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The UN says pooled funds are a tool to fund grassroots aid at scale. But local humanitarian groups appear to be sidelined in early allocations using a much-interrogated injection of US cash.
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Today: Where US pooled fund cash isn’t going, “reset” hurdles, and what HNPW says about humanitarianism’s crossroads.
On the radar |
Humanitarians descended on Geneva to tackle the catastrophes of 2026 armed with the reform solutions of 2016.
The wordy Humanitarian Networks and Partnerships Week(s) conference wrapped three days of in-person meetings and panels last week, set against the backdrop of the unfolding crises in the Middle East and stark budget cuts.
HNPW is part science fair, part trade show, and – in the rubble of last year’s budget destruction – part makeshift summit for a shrinking international humanitarian system. A few recurrent themes cutting across nearly 300 (!) sessions: navigating the consequences of the so-called “humanitarian reset” led by UN relief chief Tom Fletcher, “hyper-prioritised” responses and who they leave behind, local humanitarian leadership, money and power, safety and trust, AI and emerging risks.
Across achingly polite panels, you can see different visions of humanitarianism inching apart in real time. Down one fork of the road: the conventional international aid sector (or “the Fletcher-led system”, as one attendee labelled it) – slimmer, but still commanding billions in increasingly inflexible funding from a slate of increasingly political donor governments. On another path: visions of alternate humanitarianisms often name-checked but never fully embraced by the conventional system – civil society and local leadership, participatory decision-making, community responses and mutual aid.
Ripples in the pool: You see signs of this tension in the brewing hubbub over the country-based pooled funds (CBPFs) run by the UN’s humanitarian coordination arm, OCHA. Fletcher has touted these collective donor funding buckets as a lever for locally driven aid – they were dishing a growing share of cash to local groups. But new US funding allocations from that $2 billion announced in late December appear to be destined almost entirely for big agencies, several sources told us.
- Excluded: From funds in Haiti and Myanmar to Ethiopia, South Sudan, and elsewhere, several humanitarians say early allocations are mostly earmarked for UN agencies like the World Food Programme or UNICEF, or for big international NGOs. “We have been excluded,” said a member of a civil society network in Myanmar, who is familiar with the pooled fund discussions in their country. Another described an allocation for a CBPF in another country where funding for local groups amounted to 3.75%. “It’s pretty appalling,” they said. Some said there’s minimal discussion for country-level advisory boards meant to input on how funding is divided. Others told us the proposals are discussed, but are seen as more or less preordained.
- Why: The implied reason: The US cash is time-limited and must be spent within six months from a mid-March start date. “They’re just coming to advisory boards and saying these are the allocations. It’s predetermined… who will get the funding,” said one humanitarian familiar with the discussions. “The excuse is short-term, and they need to spend the funding.” In some cases, few local organisations had been vetted to receive funds, limiting the potential applicants, said another aid worker.
- Why pooled funds: To Fletcher, these collective donor funding pots are a tool to speed up (and localise) funding, and a key plank of his reset. To others, they’re one of many possible options at best; or worse: a misguided push that concentrates funding through a single, flawed gatekeeper. The divide came to a head when Fletcher struck his December deal – with little to no input from other agencies – that would steer an initial $2 billion and possibly all future US humanitarian money through pooled funds. That deal became more complicated when the US announced that its discriminatory “global gag rule” would cover all foreign aid funding.
- What OCHA says: We sent questions about this to OCHA spokespeople, who didn’t get back to us before publication. Generally, Fletcher has said that funding from other donors will balance whatever restrictions the US ties to its aid. But in the case of many of the pooled funds, US cash now dominates. In Myanmar, for example, US money represents 99.3% of total funds in 2026, according to CBPF data accessed 13 March.
Localisation and the reset: US cash and the pooled funds are another sign of the tension between a stated pledge of Fletcher’s reset – to localise aid – and the economics of a system hardwired for expansion and incentivised against change.
- Transitions: Some of this is seen in how international humanitarians downsize and “transition”. In theory, it should be a smooth handoff to national counterparts. In practice, it can mean haphazard shuttering after years of underfunding and underplanning. “We have cases where OCHA has been closing offices in some areas, handing over to local and national NGOs but without any resources,” Jonas Habimana, executive director at Congolese NGO BIFERD, said during a panel. Similarly, the reset has marked Colombia as a country in “transition”, but the money still flows the same way. “The donors are talking about a transition but the resources are still being sent to international intermediaries,” said Pedro Niño Sequera, executive director of Fundación Apoyar in Colombia. “And they retain the power of decision-making.”
- Clusters: Elsewhere, “reset” pledges to elevate local knowhow in UN-organised coordination can hit roadblocks. Anna Tazita Samuel, executive director at Women for Change in South Sudan, said her organisation is essentially “competing” against a big INGO for a coordination leadership role, but can’t afford to match a coordinator’s salary. “Are we able to be in that space? It means that, literally, the reset is trying to silence us. Our voices will not be in so many spaces,” she said.
