractor specializing in location intelligence, which has publicly demonstrated tracking capabilities against both domestic and foreign entities, suggests a potential pathway for linking anomalous health claims to specific geographic or kinetic activities. The pattern emerging is the commodification and potential weaponization of ubiquitous location data, moving from commercial applications to defense-related investigations without clear public accountability established at the outset. This dynamic forces an examination of who controls the interpretation of geospatial data when applied to sensitive intelligence matters.
What mechanisms exist to ensure that technologies marketed for general surveillance are not repurposed to investigate health phenomena, and what are the consequences for privacy when location tracking expertise becomes a tool within high-level military investigations? How can the public discern legitimate investigative necessity from potential overreach in the use of proprietary data sets by government bodies?