The movement had been riding high off a string of primary victories this cycle. But Francesca Hong’s loss Wednesday led to an immediate round of finger-pointing.
08/12/2026 03:54 AM EDT
After hot DSA summer comes the fall.
Democratic socialist Francesca Hong’s stunning loss in Wisconsin’s Democratic gubernatorial primary Tuesday night revealed limits to the far left’s power — and is undercutting the narrative of an emerging insurgency.
While progressive Peggy Flanagan cruised by 20 points in Minnesota’s Senate primary, and last week the further left Abdul El-Sayed squeaked through his Senate race in Michigan, Hong, the furthest left of the three, received no major national support and fell short.
For a movement that had been riding high off a string of primary victories this cycle, including the Democratic Socialists of America’s recent wins in New York and Colorado, the deflating Wisconsin result led to an immediate round of finger-pointing on the far left. Some dyed-in-the-wool democratic socialists blamed fellow travelers who didn’t join the effort to boost Hong. More institutional-leaning progressives argued that she was a fatally flawed candidate with a long string of gaffes — and that her loss shouldn’t be read as a referendum on the broader movement.
“She got clobbered by the national media, didn’t respond as deftly as Abdul and didn’t have time to build a counter-narrative,” said Cenk Uygur, the Young Turks founder and Justice Democrats co-founder. “The negative publicity of the last two weeks seems to have taken its toll.”
Some mainline progressives sought to distinguish far-left democratic socialism from a broader movement, citing examples such as Wisconsin Sen. Tammy Baldwin (D-Wis), a progressive who has won statewide by focusing on kitchen table issues, health care and the state’s agricultural economy — all while refraining from the so-called woke battles.
“I wouldn’t equate progressive and DSA,” said one Wisconsin Democratic operative, granted anonymity to speak candidly. The person added of a democratic socialist’s outlook in Wisconsin ahead of 2028: “I do think there is a ceiling at this point.”
Baldwin, notably, did not endorse in the primary — nor did other top Wisconsin progressives including Rep. Mark Pocan (D-Wis.), a former co-chair of the House Progressive Caucus.
The movement’s leading national voices, Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.), also kept Hong at arm’s length and withheld their endorsements. Some who viewed Hong as a long shot in the general election and want the movement to avoid missteps like they saw with Graham Platner in Maine say the results proved those concerns were well founded.
“Bernie, AOC, and most national groups stayed out,” said a progressive Democratic strategist, granted anonymity to speak candidly. “Abdul El-Sayed was a great foot forward, Graham Platner was not, and we didn’t need our political reputation hanging on this race.”
“There’s a reason the institutional left mostly stayed away,” said a Democratic operative who works on progressive campaigns, granted anonymity to speak candidly. “The people who made those calls are relieved.”
Hong’s surprise flop drew attention on the left away from their biggest win of the night, where the Sanders-backed Flanagan — a solid progressive but not a democratic socialist — easily defeated moderate Rep. Angie Craig in the Minnesota Senate primary. A progressive won a primary in the seat to replace Craig, while the Sanders-backed Rebecca Cooke won a primary for Wisconsin’s swingy third district.
One donor adviser who works with progressive candidates around the country said Hong’s loss is a “good thing for the movement,” because it shows there is voter appetite for progressive ideas — but that candidate quality still matters, especially in a battleground.
“This is a far better outcome, and says that it is so close that a progressive who doesn’t say the dumbest shit in the world, [like] Thanksgiving should not exist, would have won,” the donor adviser said.
But others blame Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez for sitting out the race, arguing their involvement could’ve gotten Hong comfortably over the finish line.
Other DSA rising stars including Melat Kiros and Chris Rabb, who had spent other recent primary days campaigning in states like Michigan and Colorado, also skipped Wisconsin.
“This movement will fail if we see more letdowns at the critical moment, like we saw in this race,” said popular socialist voice Nathan J. Robinson, editor-in-chief of the leftist magazine Current Affairs. “Especially if AOC wants to be taken seriously as a national leader of the left movement, she needs to actually support the candidates out there who have a chance to notch victories.”
Sanders’ and Ocasio-Cortez’s teams did not respond to requests for comment.
Some in the movement looked to downplay Hong’s showing as more of a stumble than a turning point, noting that a first-time statewide candidate came within a few thousand votes of sitting Gov. Tony Evers’ hand-picked favorite in a battleground state.