BTW: This year’s iteration of HNPW featured the return of a keynote session, but this time, no awkward Slido polls and no stage time for companies named in UN genocide reports.
Acronymage |
If nothing else, HNPW is a treasure trove for acronyms and abbreviations in search of a decoder. Here are three:
GSLSCC: A cluster is born. HNPW saw the public debut of the new reset-sparked cluster, the Global Shelter, Land, and Site Coordination Cluster. This was created by smooshing three previous clusters together. Related: a press release only a humanitarian could understand.
HOPES: This conceptually dicey acronym shortens Humanitarian Opportunities: Protect, Engage, and Stand For.
IASC IAHE SG: The Inter-Agency Humanitarian Evaluations Steering Group of the Inter-Agency Standing Committee used HNPW to discuss this report. Fittingly, it’s sort of an evaluation of all its evaluations.
Data points |
The United States was not a major contributor to UN-run pooled funds. Then came December’s surprise deal with OCHA:
OCHA has been touting its pooled funds as a lever to fund local aid. Some funds were giving a growing share of their money to local organisations, officials said. But the US funding injection now changes the math: If US funding dominates, then OCHA can no longer sell CBPFs as a lever of localisation based on percentages alone.
Fletcher, his “reset”, and the wider humanitarian system may have to find more genuine ways to meet their localisation promises.
Overheard |
A trend at one early HNPW session: Attendees announcing that they did not speak on behalf of their organisation before launching into questions or comments. In a similar vein, here is a smattering of soundbites overheard at HNPW, stripped of context and attribution:
“Defending principled humanitarian action too often means doing things as they were.”
“As international as possible, as local as necessary.”
“You cannot really count on us to be the disruptive element and push for change.”
“The reform will only succeed if all actors accept a gradual redistribution of leadership.”
“I couldn’t agree with you more.”
“We don’t want to listen to people, because it challenges us too much.“
“We are trying.”
Have any tips, recommendations, or indecipherable acronyms to share with the Inklings newsletter? Get in touch: [email protected]
Facts Only
The UN’s country-based pooled funds (CBPFs) are managed by OCHA to distribute humanitarian aid.
A $2 billion U.S. funding injection was announced in December 2025, with allocations beginning in March 2026.
Early allocations from these funds in countries like Haiti, Myanmar, Ethiopia, and South Sudan are reportedly going primarily to UN agencies (e.g., WFP, UNICEF) and large international NGOs.
A civil society network member in Myanmar stated local groups were excluded from pooled fund discussions.
In one country, local organizations received only 3.75% of a CBPF allocation.
The U.S. funding must be spent within six months of the mid-March 2026 start date.
Some local organizations were not vetted to receive funds, limiting their access.
The U.S. funding represents 99.3% of Myanmar’s CBPF in 2026.
Humanitarian Networks and Partnerships Week (HNPW) took place in Geneva, featuring discussions on localization, donor restrictions, and aid system reforms.
UN relief chief Tom Fletcher’s "humanitarian reset" aims to localize aid but faces criticism for maintaining traditional power structures.
Local leaders in South Sudan and Colombia reported challenges in securing funding and decision-making roles despite transition rhetoric.
OCHA did not respond to requests for comment before publication.
Executive Summary
Full Take
The strongest version of this narrative highlights a systemic tension: while the humanitarian sector publicly champions localization, structural incentives—donor restrictions, bureaucratic inertia, and power imbalances—perpetuate a top-down model. The article credibly documents how U.S. funding, despite its scale, reinforces existing hierarchies, with local groups marginalized in both funding and governance. The six-month spending deadline exemplifies how urgency can override equity, a pattern seen in other aid crises where speed trumps sustainability.
**Patterns detected: ARC-0024 Ambiguity (vague promises of "localization" without structural change), ARC-0043 Motte-and-Bailey (defending "principled humanitarian action" while resisting disruption).**
Root cause: The aid system’s reliance on large donors and institutions creates path dependency. Localization rhetoric clashes with the reality that donors prioritize accountability to their own governments over recipient autonomy. The U.S. funding’s dominance in pooled funds mirrors historical patterns where major donors shape aid delivery to align with geopolitical or bureaucratic priorities, not grassroots needs.
Implications: Human dignity suffers when local voices are sidelined. The cost is borne by communities who understand their contexts best but lack resources to compete with international NGOs. Second-order effects include eroded trust in aid systems and missed opportunities for sustainable solutions.
Bridge questions: If localization is the goal, what mechanisms could ensure local groups have real decision-making power, not just token representation? How might donors balance urgency with equity in funding? What would a truly decentralized humanitarian system look like?
Counterstrike scan: A coordinated influence campaign would exploit the gap between rhetoric and reality to undermine trust in aid systems, framing localization as a failed ideal. The article does not match this pattern; it critically examines systemic flaws without dismissing the possibility of reform. The focus on structural barriers, not individual actors, aligns with principled skepticism.
Sentinel — Human
The article exhibits strong human stylistic markers, including erratic sentence structure, editorial voice, and idiosyncratic humor, with no significant signs of synthetic generation.