They also noted Hong had her margins cut down in key strongholds by a fellow progressive who didn’t heed calls to drop out of the race. State Sen. Kelda Roys pulled over 7 percent of the vote.
Organizers watched a national volunteer army flood neighboring Michigan just a week earlier to help El-Sayed grind out a surprisingly close race. To them, the contrast with Wisconsin — where Hong was largely left to fend for herself down the stretch — was hard to ignore.
“Wisconsin being this close is very frustrating because folks like AOC and Bernie Sanders stayed out. If they just did one rally in Wisconsin for Hong, that would have probably wrapped it up for her,” said Deep Singh Badhesha, a DSA political operative who campaigned in past primary states.
Our Revolution, the progressive group founded out of Sanders’ 2016 campaign that is no longer associated with him, offered a veiled jab at the progressives that didn’t publicly support Hong — including, seemingly, their original founder who sat out the race.
“We cannot build progressive power while gatekeeping our own movement through the eyes of the establishment,” the group said on X. “Solidarity cannot be something we practice only after someone has proven they can win without us.”
Facts Only
* Francesca Hong lost the Wisconsin Democratic gubernatorial primary on Wednesday.
* The loss occurred after a period of primary victories for the movement.
* Peggy Flanagan won by 20 points in the Minnesota Senate primary.
* Abdul El-Sayed won his Senate race in Michigan the previous week.
* Francesca Hong received no major national support and fell short in the Wisconsin primary.
* Some democratic socialists blamed fellow travelers who did not join the effort to boost Hong.
* Institutional-leaning progressives argued Hong was a flawed candidate with gaffes.
* Senator Bernie Sanders and Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez withheld endorsements of Hong.
* A donor adviser suggested the loss showed voter appetite for progressive ideas but emphasized candidate quality matters in battleground states.
* State Senator Kelda Roys pulled over 7 percent of the vote in Wisconsin.
Executive Summary
Francesca Hong's loss in the Wisconsin Democratic gubernatorial primary revealed limitations to the far left's power, contrasting with recent primary victories experienced by some progressive candidates. While the movement had momentum from recent wins in New York and Colorado, Hong's performance received little national support. Some die-in-the-wool democratic socialists blamed fellow travelers who did not support her campaign. Other institutional-leaning progressives suggested Hong was a flawed candidate whose loss should not be seen as a referendum on the broader movement.
Leading national voices, including Senator Bernie Sanders and Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, did not endorse Hong, keeping her at arm's length. Some strategists felt that the lack of endorsement from these figures reflected concerns about risk, especially given past experiences in other races. The loss drew attention away from a primary victory involving Peggy Flanagan, who cruised by a significant margin in Minnesota. While some donor advisers viewed the result as positive evidence of voter appetite for progressive ideas, others blamed national figures for not supporting Hong adequately.
Full Take
The narrative surrounding the recent primary results reveals a tension between the momentum of specific, highly energized subgroups within the progressive movement and the broader consensus required for national traction. The disparity between local wins, such as Flanagan’s success in Minnesota, and Hong’s performance highlights how localized focus can generate internal success while external scrutiny exposes systemic vulnerabilities. The division among progressives—between those focused on policy (like kitchen-table issues) and those focused on the movement's narrative versus specific candidates—suggests an underlying fragmentation regarding what constitutes legitimate progressive action.
The reluctance of national figures like Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez to endorse Hong suggests a self-imposed constraint, possibly related to managing electoral risks or defining the parameters of acceptable political association. This dynamic introduces a critical question: when a movement seeks to scale its influence nationally, does adherence to an internally defined narrative supersede the strategic need for broad coalition building? The differing reactions from within the progressive sphere—blaming fellow travelers versus focusing on candidate quality—illustrates how internal friction can become a mechanism for deflection rather than unified strategy. Furthermore, the concluding sentiment from some socialist voices suggests that national leadership requires active support of viable candidates to establish legitimacy; failing to do so risks creating a dependency where external validation is necessary for internal success, which itself creates the very dynamic of blame observed in this outcome.
What criteria should define the successful manifestation of progressive goals: maximizing localized victory momentum, or achieving broad, unifying national consensus? If institutional leaders remain detached, what does this imply about the relationship between on-the-ground political reality and centralized ideological positioning? And if the movement requires internal solidarity to achieve external power, how can groups ensure that demands for unity are not perceived as gatekeeping against those who operate outside the central structure?
Sentinel — Human
The text reads as a human-written analysis that effectively synthesizes conflicting reactions to a political event, providing contextual depth rather than simple reporting.
